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Home Court filings Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County Memorandum in Support of Motion for TRO — PA Voters Alliance v. Centre County (M.D. Pa.)

Court filing

Memorandum in Support of Motion for TRO — PA Voters Alliance v. Centre County (M.D. Pa.)

Filed September 28, 2020 in Pennsylvania Voters Alliance v. Centre County; one of 21 filings from this case.

Record facts

CourtU.S. District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania
Filed2020-09-28

U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania · No. 4:20-cv-01761-MWB · Doc. 5 · 2020-09-28 · Docket on CourtListener

Full text

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 
MIDDLE DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 
Pennsylvania Voters Alliance, Stephanie 
Borowicz, Kristine Eng, Theodore A. 
Dannerth, Eric Kroner, Eric Nelson, Daryl 
Metcalfe, Dawn Wetzel Keefer, Russ 
Diamond, Chris Dush, Jim Gregory, Francis 
Ryan, Michael Harvey, David Torres, Dasha 
Pruett,  
 
 
 
 
Plaintiffs, 
vs. 
 
Centre County, Delaware County, and the 
City of Philadelphia, 
 
 
 
 
Defendant. 
 
 
Civil Action No.: 
4:20−CV−01761−MWB 
Hon. Matthew W. Brann 
 
 
 
 
 
Memorandum in Support of Plaintiffs’ 
Motion for a Temporary Restraining 
Order 
 
 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
Table of Authorities ........................................................................................................................... iii 
Statement of Facts ............................................................................................................................... 1 
The Defendant sought and obtained private federal election grant moneys 
to conduct federal elections. .......................................................................................................... 1 
I. 
CTCL’s 2020 private federal elections grant application process. ..............................2 
II. CTCL’s 2020 private federal election grants have gone to local 
governments with demographics showing progressive voting 
patterns............................................................................................................................2 
Argument .............................................................................................................................................. 7 
Plaintiffs are entitled to a temporary restraining order. ................................................................. 7 
The Plaintiffs satisfy the factors for a temporary restraining order. ........................................ 7 
I. 
The Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on the merits. ...............................................................7 
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ii 
A. The acceptance of private moneys to conduct federal elections lends to 
the prospect of undue influence on a core public government 
responsibility funded through federal and state appropriations. .....................................7 
B. The PVA has a private cause of action and legal standing. .............................................9 
1. The Supremacy Clause provides a citizen’s private cause of action 
and legal standing to bring preemption lawsuits against local 
governments regarding federal elections. ....................................................................9 
2. HAVA, 52 U.S.C. § 21112, confers a private cause of action and 
legal standing to bring preemption lawsuits against local 
governments with regard to federal elections. ..........................................................10 
3. The government favoring progressive demographic groups in 
elections causes injury to Plaintiffs who favor non-progressive 
candidates. ...................................................................................................................11 
C. The Cities’ CTCL private federal election grants are within a subject 
area, federal elections, where public-private partnerships are 
constitutionally impermissible..........................................................................................12 
D. The Counties’ and City’s acceptance of CTCL’s $14 million in grants is 
preempted by federal law. ................................................................................................14 
1. U.S. Constitution’s Elections Clause and Supremacy Clause 
preempt CTCL’s private federal election grants to local 
governments. ...............................................................................................................15 
2. Help America Vote Act (HAVA) preempts CTCL’s private federal 
election grants to local governments. ........................................................................16 
3. The National Voters Registration Act (NVRA) preempts CTCL’s 
private federal election grants to local governments. ...............................................17 
II. 
The moving party will suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction. ............................18 
III. The harm to other interested parties is little or none if the relief is 
granted. .................................................................................................................................20 
IV. The public interest is aided by the preliminary injunction. ...............................................21 
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 22 
 
 
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iii 
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES 
Cases 
Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780 (1983) ....................................................................................... 8 
Board of Education of Kiryas Joel Village School District v. Grumet, 512 U.S. 687 
(1994) .............................................................................................................................................. 13 
Christian Legal Soc'y v. Walker, 453 F.3d 853 (7th Cir. 2006) ......................................................... 20 
Citizens for Resp. and Ethics in Washington v. Fed. Election Commn., 316 F. Supp. 3d 
349 (D.D.C. 2018) ........................................................................................................................... 8 
Citizens United v. Fed. Election Commn., 558 U.S. 310 (2010) ............................................................ 8 
Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S. 347 (1976) .................................................................................................. 19 
Ferguson v. City of Charleston, 532 U.S. 67 (U.S. 2001) ..................................................................... 13 
Ferring Pharm., Inc. v. Watson Pharm., Inc., 765 F.3d 205 (3d Cir. 2014) ......................................... 7 
In re Nomination Papers of Carlson, 60 Pa.Cmwlth. 170, 430 A.2d 1210 (1981) ............................ 14 
Issa v. School District of Lancaster, 847 F.3d 121 (3d Cir. 2017) ......................................................... 7 
League of Women Voters of N. Carolina v. North Carolina, 769 F.3d 224 (4th Cir. 
2014) ................................................................................................................................................ 20 
League of Women Voters v. Blackwell, 340 F.Supp.2d 823 (N.D. Ohio 2004) .................................. 9 
Obama for Am. v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423 (6th Cir. 2012) ................................................................. 19 
Pennsylvania Democratic Party v. Boockvar, 2020 WL 5554644 ............................................................ 8 
Phelps–Roper v. Nixon, 545 F.3d 685 (8th Cir.2008) ....................................................................... 21 
Preston v. Thompson, 589 F.2d 300 (7th Cir. 1978) .......................................................................... 19 
Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006) ................................................................................................. 8 
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ............................................................................................... 18 
Shields v. Zuccarini, 254 F.3d 476 (3d Cir.2001) .................................................................... 7, 20, 21 
Tashjian v. Republican Party of Conn., 479 U.S. 208 (1986) .............................................................. 15 
U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779 (1995) .................................................................. 15 
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U.S. v. Berks County, Pennsylvania, 277 F.Supp.2d 570 (E.D.Pa. 2003) ......................................... 18 
Washington Ass’n of Churches v. Reed, 492 F. Supp. 2d 1264 (W.D. Wash. 2006) ......................... 14 
Williams v. Salerno, 792 F.2d 323 (2d Cir. 1986) ............................................................................. 19 
Young v. Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist., 122 A.3d 784 (Del Ch. 2015) ............................ 11, 12, 19, 21 
Statutes 
25 P.S. § 3046.2 .................................................................................................................................. 11 
52 U.S.C. § 21082 .............................................................................................................................. 18 
52 U.S.C. § 21083 .............................................................................................................................. 18 
52 U.S.C. § 21084 .............................................................................................................................. 18 
52 U.S.C. § 21085 .............................................................................................................................. 18 
52 U.S.C. § 21112 .............................................................................................................................. 10 
52 U.S.C. § 21141 .............................................................................................................................. 18 
Other Authorities 
2020 CARES Act Grant ..................................................................................................................... 3 
Center for Tech and Civic Live” Democratic election operatives masquerading as concerned 
voters’ group, critic says, W.J. Kennedy, Legal Newsline (Aug. 24, 2020) ..................................... 1 
Help America Vote Act ................................................................................................................ 3, 16 
National Voters Registration Act (NVRA), 52 U.S.C. §§ 20501–20511 ............................. 17, 18 
Constitutional Provisions 
U.S. Const., Art. I .......................................................................................................................... 7, 15 
U.S. Const. Art. II ............................................................................................................................... 8 
U.S. Const. Art. VI ........................................................................................................................ 9, 15 
 
 
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The Plaintiffs, based on federal preemption, seek a temporary restraining order 
against the Defendants using private federal election grants.  
Statement of Facts 
The Defendant sought and obtained private federal election grant moneys to 
conduct federal elections. 
 
 
The Defendants sought and received grants from Center of Tech and Civic Life 
totaling over $14,000,000: 
 Centre County -- $863,828 
 Delaware County -- $2,200,000 
 Philadelphia -- $10,016,074 
 
CTCL is a Chicago based non-profit organization1 that received $250 million from 
Mark Zuckerberg (creator of Facebook) and his wife Dr. Priscilla Chan2 to provide funding 
for city and county election officials to perform election operations. CTCL’s mission, in part, 
includes the training of public election officials in communication and technology and to 
inform and mobilize voters.3  
Notably, CTCL can be characterized as a progressive organization.4 While the 
organization seeks to “foster a more informed and engaged democracy, and help[ ] 
modernize elections” with its team of “civic technologists, trainers, researchers, election 
administration and data experts,” it is using millions of dollars to target certain cities in 
                                                 
1 Kaardal Decl. Ex. A-3. 
2 Id. Ex. B-2. 
3 Id. Ex. A-4–5. 
4 A critic of CTCL identified it as a “bunch of Democratic operatives using donations from 
left-of-center groups…” Center for Tech and Civic Live” Democratic election operatives masquerading as 
concerned voters’ group, critic says, W.J. Kennedy, Legal Newsline (Aug. 24, 2020) Kaardal Ex. D.  
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certain states, which have significant progressive voting patterns, with private federal election 
grants for what is normally core government responsibilities—conducting federal 
elections—funded normally with federal and state moneys. 
I. 
CTCL’s 2020 private federal elections grant application process. 
 
On its website, CTCL markets to election offices the federal election grants as 
“COVID-19 response grants”:   
We provide funding to U.S. local election offices to help ensure they have the 
critical resources they need to safely serve every voter in 2020.  
 
CTCL stated that it intends to award $250 million of private federal election grants to local 
election offices for the November 3, 2020 elections. Any U.S. election office that is 
responsible for administering election activities may apply for a private grant through a 
minimal grant application process.5   Minimum grants are $5,000, but the actual amount 
awarded is “based on a formula that considers the citizen voting age population and other 
demographic data of [the] jurisdiction.”6 Further, combined local government applications 
are encouraged for those who share election responsibilities.7  
II. 
CTCL’s 2020 private federal election grants have gone to local governments 
with demographics showing progressive voting patterns. 
The voting patterns of the local governments that CTCL have funded are 
overwhelmingly progressive.  For example, Wayne County, Michigan, voted in 2016 for 
Hilary Clinton at 94.95% rate.  As the chart below shows, CTCL’s private federal election 
grants are targeting cities with demographics showing high rates of progressive voters. 
                                                 
5 Kaardal Decl. Ex. A-5. 
6 Id. A-5. 
7 Id. A-6. 
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Jurisdiction/City 
Grant 
Amount 
(in 
dollars) 
Trump 
2016 
Clinton 
2016 
Clinton 
Percentage 
Green Bay City, WI 
1,093,400 
19,821 
21,291 
51.78% 
Kenosha City, WI 
862,779 
15,829 
22,849 
58.98% 
Madison City, WI 
1,271,788 
23,053 
120,078 
83.89% 
Milwaukee City, WI 
2,154,500 
45,167 
188,653 
80.68% 
Racine City, WI 
942,100 
8,934 
19,029 
68.05% 
Philadelphia City, PA 10,016,074 
108,748 
584,025 
84.30% 
Wayne County, MI-
Detroit 
3,512,000 
7,682 
234,871 
94.95% 
Flint City, MI 
475,625 
4,572 
24,790 
84.42% 
East Lansing, MI 
8,500 
4,147 
13,073 
75.9% 
Lansing, MI 
440,000 
11,219 
32,716 
74.46% 
Minneapolis 
City, 
MN 
3,000,000 
25,693 
174.585 
87.17% 
Fulton County, GA – 
Atlanta 
6,000,000 
110,372 
281,875 
69.2% 
Richland County, SC 
730,000 
52,469 
108,000 
67.2% 
Delaware County, PA 2,200,000 
110,667 
177,402 
61.58% 
Centre County, PA 
863,828 
35,274 
37,088 
50.93% 
 
Meanwhile, Pennsylvania received $14,223,603 for appropriations to support 
programs under the Help America Vote Act.8   The state matching contribution of 
$2,844,721 brought the total to about $17.1 million.9 Another $15,175,567 in federal moneys 
was distributed to Pennsylvania under the 2020 CARES Act Grant.10 The state match was 
$3,035,114—bringing the total to about $18.2 million.11 So, the total federal and state grants 
in Pennsylvania for federal election purposes totaled $35.3 million.  The Secretary of the 
Commonwealth allocated the federal grants to the counties.12  
 
                                                 
8 Kaardal Decl. Ex. F-3 
9 Id.  
10 Kaardal Decl. Ex. G-2. 
11 Id. 
12 Kaardal Decl. Ex. H. 
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2020 Commonwealth Disbursements of Federal Election Grants to Counties 
County 
Election Security Grants CARES Act Grants 
ADAMS 
$55,122.67 
$47,235.33 
ALLEGHENY 
$731,548.78 
$626,873.59 
ARMSTRONG 
$34,271.10 
$29,367.35 
BEAVER 
$89,967.99 
$77,094.73 
BEDFORD 
$26,205.97 
$22,456.23 
BERKS 
$208,993.37 
$179,089.12 
BLAIR 
$61,374.38 
$52,592.50 
BRADFORD 
$29,515.46 
$25,292.17 
BUCKS 
$375,012.49 
$321,353.04 
BUTLER 
$105,268.03 
$90,205.53 
CAMBRIA 
$67,654.72 
$57,974.20 
CAMERON 
$3,750.00 
$3,750.00 
CARBON 
$36,064.90 
$30,904.48 
CENTRE 
$89,411.77 
$76,618.10 
CHESTER 
$291,921.95 
$250,151.69 
CLARION 
$18,900.72 
$16,196.27 
CLEARFIELD 
$37,823.53 
$32,411.47 
CLINTON 
$16,917.16 
$14,496.53 
COLUMBIA 
$31,045.87 
$26,603.60 
CRAWFORD 
$43,550.92 
$37,319.34 
CUMBERLAND 
$145,309.06 
$124,517.21 
DAUPHIN 
$152,642.12 
$130,801.00 
DELAWARE 
$329,614.60 
$282,451.01 
ELK 
$15,599.41 
$13,367.34 
ERIE 
$159,135.12 
$136,364.94 
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FAYETTE 
$62,829.54 
$53,839.44 
FOREST 
$3,750.00 
$3,750.00 
FRANKLIN 
$76,896.09 
$65,893.25 
FULTON 
$7,407.49 
$6,347.58 
GREENE 
$17,683.59 
$15,153.30 
HUNTINGDON 
$21,716.98 
$18,609.56 
INDIANA 
$40,670.86 
$34,851.39 
JEFFERSON 
$24,583.13 
$21,065.60 
JUNIATA 
$11,069.52 
$9,485.62 
LACKAWANNA 
$115,921.21 
$99,334.38 
LANCASTER 
$269,895.79 
$231,277.18 
LAWRENCE 
$44,108.77 
$37,797.38 
LEBANON 
$70,602.66 
$60,500.33 
LEHIGH 
$190,896.71 
$163,581.85 
LUZERNE 
$172,116.23 
$147,488.62 
LYCOMING 
$56,134.50 
$48,102.37 
McKEAN 
$19,552.64 
$16,754.91 
MERCER 
$57,471.05 
$49,247.68 
MIFFLIN 
$20,506.39 
$17,572.19 
MONROE 
$89,529.56 
$76,719.03 
MONTGOMERY 
$466,749.74 
$399,963.87 
MONTOUR 
$10,863.40 
$9,308.98 
NORTHAMPTON 
$173,311.28 
$148,512.67 
NORTHUMBERLAND 
$43,883.83 
$37,604.62 
PERRY 
$22,799.14 
$19,536.88 
PHILADELPHIA 
$878,827.50 
$753,078.62 
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PIKE 
$33,298.54 
$28,533.95 
POTTER 
$8,693.33 
$7,449.43 
SCHUYLKILL 
$69,579.39 
$59,623.48 
SNYDER 
$18,024.68 
$15,445.58 
SOMERSET 
$37,919.23 
$32,493.48 
SULLIVAN 
$3,750.00 
$3,750.00 
SUSQUEHANNA 
$20,760.77 
$17,790.17 
TIOGA 
$20,523.56 
$17,586.91 
UNION 
$19,523.19 
$16,729.68 
VENANGO 
$25,263.67 
$21,648.77 
WARREN 
$24,891.50 
$21,329.85 
WASHINGTON 
$118,426.63 
$101,481.31 
WAYNE 
$27,144.17 
$23,260.19 
WESTMORELAND 
$195,200.84 
$167,270.12 
WYOMING 
$13,990.48 
$11,988.62 
YORK 
$236,610.33 
$202,754.44 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
(REMAINDER OF PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK) 
 
 
 
 
 
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Argument 
Plaintiffs are entitled to a temporary restraining order. 
The Plaintiffs satisfy the factors for a temporary restraining order. 
 
 
A preliminary injunction, inclusive of a temporary restraining order, is an 
extraordinary remedy granted in limited circumstances. Ferring Pharm., Inc. v. Watson Pharm., 
Inc., 765 F.3d 205, 210 (3d Cir. 2014). Those seeking one must establish that (1) they are 
likely to succeed on the merits of their claims, (2) they are likely to suffer irreparable harm 
without relief, (3) the balance of harms favors them, and (4) relief is in the public 
interest. Id. See Issa v. School District of Lancaster, 847 F.3d 121, 131 (3d Cir. 2017); Shields v. 
Zuccarini, 254 F.3d 476, 482 (3d Cir.2001).  The plaintiffs satisfy the requirements for a 
temporary restraining order.  
I. 
The Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on the merits. 
A. The acceptance of private moneys to conduct federal elections lends to 
the prospect of undue influence on a core public government 
responsibility funded through federal and state appropriations.  
 
 
 Congress and state legislatures fund election processes to conduct federal elections 
to support, improve, and implement election systems. Normally, government moneys fund 
federal elections because they are a core government responsibility. Principally, the State has 
the “power to regulate [its] own elections[,]” relying on the constitutional authority for states 
to regulate “[t]he Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and 
Representatives.”  U.S. Const., art. I, § 4. The Elections Clause provides the state with legal 
authority over elections for congressional offices subject to Congressional enactments. 
Similarly, Article II of the United States Constitution governs presidential elections, 
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distributing authority between the states and Congress. U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cls. 2, 4. The 
Electors Clause provides that states appoint presidential electors and Congress determines 
the timing of the election and the day of electoral voting.  
 
Federal election laws create regulatory mechanisms which are designed to deter 
corruption, prevent particular individuals or organizations from having an undue influence 
on federal elections, and assist in enforcement of laws prohibiting foreign contributions in 
federal elections, while also protecting the exercise of political speech so crucial to the 
functioning of this country's vibrant democracy. Citizens for Resp. and Ethics in Washington v. 
Fed. Election Commn., 316 F. Supp. 3d 349, 368 (D.D.C. 2018), aff'd, 971 F.3d 340 (D.C. Cir. 
2020) citing Citizens United v. Fed. Election Commn., 558 U.S. 310, 366–67 (2010).  
  
Hence, the federal government and the states have “important regulatory interests” in 
fair, honest, and orderly elections. See Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780, 788 (1983). Thus, 
the conduct of elections is a core government responsibility of government entities because 
of the public interest in ensuring the fairness and integrity of Pennsylvania’s elections.  
See Pennsylvania Democratic Party v. Boockvar, 2020 WL 5554644, at *32, quoting  Purcell v. 
Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (per curiam).   (Pa.  2020) (“Confidence in the integrity of our 
electoral processes is essential to the functioning of our participatory democracy.”).  Because 
federal elections are a core government responsibility, federal elections are normally funded 
with federal and state moneys. 
 
 HAVA ensures that in the disbursement of federal moneys for federal elections, each 
state receives a proportionate balance based upon specific criteria. The state then uses those 
moneys in a manner directed by law, including in the support of various county, city, town, 
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or village governmental entities which are required to conduct federal elections as a core 
government responsibility.  
 
 But, when private organizations provide grant moneys to specific counties and  cities 
based on favoring demographic groups with progressive voting patterns, there is a conflict 
with the federal scheme. 
B. The PVA has a private cause of action and legal standing. 
 
The PVA13 has a private cause of action and legal standing to seek a pre-election 
injunction against the Cities accepting and using CTCL’s $6.4 million in private federal 
election grants for the November 3 election.  The Supremacy Clause and HAVA confer a 
private cause of action and legal standing. 
1. The Supremacy Clause provides a citizen’s private cause of 
action and legal standing to bring preemption lawsuits 
against local governments regarding federal elections. 
 
 
The Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution, Article VI, clause 2, 
provides a federal jurisdictional basis for a suit brought to enforce the provisions of federal 
election law.  In League of Women Voters v. Blackwell, 340 F.Supp.2d 823 (N.D. Ohio 2004), the 
court held that the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution (U.S. Const. Art. VI, cl. 2) 
provides a basis for federal court jurisdiction of the League’s suit that challenged an election 
official’s actions relating to balloting procedures in federal elections as violative of HAVA, 
which has preemptive effect.  Id. at 827–28  
                                                 
13 For convenience, “PVA” includes all named Plaintiffs unless otherwise specifically 
identified.  
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Similarly, in this case, the Supremacy Clause provides the private cause of action and 
§ 1331 provides federal issue jurisdiction. Like League of Women Voter, the PVA asserts that 
the Cities actions violate a federal law which has preemptive effect. Specifically, the PVA’s 
claim is that federal law preempts the Cities and its officials from accepting their respective 
CTCL’s private federal election grant to conduct federal elections. As a federal preemption 
claim, the Supremacy Clause provides the cause of action and federal jurisdiction. 
2. HAVA, 52 U.S.C. § 21112, confers a private cause of action 
and legal standing to bring preemption lawsuits against 
local governments with regard to federal elections.  
 
HAVA, 52 U.S.C. § 21112, confers upon the PVA a private cause of action and legal 
standing.  It fits the statutory category of “any person who believes that there is a violation 
of any provision of subchapter III (including a violation which has occurred, is occurring, or 
is about to occur).”  As to the PVA’s prospective remedies sought in this Court, HAVA, 52 
U.S.C. § 21112, titled “Establishment of State-based administrative complaint procedures to 
remedy grievances,” guarantees an “appropriate remedy” to “any person who believes that 
there is a violation of any provision of subchapter III (including a violation which has 
occurred, is occurring, or is about to occur)” of HAVA.  Under section (a) of 52 U.S.C. 
§ 21112, Pennsylvania, having received federal HAVA payments, is “required to establish 
and maintain State-based administrative complaint procedures which meet the requirements 
of paragraph (2).”  Paragraph (2), among other things, requires that Pennsylvania provide 
that: 
(F) If, under the procedures, the State determines that there is a violation of 
any provision of subchapter III, the State shall provide the appropriate remedy. 
 
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(Emphasis added.)   
 
However, in this case, 25 P.S. § 3046.2 has failed to provide the federally required 
“appropriate remedy” to “any person who believes that there is… [a HAVA] violation which 
has occurred, is occurring, or is about to occur” because there is effectively no pre-election 
injunctive relief allowed under 25 P.S. § 3046.2. 25 P.S. § 3046.2 is the proverbial “slow boat 
to China” and does not provide the immediate injunctive relief required to stop Philadelphia 
from accepting and using CTCL’s private federal election grants before the November 3, 
2020 election.  25 P.S. § 3046.2 authorizes no one, not even the Pennsylvania Attorney 
General, to pursue injunctive relief for HAVA violations against Pennsylvania’s local 
governments.  25 P.S. § 3046.2 is legally insufficient to satisfy the federal “appropriate 
remedy” requirement for “any person” filing a HAVA complaint in Pennsylvania to obtain 
pre-election injunctive relief.   
3. The government favoring progressive demographic groups 
in elections causes injury to Plaintiffs who favor non-
progressive candidates. 
 
A government’s election policy favoring demographic groups in elections is an 
equivalent injury to disfavoring demographic groups.  “Parity of reasoning suggests that a 
government can violate the Elections Clause if it skews the outcome of an election by 
encouraging and facilitating voting by favored demographic groups.”  Young v. Red Clay 
Consol. Sch. Dist., 122 A.3d 784, 858 (Del Ch. 2015).  Here, the Plaintiffs complain that the 
CTCL’s nationwide federal election grants are skewed towards progressive voters injuring 
the plaintiffs because close elections will be lost by plaintiffs’ favored non-progressive 
candidates because of the Pennsylvania counties and cities favoring progressive demographic 
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groups.  At least one Pennsylvania state election official in 2020 has recognized the danger of 
private federal election grants to our non-partisan elections.14   
C. The Cities’ CTCL private federal election grants are within a 
subject area, federal elections, where public-private partnerships 
are constitutionally impermissible. 
Pennsylvania receives federal moneys.  The Secretary of the Commonwealth 
apportions those moneys to local governments to conduct federal elections.15 But, Centre 
County, Delaware County and Philadelphia chose to seek and accept private moneys from 
CTCL. In receiving the CTCL’s grants of more than $14 million in grants, they created a 
public-private relationship, privatizing in part, the conduct of federal elections.  
Young v. Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist., 122 A.3d 784, 858 (Del. Ch. 2015) reveals the 
dangers of a government scheme to target get-out-to-vote efforts on a favored demographic 
group.  The school district wanted its referendum to pass; so, it targeted parents of school 
children and adult students for a get-out-to-vote campaign. In the Young decision, the court 
identified the school district’s scheme to get-out-the-vote of the parents and adult students 
as also violating election law.  The court held that the school district’s improper influence 
upon a demographic group interfered with the “full, fair, and free expression of the popular 
will….” Id.  The court stated that the government favoring a demographic group caused 
equivalent injury to a voter as the government disfavoring a demographic group. Id.   
Other cases show the need to announce the constitutional impermissibility of public-
private relationships. For example, in Board of Education of Kiryas Joel Village School District v. 
                                                 
14  Kaardal Decl. Ex. J. 
15 See e.g. Kaardal Decl. Ex. H. 
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13 
Grumet, 512 U.S. 687 (1994), the U.S. Supreme Court drew such a line finding a public-
private partnership constitutionally impermissible. In Kiryas, the New York legislature sought 
to create a homogenous school district for Satmar Hasidic Jews and did so by statute.  This 
“religious” motive was improper for the state and the statute forming the new district was 
stuck down.  Id.  at 691.    Similarly, in Ferguson v. City of Charleston, 532 U.S. 67, 81-86 (U.S. 
2001), the U.S. Supreme Court held another public-private partnership unconstitutionally 
impermissible.  Here, the local prosecutor, concerned about crack babies, teamed up with 
the local hospital to develop a program seeking to prevent expecting mothers from using 
cocaine during the pregnancy.  They developed a program where the hospital would test for 
the presence of cocaine and provide a program to help with abstinence.  If the patient 
refused, the results were shared with the prosecutor’s office that in turn would encourage 
participation at the threat of prosecution.  The U.S. Supreme Court found the entanglement 
of public and private interests sufficient to conclude the blood test by the hospital was a 
Fourth Amendment violation by the state. Id. at 86. 
 
Here,  “permitting the government to depart from a neutral position would threaten 
both the reliability of the election result as an expression of the popular will and the 
appearance of integrity crucial to maintaining public confidence in the electoral process.”16 
And in Pennsylvania there is a significant public interest in ensuring the fairness and integrity 
                                                 
16 Steven J. André, Government Election Advocacy: Implications of Recent Supreme Court 
Analysis, 64 Admin. L. Rev. 835, 851 (2012), citing Note, The Constitutionality of Municipal 
Advocacy in Statewide Referendum Campaigns, 93 Harv. L. Rev. 535, 554, 554 n.112 (1980) 
(observing that “[t]he [United States Supreme] Court has explicitly recognized that the 
validity of elections as bona fide expressions of the popular will depends as much upon 
citizens' faith that the electoral process is free from government tampering as on the actual 
fairness of that process”). 
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14 
of state elections. In re Nomination Papers of Carlson, 60 Pa.Cmwlth. 170, 430 A.2d 1210, 1212 
(1981) (Crumlish, J.) (Pennsylvania courts are “entrusted with the responsibility of protecting 
the Commonwealth's compelling interest in preserving the integrity of 
the election process.” )   The purpose of the federal and Pennsylvania state government 
exclusively funding federal elections is to eliminate undue influence and the appearance of 
undue influence by private parties. With the entanglement of public and private interests, 
CTCL’s private funding of federal elections introduces undue influence and the appearance 
of undue influence into federal elections.   
D. The Counties’ and City’s acceptance of CTCL’s $14 million in 
grants is preempted by federal law. 
Whether a local government action is preempted by federal law such as HAVA is to be 
determined by application of conflict-preemption principles.  The federal court held in 
Washington Ass’n of Churches v. Reed, 492 F. Supp. 2d 1264 (W.D. Wash. 2006), that in 
adjudicating HAVA preemption issues, the court will find preemption where it is impossible 
for a private party to comply with both state and federal requirements, or where state law 
stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives 
of Congress.  Similarly, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court held in Kuznik v. Westmoreland County 
Bd. of Com’rs, 588 Pa. 95, 902 A.2d 476 (2006), in resolving an issue of preemption of a state 
statute by HAVA, state law may be displaced under conflict preemption principles if the state 
law in question presents a conflict with federal law in one of two situations: when it is 
impossible to comply with both the state and the federal law, or when the state law stands as 
an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of 
Congress. See Colorado Common Cause v. Davidson, 2004 WL 2360485 (Colo. Dist. Ct. 2004). 
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1. U.S. Constitution’s Elections Clause and Supremacy Clause 
preempt CTCL’s private federal election grants to local 
governments. 
The U.S. Constitution, Article I’s Elections Clause and Article VI’s Supremacy Clause 
preempts CTCL’s private federal elections grant to local governments.  The Elections Clause 
states: 
Time, place, and manner of holding. The Times, Places and Manner of 
holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each 
State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law 
make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing [sic] 
Senators. 
 
U.S. Constitution, Art. I, sec. 4, cl. 1. The Clause grants to the States “broad power” to 
prescribe the procedural mechanisms for holding congressional elections, e.g., Tashjian v. 
Republican Party of Conn., 479 U.S. 208, 217 (1986) but does not authorize them to dictate 
electoral outcomes, to favor or disfavor a class of candidates, or to evade important 
constitutional restraints, U.S. Term Limits, Inc. v. Thornton, 514 U.S. 779, 833-43 (1995) 
 
The Supremacy Clause states: 
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in 
Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the 
Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the 
Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 
 
U.S. Constitution, Art. VI, sec. 2. 
 
The Elections Clause and Supremacy Clause preempt CTCL’s private federal election 
grants to local governments. CTCL’s private federal election grants are not legally authorized 
by federal law nor state law.  The Cities have acted ultra vires, without legal authority, in 
accepting and using CTCL’s private federal election grants. 
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2. Help America Vote Act (HAVA) preempts CTCL’s private 
federal election grants to local governments. 
 
The Help America Vote Act (HAVA), 52 USC § 209, preempts CTCL’s private 
federal election grants for the following reasons.  HAVA established the Election Assistance 
Commission (EAC) to assist the states regarding HAVA compliance and to distribute 
HAVA funds to the states.   
The EAC is also charged with creating voting system guidelines and operating the 
federal government's first voting system certification program.  EAC is also responsible for 
maintaining the National Voter Registration form, conducting research, and administering a 
national clearinghouse on elections that includes shared practices, information for voters and 
other resources to improve elections.  
HAVA requires that the states implement the following new programs and 
procedures: 
 Provisional Voting 
 Voting Information 
 Updated and Upgraded Voting Equipment 
 Statewide Voter Registration Databases 
 Voter Identification Procedures 
 Administrative Complaint Procedures 
 
In the past, Pennsylvania’s HAVA plan, required by HAVA, was approved by the 
EAC.  HAVA’s purpose was to coordinate federal and state administration of federal 
elections.  HAVA does not legally authorize local governments to accept private federal 
election grants.  HAVA’s preemption prohibits local governments from accepting private 
federal election grants. 
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17 
 
Under HAVA, the EAC is to be bi-partisan and work with all the states in a bi-
partisan way.   The CTCL’s private federal election grants circumvent the EAC and the 
states and thus conflict with HAVA. Under HAVA, the EAC and the states work toward 
election plans and budgets.  
 
CTCL’s private federal election grants to local governments lead to deviations from 
the federally-approved and state-approved election administration plans and budgets—thus, 
conflicting with HAVA.  The federal and state money distributed to county and city clerks 
that administer elections are distributed pursuant to a legally-authorized method that is 
approved by the states under the guidance of EAC, so the counties and cities receive a state-
approved share for election purposes.  But, local governments accepting CTCL’s private 
federal election grants, violate HAVA by injecting private money into federal elections which 
is not approved by the EAC or the states. 
3. The National Voters Registration Act (NVRA) preempts 
CTCL’s 
private 
federal 
election 
grants 
to 
local 
governments. 
 
National Voters Registration Act (NVRA), 52 U.S.C. §§ 20501–20511, preempts 
CTCL’s private federal election grants for the following reasons.  Congress enacted the 
National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (also known as the "Motor Voter Act"), to create 
“national procedures for voter registration for elections for Federal office.”  52 U.S.C. 
§ 20503.  The Act gave responsibility to the Federal Election Commission (FEC) to provide 
States with guidance on the Act, to develop a national mail voter registration form, and to 
compile reports on the effectiveness of the Act. A 2002 amendment in HAVA transferred 
the FEC's responsibilities under the Act to the EAC. 
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18 
NVRA’s preemption prohibits local governments from accepting private federal 
election grants for voter registration.  Under 52 U.S.C. § 21085, “the specific choices on the 
methods of complying with the requirements of this subchapter shall be left to the discretion 
of the State.” “Subchapter,” refers to the minimum requirements17 regarding voting systems 
standards,18 voting information requirements and computerized statewide voter registration 
list requirements and requirements for voters who register by mail.19 “State” does not mean 
“county”, “city” or “municipality.”20 Therefore, as it pertains to federal elections, Centre 
County, Delaware County and Philadelphia cannot act contrary to laws of either the federal 
or state governments. Each law preempts the actions of local governments in accepting the 
CTCL’s private federal election grant. 
II. 
The moving party will suffer irreparable injury absent the injunction. 
 
The PVA, absent the injunction, will suffer irreparable injury. Denial of the right to 
participate in an election is by its nature an irreparable injury. U.S. v. Berks County, 
Pennsylvania, 277 F.Supp.2d 570, 578 (E.D.Pa. 2003) (citiation omitted).  And, the “right to 
vote freely for the candidate of one's choice is of the essence of a democratic society, and 
any restrictions on that right strike at the heart of representative government.” Reynolds v. 
Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 555 (1964). The government’s election policy favoring demographic 
groups is an equivalent injury to disfavoring demographic groups.  “Parity of reasoning 
                                                 
17 52 U.S.C. § 21084. 
18 52 U.S.C. § 21082. 
19 52 U.S.C. § 21083. 
20 52 U.S.C. § 21141: “In this chapter, the term ‘State’ includes the District of Columbia, the 
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, and the United States Virgin 
Islands. 
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19 
suggests that a government can violate the Elections Clause if it skews the outcome of an 
election by encouraging and facilitating voting by favored demographic groups.”  Young v. 
Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist., 122 A.3d 784, 858 (Del Ch. 2015).   
 
The plaintiffs do not want progressive candidates to win in the November 3 
elections; the plaintiffs are injured by CTCL’s private federal election grants because they are 
targeted to counties and cities with progressive voter patterns—resulting in more progressive 
votes and a greater chance that progressive candidates will win.  See, id.  The injury to the 
plaintiffs is real and concrete.   
Where, as here, the plaintiffs have demonstrated a likelihood of success on the merits 
as to a constitutional claim, such an injury has been held to constitute irreparable 
harm. See Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S. 347, 373 (1976) (where plaintiff had proven a probability of 
success on the merits, the threatened loss of First Amendment freedoms “unquestionably 
constitutes irreparable injury”); Preston v. Thompson, 589 F.2d 300, 303 n.4 (7th Cir. 1978) 
(“The existence of a continuing constitutional violation constitutes proof of an irreparable 
harm.”). Moreover, courts have specifically held that infringement on the fundamental right 
to vote constitutes irreparable injury. See Obama for Am. v. Husted, 697 F.3d 423, 435 (6th Cir. 
2012) (“restriction on the fundamental right to vote constitutes irreparable injury.”); Williams 
v. Salerno, 792 F.2d 323, 326 (2d Cir. 1986) (holding that plaintiffs “would certainly suffer 
irreparable harm if their right to vote were impinged upon”).  
 
Once the November election occurs, the damage to plaintiffs’ favored non-
progressive candidates will be complete.  Without injunctive relief, the CTCL moneys will 
cause a non-conformity of uniform elections in the Cities sought by Congress under HAVA 
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20 
and all other election laws, including those of the state of Pennsylvania. This illegal public-
private partnership causes the PVA irreparable injury.  
 
 Additionally, traditional legal remedies are inadequate, since infringement on a 
citizens’ constitutional right to vote cannot be redressed by money damages. See Christian 
Legal Soc'y v. Walker, 453 F.3d 853, 859 (7th Cir. 2006); League of Women Voters of N. Carolina v. 
North Carolina, 769 F.3d 224, 247 (4th Cir. 2014). 
III. 
The harm to other interested parties is little or none if the relief is 
granted. 
 
The PVA, absent the injunction, will suffer harm. Shields, 254 F.3d at 482. While it is 
known there will be anticipated increases in voting, namely absentee ballot voting, it does 
not excuse the circumvention of federal and state laws.21 Hence, the need of the $14 million 
of private federal election grants split between two Pennsylvania counties and Philadelphia is 
questionable at best. The counties and cities have access to HAVA moneys and additional 
Cares Act moneys, specifically for election related needs—as does every other county and 
city in Pennsylvania responsible for conducting the 2020 federal elections.  
 
On the other hand, the introduction of a public-private relationship in the federal 
election context is a first-time foreign element not contemplated by either HAVA or by the 
Secretary of the Commonwealth nor the Pennsylvania Legislature since the laws exclusively 
control the conduct and moneys related to federal elections. There is no question of the 
historical success and consistency of the counties and cities in their election process. What 
also is notably are the voter outcomes—predominately progressive.  Hence, the $14 million 
                                                 
21 E.g. Kaardal Decl. Ex. I. 
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21 
in grants from the CTCL raises sufficient questions as to the propriety of the public-private 
created relationship and government advocacy in favor of a demographic group. In short, 
injunctive relief to stay expenditures of the grant will cause little or no harm to the conduct 
of elections.  
 
Moreover, a grant process is in place through the Secretary of the Commonwealth 
should the Defendants need more money to conduct federal elections. By doing so, the local 
governments will stay true to their core public responsibilities in conducting elections 
consistent with federal and state laws.  For these reasons, the balance of harms favors 
granting the motion. 
IV. 
The public interest is aided by the preliminary injunction. 
 
The public interest, absent the injunction, will be impeded.  Shields, 254 F.3d at 482.   
Centre County’s, Delaware County’s and Philadelphia’s acceptance of the CTCL’s grants 
reveal a public-private relationship that privatizes federal elections to skew the outcome of 
an election in an area of a favored demographic group. It skews the neutrality of an election 
which is the core public responsibility of the Cities. Red Clay Consol. Sch. Dist., 122 A.3d at 
857–58. Threats of private unconstitutional interference with the November 3 elections pose 
the same type of public interest analysis as in First Amendment deprivations.  See Phelps–
Roper v. Nixon, 545 F.3d 685, 690 (8th Cir.2008) (concluding that if the movant “can 
establish a sufficient likelihood of success on the merits of her First Amendment claim, she 
will also have established irreparable harm as the result of the deprivation”).  And, it is 
always in the public interest to protect constitutional rights.  Additionally, the PVA has no 
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22 
alternative administrative remedy to obtain immediate injunctive relief against the counties 
and Philadelphia.  
Conclusion 
The Court should grant the temporary restraining order. 
Dated: September 24, 2020. 
 
Electronically Signed by Jordan P. Shuber 
Jordan P. Shuber, PA ID 317823 
Ronald T. Elliott, PA ID 71567 
Thomas W. King, III, PA ID 21580 
(Admission Pending) 
Thomas E. Breth, PA ID 66350 (Admission 
Pending) 
Special Counsel for the Amistad Project 
of Thomas More Society 
Dillon McCandless King Coulter & Graham, 
LLP 
128 West Cunningham Street 
Butler, PA  16001 
Telephone:         (724) 283-2200 
Facsimile:           (724) 283-2298 
E-mail addresses:  jshuber@dmkcg.com 
relliott@dmkcg.com 
tking@dmkcg.com 
tbreth@dmkcg.com 
 
 
 
Erick G. Kaardal, MN 229647 (pro hac vice 
motion forthcoming) 
Special Counsel for the Amistad Project 
of Thomas More Society 
Mohrman, Kaardal and Erickson, P.A.  
150 S. Fifth St., Ste. 3100 
Minneapolis MN 55402 
612-341-1074 
e. 612-341-1076  
 
*Admission 
application 
pending 
or 
forthcoming 
 
 
Case 4:20-cv-01761-MWB   Document 5   Filed 09/28/20   Page 26 of 26

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