Yunju Nam et al., Navigating Crisis and Exclusion: Pandemic Experience and Access to COVID-19 Relief among Korean Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs in the New York Metro Area, USA (2026)

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Research article by Yunju Nam, Seon Mi Kim, Eun Jeong Lee and Nancy J. Smyth, Navigating Crisis and Exclusion: Pandemic Experience and Access to COVID-19 Relief among Korean Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs in the New York Metro Area, USA, posted March 6th, 2026, DOI 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8725092/v1. Noting that the federal government provided more than $1 trillion in COVID-19 relief for small businesses, the qualitative study analyzes in-depth interviews with 24 Korean immigrant entrepreneurs. Five themes emerge: varied economic experiences, relief as essential lifelines, structural and informational barriers, access shaped by eligibility, language, digital literacy, accounting support and ethnic networks, and adverse effects of regulations and disrupted services. The authors identify three recovery trajectories.

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“Yunju Nam et al., Navigating Crisis and Exclusion: Pandemic Experience and Access to COVID-19 Relief among Korean Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs in the New York Metro Area, USA (2026).” Original at assets-eu.researchsquare.com. Archived at Pandemic Darlings, https://pandemicdarlings.com/source-documents/yunju-nam-et-al-navigating-crisis-and-exclusion-pandemic-experience-an-707d0f30f2/, SHA-256 cef605f0f0882ec3caefdc5e426a5349a49ae94e36a49ec225e9e4dfd230cd9d.

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Navigating Crisis and Exclusion: Pandemic
Experience and Access to COVID-19 Relief among
Korean Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs in
the New York Metro Area, USA
Yunju Nam

University at Buffalo, State University of New York
Seon Mi Kim
Hunter College at the City University of New York
Eun Jeong Lee
New York City College of Technology
Nancy J. Smyth
University at Buffalo, State University of New York

Research Article

Keywords: Disaster, Embeddedness, Asian Americans, Language access, Digital access

Posted Date: March 6th, 2026

DOI: https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8725092/v1

License:   This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
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Additional Declarations: No competing interests reported.

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Abstract
The U.S. federal government provided more than $1 trillion in COVID-19 relief for small businesses. We,
however, know little about the impacts of these programs on immigrant small business entrepreneurs.
This qualitative study explores the economic experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic and access to
government relief among Korean immigrant entrepreneurs in the New York Metropolitan Area. The study
analyses in-depth interview data from 24 participants, using inductive thematic analysis. Five main
themes emerge from the data: (1) study participants had varied economic experiences in terms of
impact of the pandemic and access to government relief; (2) relief programs served as essential lifelines
for those who received them; (3) structural and informational barriers limited access to relief programs;
(4) access to government relief was shaped by eligibility, language proficiency, digital literacy,
professional accounting support, and ethnic networks; and (5) pre-existing regulations and disrupted
government services had adverse effects. This study identifies three distinct trajectories of economic
recovery among study participants. Additionally, accessing government relief programs impacted
participants not only economically but also psychologically and emotionally. The findings support mixed
embeddedness theory by showing how institutional and socio-cultural contexts of the host society,
ethnic networks, and individual capabilities collectively influenced immigrant entrepreneurs’ pandemic
experiences and economic outcomes. Our findings call for government policies that ensure access to
government relief among those in economic need, such as clear and fair eligibility rules, proactive
outreach efforts, inclusive language services, and enhancing internet access and digital literacy in
preparing for future disasters.

Introduction
Growing risks of natural disasters and public health crises call for systematic and comprehensive
preparation to protect society from their negative impacts. Scientists have observed that climate change
and other human-caused environmental shifts, such as population growth, have increased the frequency
and intensity of natural disasters and pandemics over the last decades (Dadson et al., 2025; De Oliveira
and Tegally, 2023). For example, in the state of New York, United States, the number of natural disaster
events with losses of a billion dollars or more increased from seven in the ten years of the 1980s to 22
over five years between 2019 and 2023 (National Centers for Environmental Information, 2024). The
COVID-19 pandemic and other public health threats, such as the Mpox outbreak, have revealed society’s
public health vulnerabilities (De Oliveira and Tegally, 2023).

As the most catastrophic global pandemic in recent history, the COVID-19 pandemic presents a critical
case for understanding how governments can design effective and equitable policies against future
disasters. In addition to the public health crisis indicated with the initial 15 million excess deaths (World
Health Organization, 2022), the pandemic had drastic impacts on the economy, especially on small
businesses. Real gross domestic product was estimated to have decreased by 31.7% for the second
quarter of 2020, immediately after the pandemic was declared in the United States (U.S. Bureau of

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Economic Analysis, 2020). The lockdown orders and social distancing mandates forced approximately
40% of small businesses to close temporarily or permanently (Bartik et al., 2020).

In response, governments around the world provided disaster relief to save lives, reduce economic
hardship, and rebuild communities (Brooks and Harris, 2024; U.S. Government Accountability Office,
2023). The U.S. government took a more active fiscal approach and provided a larger budget for disaster
relief than other countries (Brooks and Harris, 2024). At the federal level, the U.S. Congress passed six
COVID-19 relief acts in 2020–2021 and allocated about $4.6 trillion to various programs (U.S.
Government Accountability Office, 2023). Included was a substantial amount for small enterprises:
$835 billion for the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP); $376 billion for the Economic Injury Disaster
Loan and Advance Programs (EIDL); and $29 billion for the Restaurant Revitalization Fund (RRF) (Fairlie
and Fossen, 2022; Parlapiano et al., 2022; U.S. Small Business Administration, no date). In addition,
Pandemic Unemployment Assistance (PUA) expanded the eligibility for Unemployment Insurance (UI) to
include small business entrepreneurs (New York State Department of Labor, no date). Simultaneously,
state governments adopted multiple relief programs (Brooks and Harris, 2024; Liu and Nazareno, 2025),
such as New York’s COVID-19 Pandemic Small Business Recovery Grant Program (PSBRGP) for small
businesses that experienced revenue losses during the pandemic (Empire State Development, no date).

A growing number of studies have examined small business entrepreneurs’ experience of and responses
to the pandemic (Attree and Lewis, 2024; Fairlie, 2020; Prokop et al., 2025) and the effects of
government relief programs (Arslan et al., 2022; Atkins et al., 2022; Autor et al., 2022). However, much of
this research focuses on entrepreneurs in general, with limited attention to the specific experiences of
marginalized groups, including immigrants. Few studies examine immigrant entrepreneurs’ experience
and responses despite their unique characteristics, such as language barriers and ethnic networks
(Prokop et al., 2025).

This gap warrants special attention, given the vital economic role of immigrant entrepreneurs and their
dire experience during the pandemic. Immigrants are more likely than native-born individuals to start
businesses and create jobs (Huang & Liu, 2019; Tremper, 2024). In fact, immigrants made up 17% of the
self-employed across Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries in
2022 and accounted for 15% of total employment growth between 2011 and 2021 (OECD, 2024). In the
U.S., the rate of new entrepreneurship is higher among immigrants (0.67%) than their native-born
counterparts (0.28%) in 2023 (Fairlie, 2024). A recent study shows that small business entrepreneurs are
significantly more likely to experience economic shocks during the COVID-19 pandemic than others
(O’Dell, Fransen, & Jolivet, 2023), indicating their economic vulnerability to disasters.

To address this gap in the literature, this study investigates Korean immigrant entrepreneurs’ economic
experiences during the pandemic in the New York Metropolitan Area (NYMA), United States, focusing on
their access to government disaster relief programs. We selected Korean immigrant entrepreneurs for
several reasons. Three authors of this study are native speakers of Korean with extensive experience
working with Korean immigrant communities. An existing partnership with a Korean immigrant

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community organization facilitated recruitment and enabled the collection of nuanced data, especially
on culturally sensitive topics such as financial hardship. Additionally, small business entrepreneurship is
prominent in the Korean immigrant community, comprising 19% of Korean immigrants, the highest rate
among Asian ethnic groups (Min and Kim, 2018). Koreans also have higher rates of limited English
proficiency (LEP) at 40%, compared to 32% for all Asians (Maye and Marvin, 2024), allowing detailed
investigation of language access issues. Language barriers are identified as major deterrents to
economic integration and access to government resources among immigrants (Adserà and Pytliková,
2016; Rao et al., 2024).

This study asked the following questions: (1) What economic experiences did Korean immigrant
entrepreneurs encounter during the pandemic? (2) How did they access government relief programs, and
what barriers and facilitators affected this access? (3) What factors influenced their economic
conditions during the pandemic, particularly the impact of disaster relief programs? These questions
served to deepen understanding of how immigrant entrepreneurs navigated economic shocks and
government resources during the crisis.

Literature Review: Crisis and Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs
Small Business Entrepreneurs' Responses to Crisis and Government Policy

In public administration, a disaster refers to large-scale disruptions involving danger, loss of life, and
infrastructure breakdown (Drennan & McConnell, 2007). In business, the term crisis often describes
sudden, uncertain events that threaten a firm’s survival, and crises can escalate into disasters when
unmanaged (Pearson & Mitroff, 1993). Due to low frequency, many firms remain underprepared for
disasters despite their high impact (Herbane, 2010).

Much of the existing literature identifies a range of firm-level characteristics—such as business age, size,
industry sector, and geographic location—as determinants of crisis outcomes (Adekola and Clelland,
2020; Haynes et al., 2019). Additionally, entrepreneur-level factors, including their resilience, risk
perception, leadership, and adaptive decision-making capabilities, have been shown to significantly
affect businesses’ crisis management (Herbane, 2010; Kliestik et al., 2025).

A growing body of literature highlights the critical role of public policy in supporting small business
entrepreneurs during and after crises. Government interventions, such as emergency financial aid,
information dissemination, and institutional coordination, are essential not only for mitigating the
immediate impacts of disasters but also for facilitating long-term recovery (Adekola and Clelland, 2020).
During the COVID-19 pandemic emergency, government relief programs are estimated to help prevent
business closures, retain employees, support wages, and improve firms’ financial health (Autor et al.,
2022; Hubbard and Strain, 2020), though some studies have questioned their cost-efficiency (Chetty et
al., 2024). These studies assessed the overall impacts on small businesses as a whole, but few have
paid attention to variations among entrepreneurs, especially those in disadvantaged positions.

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Inequities and Immigrant Small Business Entrepreneurs

The impacts of disasters are unevenly distributed. Immigrant entrepreneurs face added constraints—
limited access to capital, language barriers, discrimination, and legal precarity. They are often excluded
from mainstream networks and challenged with fragmented support systems (Lee and Black, 2017; Rath
and Swagerman, 2016). During the COVID-19 pandemic, immigrant entrepreneurs were more severely
affected than their native counterparts, as indicated by higher business closure rates (Amuedo-Dorantes
et al., 2024; Fairlie, 2020).

Previous studies have found that COVID-19 relief programs disproportionately benefited businesses in
more advantaged positions. Larger firms, established businesses in operation for more than two years,
White-owned businesses, and businesses located in high socioeconomic status areas had a higher
likelihood of receiving PPP loans and, if awarded such loans, obtained larger amounts than their
disadvantaged counterparts (Atkins et al., 2022; Fairlie and Fossen, 2022; Humphries et al., 2020; Wang
and Kang, 2023).

A few studies show that immigrant entrepreneurs had limited access to COVID-19 disaster relief
programs (Arslan et al., 2022; OECD European Commission, 2021). These studies identified language
obstacles, limited digital access and literacy, restrictive or confusing eligibility rules, and perceived
difficulties in preparing required documents as barriers (Arslan et al., 2022; Kim et al., 2021; Lee, 2024;
OECD/European Commission, 2021). For example, Lee (2024) found that linguistically and culturally
inadequate language services were obstacles hindering Korean immigrant entrepreneurs near the U.S.-
Mexico border from obtaining program information and applying for benefits. However, these
entrepreneurs overcame the language barrier using ethnic resources, including local networks and non-
local resources, like information in Korean-language social media (Lee, 2024). Notably, even when
immigrant entrepreneurs accessed relief programs, the positive economic impacts (e.g., number of
actively working entrepreneurs) were smaller than for other demographic groups (Liu and Nazareno,
2025).

Existing studies on immigrant entrepreneurs’ experiences of the pandemic are mostly descriptive (Lee,
2024; Liu and Nazareno, 2025). A limited number of pre-COVID-19 pandemic studies have
conceptualized immigrant entrepreneurs' experiences of and responses to disasters. These studies have
tested mixed embeddedness theory, a dominant theoretical framework for analysing immigrant
entrepreneurs’ economic integration (Kloosterman and Rath, 2018; Law and Zhuang, 2025). The theory
investigates immigrant entrepreneurs’ economic success through an interactive framework, considering
both opportunity structure and individual actors. Opportunity structure is “embedded in wider national
institutional/regulatory and socio-cultural contexts” (Kloosterman and Rath, 2018, p.107) and is shaped
by the host society's larger social context (structural embeddedness). Individual actors (immigrant
entrepreneurs) make decisions and take purposive actions embedded in personalized social networks,
especially ethnic networks (relational embeddedness). Accordingly, researchers should consider the

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host society’s institutional and regulatory contexts alongside immigrant entrepreneurs’ personal and
social resources (Kloosterman and Rath, 2018; Kloosterman et al., 1999; Law and Zhuang, 2025).

Applying mixed embeddedness theory to disaster research, existing studies have compared ethnic
resources with the host society’s institutional arrangements and non-ethnic networks. Campagnolo and
colleagues (2022) and Chiesi (2014) found that access to host society resources plays a stronger role
than ethnic network resources in immigrant entrepreneurs' disaster responses. Disaster preparedness
was more frequent among immigrant entrepreneurs outside ethnic enclave sectors than those in the
enclave economy (Campagnolo et al., 2022); that is, immigrant entrepreneurs in networks with native
people with higher occupation status showed stronger economic resilience than those relying on ethnic
belonging during economic crisis (Chiesi, 2014). In contrast, Law and Zhuang (2025) showed the roles of
both broader institutional opportunity structures and ethnic social networks during COVID-19, using key
informant interview data in Canada. Immigrant entrepreneurs’ adaptation strategies were simultaneously
shaped by institutional contexts, such as government relief programs, Business Improvement Areas, and
the built environment, as well as family and ethnic support networks and transnational ties. Similarly,
O’Dell and colleagues’ (2023) study in Amsterdam shows that people more embedded in their
neighbourhoods were less susceptible to the negative economic and social impacts of the pandemic.

While valuable, existing studies provide an incomplete picture of immigrant entrepreneurs' disaster
experiences, particularly regarding government relief programs. Most research on relief programs has
focused on small business entrepreneurs generally (Autor et al., 2022, Chetty et al., 2024; Hubbard and
Strain, 2020), neglecting disadvantaged entrepreneurs. Studies on immigrant entrepreneurs primarily
have examined the pandemic’s businesses and economic impacts (Amuedo-Dorantes et al., 2024, Fairlie,
2020; Prokop et al., 2025) with few investigating their access to government relief (Arslan et al., 2022;
Kim et al., 2021; Lee; 2024; OECD European Commission, 2021). Furthermore, these studies are largely
descriptive, with limited efforts to conceptualize empirical findings for theory development in disaster
research.

Methods
This study employed a qualitative research method to explore an underexamined area where hypotheses
have not yet been developed (Creswell, 2009; Terry et al., 2017). In addition, a qualitative approach
enables researchers to understand the phenomenon from participants’ perspectives by allowing them to
express their feelings, perceptions, and thoughts in their own voices (Creswell, 2009; Edin and Pirog,
2014). This method provides in-depth understanding by investigating the 'how' and 'why' of participants’
experiences from their own perspectives (Edin and Pirog, 2014).

Data and Sample
This qualitative study used data from a sample of 24 participants recruited from small business
entrepreneurs and professionals who (1) identified themselves as Koreans or Korean Americans, (2)
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were 18 years old or older at the time of the interview, (3) were able to communicate either in English or
Korean, and (4) lived or worked in the NYMA. We purposefully recruited a diverse sample across gender
and business sectors. A Korean community organization for political actions and policy advocacy
assisted in the recruitment of study participants through social media messages, flyers to community
organizations, and connecting the authors to leaders of Korean small businesses. Participants were also
recruited through the authors’ connections. Twenty-three small business entrepreneurs were interviewed;
one dropped out without providing enough data for meaningful analysis. The sample also included two
professionals who had worked closely with Korean immigrant entrepreneurs: an attorney and a Certified
Public Accountant (CPA). We decided to include these professionals because earlier interviews indicated
that such professionals had played important roles in accessing government relief programs. Every
participant provided consent by submitting an informed consent form to the researchers before the
interview.

The first and third authors interviewed participants between October 2021 and March 2023. Participants
chose the interview language. All preferred Korean, except one who selected English (the authors
translated quotations from transcripts in Korean to English for this paper). Seventeen interviews were
done in person, five by video conference, and two by telephone. Participants chose the interview location
(e.g., the participant’s store or a private room at a community organization’s offices). Completed
interviews averaged 74 minutes, ranging from 48 to 131 minutes. An incentive of $30 was offered after
the interview.

Table I presents the 24 participants’ characteristics and pseudonyms. Participants were mature: all 40 or
older, half 50–59, and 8 at least 60 years old. Most were long-term residents of the U.S.: only one had
lived in the U.S. for less than 10 years. While eight participants received formal education in the U.S., 16
did not. Participants had varied businesses; notably, eight were dry cleaners and five were nail salons.

Interview Guide
All interviews were conducted using a semi-structured interview guide. Its initial development was based
on existing studies (Bartik et al., 2020; Humphries et al., 2020) and insights from Korean community
organization leaders familiar with the Korean immigrant business environments. The guide was revised,
and new questions were added when new themes emerged during interviews. A small number of closed-
ended questions at the end gathered demographic and other background information.

Analytical Approach
We applied an inductive thematic analysis approach to the interview data: we identified themes and
patterns relevant to our research questions out of the data without a predetermined theoretical
framework (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Terry et al., 2017). Interviews were transcribed verbatim. The first
author generated an initial list of codes after reading the transcripts several times. The first three

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authors, all native speakers of Korean, discussed codes on the initial list and added new codes, revised
code definitions, and finalized the code list. We coded the transcripts using ATLAS.ti, qualitative data
analysis software. For the first two transcripts, the first three authors independently coded them and
compared the results. When we found differences in coding, we discussed them until an agreement was
reached. After obtaining a clearer idea of how to code the data, we allocated transcripts among
ourselves. While the first author coded all transcripts, the second and third authors coded different
transcripts. We then discussed and resolved any discrepancies between coders. Based on the coding
results, the authors identified themes and emerging patterns by combining, grouping, or collapsing
codes into bigger or more meaningful concepts and seeking associations, relationships, or interactions
among codes and themes. The draft analysis results were finalized after multiple rounds of discussion.

This study used various approaches to validate its findings, drawing on Creswell and Miller (2000). Three
authors independently analyzed the data and reviewed each other’s results, as described above. We
made efforts not to ignore disconfirming or negative evidence: we did find a small number of negative
cases and confirmed that they did not outweigh the evidence that supported our analysis results. Two
study participants and three Korean community leaders were invited to review a draft of the manuscript.
They confirmed that the study’s results were mostly consistent with their observations of the Korean
immigrant community.

We used pseudonyms and altered identifying details to protect participants’ privacy. All information (e.g.,
age) reflects conditions at the time of interviews. This study was approved by the Institutional Review
Board at a Northeastern U.S. university (IRB ID: MOD00010845).

Findings
Qualitative, thematic analysis shows that participants’ economic experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic
were diverse. They differed in terms of the impact of the pandemic on their businesses, access to
government relief programs, and evaluation of these government programs.

Varied Economic Experiences and Uneven Recovery among Study
Participants
Almost all participants reported that their businesses struggled at least at the beginning of the
pandemic. Among 22 small business entrepreneur participants, 18 reported considerable revenue loss
for the first two to four months. Many were not prepared for a medium- to long-term closure of their
businesses. Jung-ho, owner of a well-established nail salon, shared his experiences:

At the beginning, money in my business account went out automatically multiple times because of
automatic payment plans for taxes and all other essential stuffs. My business account became
penniless. In a month, I had four to five bounced checks. I could not deposit money into that account. I
could not take any action. I was fearful that my business might shut down permanently.

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Not everyone, however, suffered from business losses. Four participants reported no or almost no
negative economic impact: grocery store owner Kyung-soo, two realtors, Julie and Mi-young, and home
health service provider Sun-ja. Kyung-soo reported increased sales revenues: “People could not go to
restaurants and they did not have any other choice but to cook and eat at home. They just came for
(grocery) shopping.” Julie and Miyoung reported a boom in their businesses due to increased housing
demand. Julie said, “Last year and this year, I have been super busy. So I'm not one of these people
COVID has been bad.” Sun-ja reported that her business experienced “no big blows”: while overall
demand declined, new parents looked for in-home care during the pandemic. Her business expenses
were reduced because her employees worked fewer hours.

Among those who struggled, some experienced rapid recovery while others remained strained for a long
time. Dry cleaners as a whole underwent a slow recovery because demand remained lower after the
lockdown mandate ended, due to increased remote work and decreased social gatherings. No dry
cleaner in our sample reported full recovery in their business. Some in other industries reported a slow
and non-linear recovery. Yung-ho (beauty supply) said, “Immediately after the lockdown ended, the sales
revenue soared. The sales hike continued only for one week, though.” Others experienced a rapid and
steady recovery. Chi-hun (deli) said, “My business recovered quicker than I expected. Around June, my
sales revenue reached about 90% of the pre-pandemic level.”

These divergent trajectories of economic recovery demonstrate distinct economic experiences among
study participants. The data highlight that the economic consequences of the pandemic were unevenly
distributed, suggesting a need for a nuanced understanding of economic experiences that takes into
account discrepancies as well as similarities among immigrant entrepreneurs.

Relief as a Lifeline — For Those Who Could Access It
Fifteen out of 22 entrepreneur participants reported that their businesses survived the economic shock
because of COVID-19 relief programs. They mentioned that PPP, EIDL, and RRF enabled their businesses
to survive. Kyung-hee, a nail salon owner, said, “I could survive thanks to PPP.” Chi-hun (deli) explained
how two relief programs helped his business:

I lost a lot of money [during the lockdown]. Immediately after the pandemic broke out, news media
covered government relief programs… This news gave me hope and the government delivered these
benefits promptly… I received PPP [at the beginning]. Early this year, I also received the restaurant
assistance [RRF]. These benefits covered 100% of the loss I had last year. As a result, I did not lose
anything.

Sungho, a CPA, gave his professional assessment of the impacts of government programs, which was
consistent with the experiences of small entrepreneur participants:

For the personal service industry, such as nail salons and laundromats, more than 30% of businesses
would have gone away if there were no government support. Restaurants were in more dire situations.
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Without Restaurant Revitalization [Fund] or other grants, more than half would have gone.

Government relief also helped participants meet their personal, non-business needs. Two participants
explicitly mentioned the roles of UI benefits in their families’ economic survival. Jung-sook (dry cleaning)
said:

I did not experience economic hardship. UI came out immediately. My business is a corporation and I am
listed as its employee. I received weekly payments [from my own business]. With UI, my economic
situation was even improved. There was nothing to spend on and money came in without interruption. I
had nothing to spend money on because I could not go out.

These quotations underscore how government aid functioned as a critical buffer against economic
shocks. Relief programs often enabled study participants to maintain their businesses and to meet their
families’ economic needs. These findings demonstrate the roles of timely and targeted government
interventions at the time of crisis.

Feeling Excluded — For Those Who Could Not Access Relief
Not everyone had access to these programs. Five out of 22 entrepreneur participants did not receive
PPP or other relief. Two realtors in our sample did not apply for PPP because they neither needed nor
wanted government-funded loans. Three participants — Kerry (restaurant), Mi-Kyung (nail), and Daniel
(dry cleaning) — could not receive relief, despite large revenue losses in their businesses, because they
believed that they were ineligible or misunderstood program rules. Kerry (restaurant) and Mi-Kyung (nail)
thought they were disqualified because their businesses were new, while Daniel understood that he was
ineligible because he had reported negative business earnings in his business tax file. Kerry expressed
her bitter feelings about being excluded from government relief programs:

Those who just started their businesses invested their lifetime savings into their new business…
However, when the pandemic broke out, we could not get any support because we were not qualified.… I
strongly believe that what the government did was wrong… We may not have made enough contributions
so far. But we would make contributions in the future. Those with established businesses have
accumulated capital. Government policy made the rich richer and the poor poorer.

It should be noted that our additional research on pandemic relief programs suggested that these three
participants may have misunderstood eligibility rules for some programs. Some federal programs, such
as PPP, did not disqualify new businesses and those without profit from receiving government relief.
Although applicants were required to submit documents that new businesses could not generate, such
as payroll tax files for the previous year, they were allowed to use other proofs of qualifying payroll
amount, such as bank records (Small Business Administration, 2020). However, new entrepreneurs and
businesses with negative earnings were ineligible for New York State PSBRGP (Empire State
Development, no date), confirming these study participants’ understanding of their eligibility. These
findings suggest that barriers to information obstructed their access to the relief programs. Their
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experiences show that even well-intentioned government relief programs failed to reach some of the
most vulnerable small business entrepreneurs, despite their dire need for government relief.

Lack of Language Access, Digital Literacy, and the Quality of
Professional Intermediaries: Barriers to Government Relief
While most participants had ultimately succeeded in obtaining government relief programs by the time
of the interview, many encountered formidable barriers: limited access to language services, inadequate
digital access and literacy, and incompetent professional accounting services. Qualitative data analyses
suggest that these challenges existed before the pandemic, but they became more visible and
unbearable during the pandemic.

First, the language barrier is frequently mentioned as an obstacle to relief. Ten participants (42%)
explicitly stated that their limited English proficiency constrained their access to information about
available government resources and obstructed their applications. The language barrier was an issue
even among highly educated participants. Young-sook (dry cleaning) received a college education in
Korea but had difficulty accessing governmental relief.

To us, English is not our first language. It is the second language. I often feel depressed because of the
language. For example, governments provided various benefits this time [during the pandemic]. Native
speakers of English obtained information much quicker than us. Accordingly, they received every benefit
available and the maximum amount possible. However, it was extremely hard for us to apply for these
benefits.… We received much less than what we deserved. I want to say that it was really hard for us to
receive these benefits.

She also expressed frustration over the absence of functioning language services:

Government relief programs offered interpretation services. However, it did not work. When I called and
chose “Korean [service],” the call immediately dropped. It did not work at all. [Interviewer: There were no
Korean-language services and no documents offered in Korean, right?] Nothing. Not one document.
[Interviewer: Were all documents in English only?] Yes, every form was in English only.

In comparison, participants who were fluent in English, especially those educated in the U.S., were able
to identify, apply for, and secure government relief more easily and quickly. For example, Robert, a
restaurant owner who immigrated as a child and attended college in the U.S., proactively sought
information through mass media and online searches. As he put it, he received “the maximum amount of
support available.”

Second, limited digital access and literacy created significant barriers to relief access. Daniel, a dry
cleaner, said that he was digitally illiterate and therefore had limited access to information and
misunderstood government programs’ eligibility rules, as described above. Chi-hun, a deli owner, also
observed, “I know why older people could not get relief benefits. It was because everything was done
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online. Nobody answered the phone. Internet only, no exception.” Sung-ho, the CPA, pointed out
inadequate offline services.

They [Government offices] rarely picked up the phone for the first two months or so. It was a really big
problem. Absolutely a problem! They began [to answer the phone] after 3–4 months.… The server was
sometimes shut off.

On the contrary, those with internet access and digital literacy obtained information disseminated
through the internet and social media. Kwang-su (dry cleaning) shared his experience:

I looked on the internet all day long. From the internet, I found [Korean] YouTubers who provided
information on ‘what government relief programs were available and how to apply them.’ The number of
YouTubers increased as time went on. I applied for relief programs, following their instructions.

Third, inadequate CPA services were an obstacle for some participants. Eleven participants reported that
their CPAs refused to work on government relief applications. When Kwang-su called his CPA and asked
about EIDL, he got the following answer: “There is no contract between you and me about it. It is up to
you whether you would apply for it yourself or give up. I cannot do it.” Participants with supportive CPAs
had a completely different experience: Eight applied for and received government relief easily and
promptly. Kyung-soo (grocery store owner) reported: “My CPA told me ‘I will take care of everything,’ and
my applications were accepted by the government [without difficulty].”

Together, these findings show that establishing government relief policies alone may not have achieved
their goal of helping immigrant entrepreneurs survive the pandemic-induced economic shocks. Without
removing barriers to accessing these benefits, government benefits may not reach those in need,
especially those in disadvantaged positions, revealing gaps in government policy.

Precarity Compounded: Pre-existing Regulations and Service
Interruptions Exacerbated Crisis Conditions
Although existing studies focused mainly on pandemic-specific relief policies (e.g., Arslan et al., 2022;
Autor et al., 2022), our interview data revealed that both existing, non-pandemic regulations and
interruption of regular government services amplified economic hardship among participants. Before the
pandemic, the government mandated that nail salons must install a ventilation system and dry cleaners
must replace old, perchloroethylene-based machines with environmentally friendly, hydrocarbon-based
machines. Participants in nail and dry-cleaning businesses expressed frustration over these regulations.
Sang-hoon (dry cleaning) said:

The pandemic started in March 2020, and we were mandated to remove old machines by December
2020. It would be hard for us to replace machines even if we had run business as usual. We could not
open our business and had overdue rent for months. It would cost $130,000 to $150,000 to replace
machines. There were neither supports nor extensions…. No answers from the federal and state
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governments…. Some owners did not have money even to remove old machines, which cost $3,000 to
$4,000. There was no support. Many dry cleaners just closed their businesses. They just left their
machines where they were.

Interrupted or delayed government services also imposed burdens on some participants. A delayed fire
inspection hit Kerry’s business directly when she moved her restaurant into a cheaper location:

Nobody answered my phone. When I emailed, I got only automatic replies, saying, “Services are delayed
because of the pandemic.” I got tens of emails just like that.… It took eight weeks for me to get a fire
inspection certificate.

Study participants’ experience revealed challenges unnoticed in the existing literature: pre-pandemic
regulations and interrupted government services. This finding demonstrates the need for considering
existing policies when estimating the effectiveness of new policies adopted during a disaster.

Cultural Value and Moral Reasoning
Korean cultural values and moral reasoning sometimes deterred entrepreneurs from applying for
government relief programs. Our interviews revealed that some Korean immigrant entrepreneurs were
discouraged from applying for or chose not to apply for government relief programs, despite being
eligible. For instance, when Sun-ja asked her CPA to help with her PPP application, he said to her, “Gosh,
you are running your business now. Do not apply for it so that people in real need can receive benefits.”
This was not an isolated case. As attorney Jung-hoon observed, many Korean immigrants refrained from
applying because they believed, “If I had received these benefits (and if the funds were out of money),
those in more desperate need could not receive benefits.”

This pattern reflects collective values and moral reasoning rooted in Korean/Asian culture. In contrast to
more individualistic norms common in American culture, Korean/Asian immigrants’ decisions were often
guided by a sense of social responsibility and deference to the needs of the community at large
(Oyserman et al., 2002).

Relief, Recognition, and Resentment: Pandemic
Experiences Reshaped Trust in Government and Society
Experiences during the pandemic influenced participants’ perceptions of U.S. society and government.
Many evaluated government relief programs favourably and recognized a positive role for the
government. Ji-hoon (dry-cleaning) said, “For 30 years living in the United States, this was the first time
that I received big help from the government.” Chi-hun (deli) also expressed his positive evaluation:

I learned that the United States is a really powerful country. As a small business entrepreneur, the system
worked speedily. I always thought that the U.S. government system was slow.… [After the pandemic] I
Page 13/27
realized that the U.S. system was not slow. I recognized that the system was operated accurately.

To the contrary, other participants, especially those who had difficulty accessing government relief
programs, became negative about the U.S. government and society. They felt that they experienced
discrimination because of their minority or immigrant status. Young-sook (dry cleaning) shared her
feelings:

I struggled to receive government relief, overcoming multiple challenges. After getting these reliefs, I
became depressed. I felt sorry for myself. I realized that this was a disadvantage for first-generation
immigrants.… I paid a large sum of taxes. It is okay. Paying taxes is the duty of American citizens.
However, I experienced challenges as a member of a minority group. It was really hard for me to get
government benefits. It was really, really difficult.

These divergent perspectives highlight that the government relief programs had not only economic but
also psychological impacts. While trying to access government relief, study participants had
opportunities to reevaluate the U.S. government and society, as well as their positions in the U.S. society.
Study participants with positive experiences of accessing government relief became appreciative of the
U.S. government. However, those who struggled became frustrated with the discrimination they
experienced and were left with emotional scars.

Three Different Trajectories of Economic Recovery
In analysing the interview data, three groups emerged that reflected different experiences related to the
economic impact of the pandemic and government relief: no hardship throughout the pandemic (NH),
recovery after early hardship (EH), and continued hardship throughout the pandemic (HT). These
differing experiences are explained by the following five factors: (1) changes in sales revenues during the
pandemic, (2) (perceived) eligibility for government relief programs, (3) barriers to and facilitators of
access to relief programs, (4) receiving relief benefits, and (5) issues with government regulations and a
lack of service availability. Table II summarizes our analysis results.

No Hardship Throughout the Pandemic (NH)
In our sample, four participants (18%) did not experience economic hardship: Julie (realtor), Kyung-soo
(grocery store), Mi-young (realtor), and Sun-ja (home health services). All four operated businesses
where the COVID-19 pandemic had positive or minimally negative impacts. These four participants did
not share any other common characteristics. Two reported a language barrier and the other two did not.
Regarding digital literacy, Mi-young often searched for information online, while Sun-ja did not. Kyung-
soo’s CPA took care of government relief applications, whereas Sun-ja’s CPA discouraged her from
applying. Kyung-soo and Sun-ja received relief benefits, but the other two did not. Only Mi-young had an
issue with government regulations and services. Little to no negative impact of the pandemic on their

Page 14/27
business revenues explains these entrepreneurs’ experience of the pandemic-induced recession without
economic hardship.

Early Hardship and Recovery (EH)
The majority (15 participants, 68%) experienced economic hardship early in the pandemic and improved
economic conditions later. When the pandemic started, they had no or almost no business income
because of the lockdown and lower demand. All were eligible for and received government relief. Many
reported that their economic conditions began to recover when they received those benefits.

Almost everyone in this group had at least one individual resource that assisted them in accessing
government relief: English proficiency, digital access and literacy, or quality CPA services. These
resources enabled participants to find information on available programs and to complete applications.
One exception is Kyung-hee (nail salon). She, however, applied for and received relief with help from the
Korean American Nail Association of New Jersey.

Early Hardship participants differed from each other in terms of the impacts of government regulations
and services. Eight out of 15 expressed frustration over regulations and interrupted services, while
others did not. The common factor in the EH group was business revenue losses and their access to
government relief programs.

Hardship Throughout the Pandemic (HT)
Three participants (14%) underwent economic hardship throughout the pandemic: Daniel (dry cleaning),
Kerry (restaurant), and Mi-kyung (nail salon). These three participants shared common characteristics.
While their businesses were negatively impacted by the pandemic, they had limited access to
government relief programs. All had issues with government regulations and services, although this
issue was not a unique problem experienced by this group. These three differed from each other in terms
of English proficiency and digital literacy. Mi-Kyung had limited English proficiency and did not use the
internet actively to gather information. Kerry was completely different. She had a good command of
English, actively gathered information online, and applied to multiple government programs, but failed to
receive benefits.

The three trajectories of economic hardship and recovery demonstrate that immigrant entrepreneurs had
divergent experiences during the pandemic, although all shared the same ethnic identity and lived in one
specific geographic area. The three different groups’ experiences also show that their economic
outcomes depend largely on their positions in the host society’s support system (i.e., government relief
programs) and market conditions (i.e., the economic impacts of the pandemic), as well as individual
resources (e.g., English proficiency).

Discussion
Page 15/27
Our findings provide evidence supporting the mixed embeddedness theory (Kloosterman et al., 1999,
Kloosterman et al., 2018). Consistent with the theory, opportunity structures embedded in the host
society’s institutional/regulatory and socio-cultural contexts—including shifting market conditions,
government relief program eligibility rules, and regulatory restrictions— centrally shaped participants’
divergent economic recovery patterns. The first group (NH) benefited from new business environments
created by government regulations (e.g., increased demands for groceries and housing created by
lockdown mandates). The second group (EH) was separated from the third group (HT) by their access to
government relief programs, another institutional opportunity structure. In summary, opportunity
structure created by the host society (structural embeddedness) was a major determinant of economic
outcomes among study participants.

However, opportunity structure is not the sole factor influencing participants’ economic outcomes.
Individual resources and relational embeddedness also affected economic recovery while interacting
with the institutional opportunity structure. Participants’ English proficiency and digital literacy facilitated
access to government relief programs. Additionally, access to resources in ethnic social networks
(relational embeddedness) also influenced relief program access. As reported, Kyung-hee obtained
government relief with assistance from the Korean American Nail Association of New Jersey. Digitally
literate participants used Korean-language information from YouTube and other online resources to
overcome language barriers. Korean CPAs, another ethnic resource, played crucial roles in accessing
government relief. However, collective cultural values embedded in ethnic social networks negatively
affected individuals’ decision to apply for government benefits. These findings extend the mixed
embeddedness framework to crisis contexts by demonstrating how opportunity structure, ethnic social
networks, and individual capabilities influence immigrant entrepreneurs’ responses to the massive
economic shocks of the pandemic and their economic outcomes.

Conclusion
This study examined Korean immigrant small business entrepreneurs’ COVID-19 pandemic experiences,
focusing on their access to government relief programs. The findings align with those from previous
research demonstrating that most participants’ businesses underwent revenue loss and financial
constraints at the pandemic’s onset; that government relief programs enabled business continuity; and
that language proficiency and digital access/literacy were crucial in obtaining benefits (Fairlie, 2020; Kim
et al., 2021). Consistent with the mixed embeddedness theory (Law and Zhuang, 2025), participants’
economic experience and outcomes depended on their positions within opportunity structures, ethnic
social networks, and individual capabilities.

This study contributes to entrepreneurship research by providing insights into an understudied
population of immigrant entrepreneurs. To our knowledge, this is among the few empirical studies
exploring immigrant small business entrepreneurs’ pandemic experiences and responses. Additionally,
the study advances theory development in immigrant entrepreneurship and disaster research using
mixed embeddedness theory (Kloosterman et al., 1999). Our findings clearly demonstrate how
Page 16/27
opportunity structures in the host society, ethnic social networks, and individual capabilities shaped
immigrant entrepreneurs’ experiences of and responses to sudden economic shocks during the
pandemic, supporting the mixed embeddedness theory.

This study has several limitations. First, participants were recruited mainly through a community partner
and Korean business associations, so our sample likely overrepresents those connected with Korean
ethnic social networks while including few individuals without ethnic community ties. Second, the
sample includes only Korean immigrants, whose distinct socioeconomic and cultural contexts may limit
generalizability to other immigrant groups. Third, data were collected in the New York Metropolitan Area,
where Korean community infrastructure is relatively strong; entrepreneurs in areas with smaller Korean
populations may have had different experiences. Future research should replicate this study across
diverse regions and ethnic groups to better understand immigrant entrepreneurs’ varied pandemic
experiences.

Policy implications are significant. Language barriers to disaster relief access necessitate active
language access policies for people with limited English proficiency. Since immigrants operate 18% of
U.S. small enterprises with employees and 23% of businesses without employees (Gotliboym 2022),
emergency economic policies targeting small businesses should ensure the availability of language
services. This capacity could be built through partnerships with community-based associations (such as
Korean small business associations), implementing toolkits like those from Bloomberg Associates
(2020), and developing culturally competent language services within policy agencies (e.g., the U.S.
Small Business Administration).

Digital access and literacy barriers highlight the importance of robust internet access, previously
addressed by the Affordable Connectivity Program (ACP) during the pandemic but discontinued in June
2024 due to a lack of funding (Rosenworcel, 2024). These findings support reinstating programs like the
ACP and implementing active digital literacy education programs.

Finally, the government must ensure access through inclusive, less restrictive eligibility rules and
proactive outreach, especially among those severely impacted by disasters. Specifically, the government
should develop effective communication tools to reach racialized and other disadvantaged groups
during crises, preventing confusion and missed opportunities for critical support due to
misunderstandings or a lack of awareness.

Declarations
Author Contribution
Nam, Kim, and Lee designed the study and collected and analyzed data. Nam, Kim, and Smyth wrote the
main manuscript text. All authors reviewed the manuscript.

Page 17/27
Acknowledgement
We are grateful to the study participants who shared their thoughts and experiences with us. We value
our partnership with Korean American Civic Empowerment.

Data Availability
The data are not publicly available because by nation of qualitative study, the data contain personal
information that may reveal study participants' identities and violate their privacy.

Human Ethics and Consent to Participate declarations:
This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board at a Northeastern U.S. university (IRB ID:
MOD00010845) in accordance with the 1964 World Medical Organization declaration.
A written informed consent form was obtained from each study participant before the interview.
Clinical trial number: not applicable.

Funding Disclosure
This study was supported by grants from the Overseas Koreans Foundation and an internal grant from
the first author’s institution (The specific title of the grant was not included for blind review. If the
manuscript is accepted, the authors will include the title of the grant).

Competing Interest Disclosure
No competing interests to declare

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Tables
Table I. Study Participants’ Demographic and Other Characteristics

Page 23/27
Pseudonym a Gender Age Years in the U.S. Education Business sector

Small business entrepreneurs

Byung-chul M ≥60 ≥26 College Dry cleaning

Chi-hun M 40–49 10–25 High school Deli

Daniel M 50–59 ≥26 College Dry cleaning

Ji-hoon M 40–49 No answer Community Dry cleaning
College

Julie F 50–59 ≥26 College Real estate

Jung-ho M 50–59 ≥26 Elementary Nail salon
school

Jung-sook F ≥60 10–25 College Dry cleaning

Kerry F 50–59 <10 College Restaurant

Kwang-su M ≥60 10–25 College Dry cleaning

Kyung-hee F 50–59 10–25 Community Nail salon
College

Kyung-soo M 50–59 No answer College Grocery

Mi-kyung F ≥60 ≥26 College Nail salon

Mi-sook F 50–59 ≥26 High school Nail salon

Mi-young F 50–59 10–25 Graduate degree Real estate

Robert M 40–49 ≥26 College Restaurant

Sang-hoon M 50–59 10–25 College Dry cleaning

Sung-jin M 50–59 10–25 College Deli

Sung-soo M ≥60 10–25 Graduate degree Dry cleaning

Sun-ja F ≥60 10–25 High school Home health service

Young-ho M 50–59 ≥26 College Beauty supply

Young-soo M ≥60 No answer College Nail salon

Young-sook F ≥60 10–25 College Dry cleaning

Professionals

Jung-hoon M 50–59 10–25 Graduate degree Attorney

Sungho M 40–49 10–25 College C.P.A.

Page 24/27
‍a
Participants were assigned pseudonyms to protect their privacy.

Table II. Factors Affecting Overall Economic Condition

Page 25/27
Access Barriers or Resources

Pseudonym Revenue Eligible Language Digital Quality Relief Regulation/
change b for barrier access C.P.A. received service d
relief c & service
literacy

No hardship throughout the pandemic (NH)

Julie Positive No No No info a No No No
info a info a

Kyung-soo Positive Yes No No info a Yes Yes No

Mi-young Positive Yes Yes Yes No No Yes
info a

Sun-ja Little Yes Yes No No Yes No
impact

Early Hardship at the beginning but economic conditions improved later (EH)

Byung-chul Negative Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes

Chi-hun Negative Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Ji-hoon Negative Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes

Jung-ho Negative Yes No Yes No Yes No

Jung-sook Negative Yes No Yes No Yes Yes

Kwang-su Negative Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes

Kyung-hee Negative Yes Yes No No Yes No

Mi-sook Negative Yes Yes No info a Yes Yes No

Robert Negative Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes

Sang-hoon Negative Yes No Yes No Yes Yes

Sung-jin Negative Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Sung-soo Negative Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes

Young-ho Negative Yes No No No Yes No

‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍Young-soo Negative Yes No Yes No Yes No
info a

Young-sook Negative Yes Yes Yes No Yes Yes

Hardship throughout the pandemic (HT)

Daniel Negative No No No No No Yes

Page 26/27
Access Barriers or Resources

Pseudonym Revenue Eligible Language Digital Quality Relief Regulation/
change b for barrier access C.P.A. received service d
relief c & service
literacy

Kerry Negative No No Yes No No Yes
info a

Mi-kyung Negative No Yes No No No Yes

a
No information available in the data.

b
Impact of the pandemic on sales revenue.

c
Actual eligibility or eligibility perceived by the participant.

d
Participants reported problems because of government regulations or lack of service availability.

Page 27/27

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