Senate hearing (117th Congress), NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION - PART II
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[Senate Hearing 117-288]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-288
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
----------
Part II
July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS,
FIRST SESSION--PART II
S. Hrg. 117-288
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART II
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
Part II
July 27, 2021 thru September 30, 2021
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
47-862 PDF WASHINGTON : 2022
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
Jessica Lewis, Staff Director [Damian Murphy replaced Jessica Lewis
as Staff Director on September 21, 2021.]
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
other material submitted for the record are located at the end
of each hearing transcript.
PART I
January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated
to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a
separate document in two parts:
Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m
Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6
January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
bit.ly/3AsQRsH
March 3, 2021.................................................... 1
Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
Secretary of State......................................... 9
McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources).... 13
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 60
March 23, 2021................................................... 171
Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development................................................ 176
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 207
April 15, 2021................................................... 263
Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Political Affairs)..................... 269
Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of
State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights)..... 272
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 292
April 28, 2021................................................... 353
Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Arms Control and International
Security).................................................. 357
Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the
Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of
the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor
of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.... 360
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 379
(iii)
May 19, 2021..................................................... 425
Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs).. 431
Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization
Affairs)................................................... 434
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 462
June 9, 2021..................................................... 493
Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia.............. 498
Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho....................... 500
Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and
Principe................................................... 503
Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria.. 505
Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Congo...................................... 508
Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon..................... 510
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 520
June 15, 2021.................................................... 549
Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs)................................... 552
Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research)............. 555
Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific
Affairs)................................................... 558
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 583
July 13, 2021.................................................... 617
Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)................... 622
Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to
be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs)......... 625
Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental
and Scientific Affairs).................................... 628
Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............ 631
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 647
July 20, 2021.................................................... 669
Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (Management and Resources)....... 672
Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and
Eurasian Affairs).......................................... 675
Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member
of the Board of Directors of the African Development
Foundation................................................. 677
Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of
State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be
Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development............. 680
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 695
----------
PART II
July 27, 2021.................................................... 739
Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service.......................................... 745
Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural
Affairs)................................................... 748
Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (Policy and Programming)....................... 751
Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform,
and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of
the General Assembly of the U.N............................ 753
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 768
July 28, 2021.................................................... 789
Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Mexican States.................... 795
Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary
of State (Political-Military Affairs)...................... 798
Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)................... 801
Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean) 803
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 823
August 5, 2021................................................... 859
Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau.................................. 863
Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Paraguay................................ 866
Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Guinea.................................. 868
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 879
September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................ 889
Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and
Migration)................................................. 896
Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco................... 899
Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent
Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador....... 902
Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs).................. 905
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 929
September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................ 997
Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and
Nonproliferation).......................................... 1000
Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special
Representative of the President for Nuclear
Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador.............. 1002
Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey,
nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service.... 1005
Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the
U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 1007
Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1010
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1028
September 22, 2021............................................... 1067
Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the State of Israel.......................... 1079
Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to Canada.................................................. 1082
Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica................... 1084
Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to
New Zealand and without additional compensation to be
Ambassador to the State of Samoa........................... 1115
Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.. 1118
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1130
September 28, 2021............................................... 1249
Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, with the rank of Ambassador............... 1256
Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the European Union, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1259
Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey....................... 1262
McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and
Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure
of service................................................. 1265
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1285
September 29, 2021............................................... 1311
Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S.
Representative on the Council of the International Civil
Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during
his tenure of service...................................... 1318
Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development.................................. 1321
Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to Ireland...................................... 1323
Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova...................... 1336
Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of The Gambia................................. 1339
Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................ 1341
Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana..................... 1344
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1352
September 30, 2021............................................... 1411
Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency,
with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative
to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1415
McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................ 1418
Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Malawi..................................... 1420
Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros..................... 1423
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1431
----------
PART III
October 5, 2021 (a.m.)........................................... 1455
Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and
Compliance)................................................ 1458
Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Bahrain.................................. 1461
Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council,
with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate
Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly
during her tenure of service............................... 1463
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1485
October 5, 2021 (p.m.)........................................... 1525
Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo....................... 1529
Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to Bosnia and Herzegovina.................................. 1532
Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador the Principality of Andorra..................... 1535
Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Austria...................... 1538
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1558
October 20, 2021 (a.m.).......................................... 1583
Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the People's Republic of China............... 1587
Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
to Japan................................................... 1626
Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore.................... 1630
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1651
October 20, 2021 (p.m.).......................................... 1735
Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Central African Republic................. 1739
Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique................... 1741
Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the
People's Republic of Bangladesh............................ 1744
Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka............. 1747
Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Benin................................... 1756
Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........ 1759
Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea..................................................... 1762
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1771
October 26, 2021................................................. 1837
Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the
Argentine Republic......................................... 1840
Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom.................. 1846
Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the
Rank of Ambassador......................................... 1849
Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years..... 1852
Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs)......... 1857
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1873
November 2, 2021................................................. 1941
Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................ 1947
Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia..................... 1950
Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the
Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality
of Liechtenstein........................................... 1952
Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................ 1955
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1968
December 1, 2021................................................. 1985
Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation........................................ 1990
Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Management)............................ 1993
Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Poland....................... 1995
Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Belgium..................................... 1998
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2024
December 14, 2021 (a.m.)......................................... 2067
Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan............. 2074
Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of India........................ 2077
Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Federal Republic of Germany......................... 2080
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2094
December 14, 2021 (p.m.)......................................... 2151
Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia....................... 2156
Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the
rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............ 2159
Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge
Corporation................................................ 2162
Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Holy See............................................ 2164
Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five
years...................................................... 2180
Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency.......... 2182
Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank
for a term of three years.................................. 2185
Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
American Development Bank.................................. 2188
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2196
NOMINATIONS
TUESDAY, JULY 27, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m., in
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin L.
Cardin presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin [residing], Shaheen, Murphy,
Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.
Also present: Senator Graham.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Cardin. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
We are convened today to consider four of President Biden's
nominations: the Honorable Rufus Gifford of Massachusetts to be
the chief of protocol; Ms. Lee Satterfield of South Carolina to
be an assistant secretary of state; the Honorable Isobel
Coleman to be deputy administrator of the United States Agency
for International Development; and the Honorable Christopher Lu
to be representative of the United States of America to the
United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform. Senator Hagerty
and I both agree that we will defer our opening statements
because we have some of our distinguished--have two of our
distinguished colleagues that are with us to introduce. And
since I might have some judicial nominations before the
Judiciary Committee this year, I will recognize Senator Graham.
STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Senator Graham. Thank you. I owe you one. Okay. Well, thank
you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member. I really appreciate this.
It is a big treat for me. Ms. Satterfield is from South
Carolina, a University of South Carolina graduate with a degree
in journalism. Her father was a legendary football coach at
Furman that won a national title, and she is being nominated to
be the assistant secretary for the Bureau of Educational and
Cultural Affairs at State. She has been endorsed by the last
six assistant secretaries for the position, the Alliance for
International Exchange, Public Diplomacy Council, and the
Public Diplomacy Association of America, and Trey Gowdy. I do
not know how much you care about the last one, but he is a good
golfer, for whatever that matters. But the reason Trey is doing
this, she is well respected in our State, and we are proud of
the fact that President Biden chose her for this job, and I
look forward to helping.
In this position--she has been involved in this space for a
long time. She launched the Center for Diplomatic Engagement,
the Center for Global Leadership. She has executive branch
experience. Prior to this nomination in the Obama
administration, she served as acting assistant secretary of
state and deputy assistant secretary of state in the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs, so she knows what she is
talking about. She has also served as deputy chief of staff of
protocol of the United States. During the Clinton
administration--you must have been a child back then. During
the Clinton administration, she served as the chief of staff
for the Secretary of Labor, and as special assistant to the
President, and staff director for the White House Office of
Public Liaison.
I cannot think of a more qualified, decent person to have
this job representing our Nation at a critical moment as we
engage the world, and I wholeheartedly support this nomination.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for letting me speak first.
Senator Cardin. Well, Senator Graham, we very much
appreciate you coming to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. Thank you. Senator Markey for an introduction.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. It is
my pleasure to introduce Ambassador Rufus Gifford, a native of
the great Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and to welcome his
husband, Stephen, his mom, Ann, and his father, Chad, all of
whom call the Bay State home. Rufus' two golden retrievers are
no doubt watching at home on C-SPAN 2 as we gather.
It is not every day this committee considers a nominee with
as eclectic a career as Rufus Gifford. His credits include
Hollywood producer, reality TV star show, ambassador,
congressional candidate, and cookbook co-author. It was an
unconventional route to today. After graduating from Brown
University in the mid-1990s, he set out for Hollywood to
produce the next great American film. He jokes that he wanted
to make classics like Chinatown or Ordinary People. Instead,
instead he gave American audiences Daddy Care 2 and Dr.
Dolittle 2. Jokes aside, after his time in Tinsel Town, Rufus
discovered his true calling in politics and public service.
After honing his skills as a--as a staffer on the Kerry
Campaign in 2004, he met then Senator Barack Obama in 2007,
which began a decade-long professional journey with the 44th
President. In 2013, President Obama nominated Rufus to be U.S.
Ambassador to Denmark, and he was unanimously confirmed by the
United States Senate. Shortly after arriving in Copenhagen,
Rufus agreed to be the headliner of a reality TV show, I Am the
Ambassador. Rufus often reminds people that it is more of a
documentary than a reality TV show. I Am the Ambassador may
have lacked the cliffhangers and the drama of the Kardashians,
but it did earn him the Danish equivalent of an Emmy. The
show's innovative approach to public diplomacy gave Danish
viewers, particularly young people, and all-access pass into
the life of a U.S. Ambassador and the U.S. diplomatic presence
in the country. In a country of just 5 million people, 200,000
Danes tuned in each episode to watch as the Ambassador toured
the country to speak at town halls, meet with migrant children,
and visit Greenland to witness the effects of climate change.
The series also showed the Ambassador advance core U.S.
interests, such as lobbying the Danish defense minister to
continue his country's steadfast support of the U.S. coalition
in Iraq and NATO forces in Afghanistan. One Danish viewer said
that ``It is the type of show you would watch with your mother-
in-law, and she would say, oh, he is a lovely man, that Rufus
Gifford.''
When it came to a decision of where to exchange marital
vows, Rufus and Steven picked Copenhagen Town Hall, the
historic venue where the first legal same-sex civil union in
the world was issued in 1989. If only Rufus as a teenager in
the 1980s could know the acceptance and happiness he would find
in 2015 as he married the love of his life surrounded by family
and friends, ambassadors, and even Crown Prince Frederick and
Crown Princess Mary of Denmark, and that President Biden would
later place faith in him to serve in a highly public role as
the chief of protocol. What a testament to the progress we have
made.
Rufus' effusive personality makes him the perfect choice
for this new role. In Copenhagen, Rufus opened the ambassador's
residence to thousands of visitors. As chief of protocol, he
will once again play host to foreign dignitaries at the White
House and Blair House. His hand will be the first outstretched
to greet a prime minister, president, or monarch. The position
to which Rufus is nominated is, therefore, a reflection of our
country to the world, the first impression, and what a first
impression it will be. To echo a Danish fan of his, ``He is a
lovely man, that Rufus Gifford.'' Congratulations on your
nomination, Rufus. I look forward to what I hope will be your
swift confirmation.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Markey, for the
introduction. As you know, our committee vets all nominees. A
lot of times all we do is read a lot of articles. This is going
to be much more enjoyable to see your video clips as we review
your qualifications. At this point, I will introduce my
colleague, Senator Van Hollen, for an introduction.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank
you and Senator Hagerty, Senator Shaheen, members of the
committee. I am grateful for the opportunity to introduce to
the committee the President's nominee to serve as the next
permanent representative to the United Nations for management
and reform, Mr. Christopher Lu. Chris possesses the leadership,
the experience, and the dedication and character required for
this role, and I am confident that he will serve our country
well if confirmed.
While Chris is now a resident of Virginia, he grew up in
Senator Cardin's and my State of Maryland. He comes from
Rockville, Maryland where his parents settled after arriving in
this country from Taiwan. Chris cut his teeth early on the
Thomas S. Wootton High School debating team and then went on to
pursue his bachelor's degree at Princeton University. It was
during that time there that our paths first crossed in the
summer of 1986, 35 years ago. Chris was an intern in the office
of Maryland senator, Mac Mathias, where I at the time was
working as the legislative assistant for defense and arms
control. Even back then, Chris stood out for his intellect and
passion for service. We got to work together on a range of
issues and became friends. From this internship in Senator
Mathias' office, he went to Harvard Law School before launching
his career in public service, a career that would span 2
decades in all three branches of government.
He first worked as a clerk for Judge Robert Cowan of the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit and gained
experience here on Capitol Hill as the deputy chief counsel of
the House Oversight and Reform Committee. He later became a key
aide to then Senator Barack Obama, a role that would take him
from the Capitol to the White House. From 2009 to 2013, he
served in the executive branch as the White House Cabinet
secretary and as assistant to the President, and during the
first term of the Obama administration, Mr. Lu co-chaired the
White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific
Islanders. In 2014, Chris was unanimously confirmed by the
United States Senate to be deputy secretary of the U.S.
Department of Labor, a position of key responsibilities,
overseeing an agency with 1,700--excuse me--17,000 employees
and a $112 billion budget. He performed his duties with
distinction and professionalism. He is currently the Teresa A.
Sullivan practitioner senior fellow at the University of
Virginia Miller Center.
Members of the committee, I have long appreciated and
admired Chris' 20-year career in public service and I am
thankful as a citizen for his enduring commitment to serving
our country. But despite his very distinguished public service
career, Chris never forgot where he started out, as an intern
here on Capitol Hill. He always credited that first internship
with Senator Mathias for giving him his start in public
service, and he also placed special emphasis on the fact that
Senator Mathias' office paid its interns even at that time.
Without that stipend, without that support, Chris could not
have afforded to take that summer internship, which led him on
his way. A few years later, Senator Schatz, Senator Murphy,
members of this committee, and others sponsored and we passed
legislation to enable all congressional interns to be paid, and
one of the people I was thinking about at that time was Chris
Lu. And when he heard about our efforts, he reached out and we
did a video supporting that legislation, which passed.
Chris' commitment to public service and his desire to open
the doors of opportunity to others and future generations are
what make him such an exceptional leader. And, members of the
committee, he is exactly the kind of person we want
representing our country in the United Nations. I am pleased to
strongly support his nomination, and I urge the committee to do
so as well.
Mr. Chairman if I could ask unanimous consent to also enter
into the record two letters of support for Chris Lu. One is
from over a dozen Asian-American and Pacific-Islander advocacy
groups. The other is from former high-ranking officials in
Republican administrations who worked with Chris at the
University of Virginia. Thank you, members of the committee,
and I urge you to support this fine nomination.
Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen, thank you very much for
that introduction. I am sure that my interns who are watching
this hearing appreciate the history of why they are receiving
some compensation. And let me just also put it--my observations
of Senator Mathias. He was an inspiration not only to you and
to our nominee, but to many of us in public service in
Maryland, an outstanding United States senator.
With that, let me welcome all four of our nominees again,
and thank you very much for your willingness to serve during
this extremely challenging period in America's history. We
recognize it is not easy and it is a family commitment, so we
thank you and your families for your willingness to serve our
Nation. Each of the positions that you have been nominated for
are critically important to United States. The chief of
protocol is responsible for advising the President, the Vice
President, the Secretary of State, and other high-ranking
officials on matters of national and international protocol,
creating an environment for successful diplomacy. We have
significant challenges today to succeed in diplomacy. The
Office of Assistant Secretary of State for Education and
Cultural Affairs promotes personal, professional, and
institutional ties between private citizens and organizations
of in the United States and abroad, and presents U.S. history,
society, art, and culture to foreign audiences, international
exchange programs, such as the Fulbright, the Humphrey,
International Visitor Leadership, and Exchange Visitor Program,
provides opportunities for individuals from foreign countries
to live, study, and work in the United States, and provides
similar opportunities for U.S. citizens abroad.
The deputy administrator of United States Agency for
International Development is one of the key leaders in our
USAID family, specifically responsible to oversee policy and
programming, including relief response and resilience, the
Bureau of Development, Democracy, and Innovation, the Bureau
for Global Health, which our committee is going to be taking up
legislation later this week, and regional bureaus, among
others, that are the responsibility of the deputy
administrator. And the representative of the United States at
the United Nations for management and reform is a critically-
important position. It is one of the five positions with the
rank of Ambassador at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in
New York. The Ambassador directs the Missions Management and
Reform Section, which was established to ensure that a senior
official at the United States U.N. focuses on issues of
management and reform within U.N. system.
So, we have key positions and we have qualified nominees,
and we thank you again for your willingness to serve. And with
that, let me turn it over to the ranking member, Senator
Hagerty.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Senator Cardin, thank you very much, and I
want to thank all the nominees for appearing before this
committee today. I want to thank you for your service and for
your willingness to step up and serve our great Nation.
First, I would like to start with the nomination of the
chief of protocol. This position has the unique responsibility
of advancing American foreign policy goals by creating an
environment conducive for American diplomacy. As the former
U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that protocol can be
incredibly challenging with its own set of complex and
intricate issues. It is an essential component of a successful
foreign policy, and I look forward to hearing the nominee's
views on how he will perform the role of chief of protocol.
Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be the
assistant secretary of state for educational and cultural
affairs. As authoritarian states, such as China and Russia,
look to systematically curb freedom and democracy throughout
the world, it is imperative that the United States continue to
bolster its people-to-people diplomacy. We should look for
opportunities to spread the values and ideals of the United
States by facilitating various academic, cultural, sports, and
professional exchange programs. I am very interested to hear
how the nominee intends to advance U.S. foreign policy
objectives through educational and cultural programs.
I would like to turn to the nomination to be deputy
administrator for policy and programming at USAID. We know that
thoughtfully-targeted and -designed foreign assistance can help
advance the national security, the economic security, and the
humanitarian interests of the United States. This means that
ensuring resources that are properly aligned with the broader
strategic objectives the United States will be implemented
properly. I look forward to hearing from the nominee on this
matter. And now, I would like to turn to the nominee to be
representative to the United Nations for U.N. Management and
Reform. This is a position that requires keen judgment and an
even temperament. As authoritarian states look for ways to
increase their influence in the United Nations, the United
States will need to exercise its leverage, including its
administrative and budgetary leverage, to protect the integrity
of the United Nations. At the same time, the United States
should look for support from our allies and its partners to
shoulder the financial burden of maintaining and funding the
United Nations. As these discussions and negotiations over the
administrative and budgetary aspects of the U.N. continue, it
will be critical for the representative of the United States to
maintain a strong position to ensure that the United Nations is
properly and efficiently managed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Senator Hagerty. We
will now proceed to our nominees. Your entire statement will be
made part of our record.
And without objection, the two letters of support mentioned
by Senator Van Hollen will also be made part of our record.
[The information referred to is located at the end of this
hearing transcdript]
Senator Cardin. At this time, let me recognize Ambassador
Gifford, who was previously introduced by Senator Markey.
STATEMENT OF HON. RUFUS GIFFORD OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO
BE CHIEF OF PROTOCOL AND TO HAVE THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR DURING
HIS TENURE OF SERVICE
Ambassador Gifford. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of
the committee, for the opportunity appear before you today, and
thank you, Senator Markey, for the very kind introduction.
Eight years ago, almost to the day, I sat grateful and
humbled before this distinguished committee as President
Obama's nominee to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark.
Today, I sit before you doubly humbled and grateful to be
nominated by President Biden to once again serve the country I
love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for chief of
protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the best
of America and all of America, while reaching out to our
friends, allies, and partners throughout the world. I also wish
to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Secretary and the
over 50,000 State Department employees made up of civil and
Foreign Service professionals, locally-engaged staff, eligible
family members, and contractors to continue bringing America
back to the table.
I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband, Dr.
Stephen DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department
when we first met and who is joining me for the second time on
this great journey. And I am joined by my mom and dad, Ann and
Chad Gifford. I want to thank all three of them for supporting
me today.
Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy,
like so much else in our great country, has been challenged by
COVID-19. However, the United States has remained strong and
resilient through the pandemic and has proven that we can work
in new and creative ways. In Denmark, I led our amazing team of
Americans and locally-engaged staff to strengthen our bilateral
relationship and modernize diplomacy while fully embracing the
fact that diplomacy starts and ends with human relationships,
face-to-face interactions, shaking hands, and breaking through
our differences. These are the fundamental ways to carry out
the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the
ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and
strengthen our relationships at home and abroad.
We also have a responsibility to model and represent
America's diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at
every opportunity. This can begin from the moment protocol
engages with each and every visiting delegation. If confirmed,
I pledge to support the administration's foreign policy goals
and reach new audiences using both traditional and modern
diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must
fully invest in the people who have been at the core of the
Office of Protocol for years, across administrations,
empowering them and building a true team, one with clarity of
mission to work together and advance American foreign policy
interests.
Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven
divisions which focus on elements specific to protocol
diplomacy. The Blair House, the presidential guest house, has
hosted official delegations since it was sold to the U.S.
Government in the mid-1900s. The Blair House operates similar
to a boutique hotel and can serve as a representational venue
or provide contingent lodging. The Ceremonials Division
executes events for both the White House and the Secretary of
State involving the Diplomatic Corps and visiting high-level
officials, as well as presidential inaugurations, state
funerals, and other ceremonies. Ceremonials officers advise on
flag etiquette, forms of address, and event logistics.
Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the
Diplomatic Corps order of precedence and the publication of the
Foreign Diplomatic List. It coordinates the accreditation of
bilateral chiefs of mission, heads of delegation, charge
d'affaires, and deputy chiefs of mission and their dependents.
It directs the process for new bilateral chiefs of mission and
heads of delegation, including arrivals and presentations of
credentials to the President at the White House.
Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible
for outreach to the Diplomatic Corps domestically and will
engage audiences, both through social media and other forum. It
has several programs, including Experience America, State of
the administration, issues roundtables, and the American
Heritage Series. Major Events is responsible for planning and
executing multilateral summits, major conferences, and other
large-scale events. Most recently, Major Events Division
carried out the largest virtual summit, virtual official event,
with the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate, reaching out to
40 world leaders. The Visits Division assistant accompanies
presidential delegations abroad. It works closely with other
Federal agencies and takes a role in the logistical planning of
bilateral meetings with the President, First Lady, Vice
President, and Secretary of State, as well as officials and
state visits and large-scale international meetings and
summits. Finally, the Management Division keeps all the other
divisions running, making sure they have all the needed
resources. If confirmed as the chief of protocol, I pledge to
lead the team of experienced protocol staff to showcase the
very best America has to offer.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again
for the--for the opportunity to appear before you today and for
your consideration of my nomination. If confirmed, I look
forward to serving the United States and working with Congress
to help advance our foreign policy. I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Gifford follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Rufus Gifford
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for the
opportunity to appear before you.
Eight years ago almost to the day, I sat grateful and humbled
before this distinguished committee as President Obama's nominee to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Denmark. Today, I sit before you, doubly
humbled and grateful to be nominated by President Biden to once again
serve the country I love. If confirmed as President Biden's nominee for
the Chief of Protocol for the United States, I am eager to showcase the
best of America--and all of America--while reaching out to our friends,
allies, and partners throughout the world.
I also wish to extend gratitude to Secretary of State Antony
Blinken. If confirmed, I look forward to working together with the
Secretary and the over 50,000 State Department employees made up of
civil and foreign service professionals, locally engaged staff,
eligible family members and contractors to continue bringing America
back to the table.
I am joined here today by my veterinarian husband Dr. Stephen
DeVincent, who was a fellow at the State Department when we first met
and who is joining me for the second time on this great journey. I am
also joined (virtually?) by my Mom and Dad and several close friends. I
want to thank them for supporting me today.
Today, in these unprecedented times, traditional diplomacy--like so
much else in our great country--has been challenged by COVID-19.
However, the United States has remained strong and resilient through
the pandemic and has proven that we can work in new and creative ways.
In Denmark, I led our amazing team of Americans and locally engaged
staff to strengthen our bilateral relationship and modernize diplomacy
while fully embracing the fact that diplomacy starts and ends with
human relationships, face to face interactions, shaking hands and
breaking through our differences. These are the fundamental ways to
carry out the art of protocol, but I also believe that we now have the
ability to leverage new tools and technology to build and strengthen
our relationships at home and abroad.
We also have a responsibility to model and represent America's
diversity by being more inclusive and equitable at every opportunity.
This can begin from the moment protocol engages with each and every
visiting delegation.
If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's foreign
policy goals and reach new audiences, using both traditional and modern
diplomatic methods of engagement. To do that, I believe I must fully
invest in the people who have been at the core of the Office of
Protocol for years, across administrations, empowering them and
building a true team--one with clarity of mission to work together to
advance American foreign policy interests.
Today, the Office of the Chief of Protocol has seven divisions
which focus on specific elements of protocol diplomacy.
The Blair House, the Presidential guest house, has hosted official
delegations since it was sold to the U.S. Government in the mid 1900s.
The Blair House operates similar to a boutique hotel and can serve as a
representational venue or provide contingent lodging.
The Ceremonials division executes events for both the White House
and the Secretary of State involving the diplomatic corps and visiting
high level officials, as well as Presidential inaugurations, state
funerals, and other ceremonies.
Ceremonials Officers advise on flag etiquette, forms of address,
and event logistics.
Diplomatic Affairs is responsible for maintaining the Diplomatic
Corps Order of Precedence and the publication of the foreign Diplomatic
List. It coordinates the accreditation of bilateral Chiefs of Mission,
Heads of Delegation, Charges d'affaires and Deputy Chiefs of Mission
and their dependents. It directs the agrement process for new bilateral
Chiefs of Mission and Heads of Delegation, including arrivals and
presentations of credentials to the President at the White House.
Diplomatic Partnership, a revived division, is responsible for
outreach to the diplomatic corps domestically and will engage audiences
both through social media and through other forums. It has several
programs, including Experience America, State of the administration,
Issue Roundtables, and American Heritage Series.
Major Events is responsible for planning and executing multi-
lateral summits, major conferences, and other large-scale events. Most
recently, the Major Events division carried out the largest virtual
official event through the April 2021 Leaders Summit on Climate,
reaching out to 40 world leaders.
The Visits division assists and accompanies Presidential
delegations abroad. It works closely with other federal agencies and
takes a lead role in the logistical planning of bilateral meetings with
the President, First Lady, Vice President, and Secretary of State, as
well as Official and State visits and large-scale international
meetings and summits.
Finally, the Management division keeps all the other divisions
running, making sure that they have all needed resources.
If confirmed as the Chief of Protocol, I pledge to lead the team of
experienced protocol staff to showcase the very best America has to
offer.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you today and for your consideration of my
nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to serving the United States
and working with Congress to help advance our foreign policy.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Ambassador Gifford. We will now
hear from Ms. Satterfield, who was previously introduced by
Senator Graham.
STATEMENT OF LEE SATTERFIELD OF SOUTH CAROLINA, NOMINATED TO BE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS)
Ms. Satterfield. Sorry. I would like to thank Senator
Graham for his introduction. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and members of the committee, thank you for giving me
the opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
s nominee to be assistant secretary of the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be considered
by the Senate for this important position and grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence that
they have placed in me. I would like to thank my family--my
husband, Patrick, our sons, Jack and Connor--and all of my
supportive extended family, friends, and colleagues.
I have worked in various capacities in the consequential
field of international engagement for over a decade and
dedicated the majority of my almost 30-year career to public
service. If confirmed it would be the honor of a lifetime to
lead a bureau whose mission is to increase mutual understanding
between the people of the United States and people around the
world through educational, professional, and cultural
exchanges. My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud
tradition of excellence at the Bureau. As president of Meridian
International Center, I led efforts to connect leaders through
cultural exchange and collaboration, driving solutions to
shared global challenges and fostering international
cooperation for the past 6 years.
I am a passionate champion for using U.S. policy priorities
through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in
ECA as deputy assistant secretary and acting assistant
secretary, I know these programs of engagement are an integral
part of our diplomacy, which President Biden has placed at the
center of U.S. foreign policy. And I hold the many dedicated
professionals who make these programs successful in the highest
regard. Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy
professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the
global terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive
advantages in meeting threats and challenges.
Those advantages are numerous. The United States has the
highest-quality, most open and diverse system of higher
education in the world. We are and must remain the destination
of choice for the best and brightest students. We can welcome
international students and protect our national interests. The
United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit
that attracts, inspires, and innovates. American culture is the
most pervasive and influential culture in the world. English is
the language of the world, opening doors and minds. American
values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence and
extremism, and that embraces liberty, individual dignity, and
democracy. ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage
all of those inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have
an unparalleled ability to convey and share the American
experience, ultimately making our country more secure and
globally competitive.
As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic
Guidance, we are engaged in a global competition for influence
and power with authoritarian states, such as Russia and China.
To meet this current challenge, our most powerful assets remain
those that have guided and strengthened our Nation since the
beginning: our democratic principles. If confirmed, I will
thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person
exchanges, prioritizing health, safety, and welfare, and build
on lessons learned from ECA's successful virtual programs. I
will ensure ECA programs represent, promote, and support
equity, diversity, and inclusion, while also advancing those
principles within the workforce. I will demonstrate responsible
stewardship of taxpayer dollars by measuring and evaluating
program performance through a data-driven approach.
As Secretary Blinken stated, among the best investments we
make are in our exchange programs. I will continue ECA
activities that benefit the American people and the U.S.
economy, contributing directly to local economies and fostering
business and educational opportunities, and I will promote
those opportunities to U.S. citizens. I will build on ECA's
robust global alumni network. Successful exchange programs are
not one-and-done events, but rather an initial investment in
foreign audiences and a community of potential foreign policy
allies. One in three current world leaders are part of the over
1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges. If confirmed, I will aim
to strengthen people-to-people ties and advance our country's
foreign policy goals under the leadership of Secretary Blinken
and in consultation with Congress.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Satterfield follows:]
Prepared Statement of Lee Satterfield
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of the
Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. I am honored to be
considered by the Senate for this important position, and grateful to
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have
placed in me.
I would like to thank my family: my husband, Patrick, our sons Jack
and Conor, and all of my supportive extended family, friends, and
colleagues.
I have worked in various capacities in the consequential field of
international engagement for over a decade and dedicated the majority
of my almost 30-year career to public service.
If confirmed, it would be the honor of a lifetime to lead a Bureau
whose mission is to increase mutual understanding between the people of
the United States and people around the world through educational,
professional, and cultural exchanges.
My experience has prepared me to carry on the proud tradition of
excellence at the Bureau. As President of Meridian International
Center, I have led efforts to connect leaders through cultural exchange
and collaboration, driving solutions to shared global challenges and
fostering international cooperation for the past six years.
I am a passionate champion of advancing U.S. policy priorities
through people-to-people exchanges. Having previously served in ECA as
Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting Assistant Secretary, I know these
programs of engagement are an integral part of our diplomacy which
President Biden has placed at the center of U.S. foreign policy, and I
hold the many dedicated professionals who make these programs
successful in the highest regard.
Public diplomacy is a strategy, and like foreign policy
professionals, public diplomacy practitioners must survey the global
terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive advantages in
meeting threats and challenges. Those advantages are numerous.
The United States has the highest-quality, most open and diverse
system of higher education in the world. We are, and must
remain, the destination of choice for the best and brightest
students. We can both welcome legitimate international students
and protect our national interests from malign influence.
The United States economy is infused with an entrepreneurial spirit
that attracts, inspires, and innovates.
American culture is the most pervasive and influential popular
culture in the world.
English is the language of the world, opening doors and minds.
American values are the foundation of a world that rejects violence
and extremism and that embraces liberty, individual dignity,
and democracy.
ECA exchanges are purposefully designed to leverage all those
inherent strengths of our country. Exchanges have an unparalleled
ability to convey and share the American experience, ultimately making
our country more secure and globally competitive.
As set forth in the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance,
we are engaged in a global competition for influence and power with
authoritarian states such as Russia and China. To meet this current
challenge, our most powerful assets remain those that have guided and
strengthened our nation since the beginning - our democratic
principles.
If confirmed, I will:
First, thoughtfully evaluate conditions for scaling up in-person
exchanges prioritizing health, safety, and welfare and continue
building on lessons learned from ECA's successful pivot to
virtual and hybrid programs during the pandemic.
I will ensure ECA programs represent promote and support equity,
diversity, and inclusion while also advancing those principles
within the workforce.
I will demonstrate responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars by
measuring and evaluating program performance through a data-
driven approach. As Secretary Blinken stated, ``Among the best
investments we make are in our exchange programs.''
I will continue ECA activities that benefit the American people and
U.S. economy, contributing directly to local economies and
fostering business and educational opportunities, and I will
promote those opportunities to US citizens.
I will build on ECA's robust global alumni network and continue
upgrading alumni engagement platforms. Successful exchange
programs are not one and done events, but rather an initial
investment in foreign audiences and a community of potential
foreign policy allies. One in three current world leaders are
part of the over 1.5 million alumni of ECA exchanges.
If confirmed, I will aim to strengthen people-to-people ties and
advance our country's foreign policy goals under the leadership of
Secretary Blinken and in consultation with Congress. Thank you, and I
look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your testimony. We
will now hear from the nominee--President Biden's nominee for
deputy administrator for policy and programming at USAID,
Ambassador Isobel Coleman, who is a foreign policy and global
development expert with more than 25 years of experience
working in government, the private sector, and nonprofits. Most
recently, she served on the Biden transition team, leading the
review of the U.S. mission in the United Nations--to the United
Nations. From 2014 to 2017, she was the U.S. Ambassador to the
United Nations for management, reform, and special political
affairs. During this time, she represented the United States in
the U.N. General Assembly on budgetary matters and the U.N.
Security Council on Africa and peacekeeping issues. From 2018
to 2020, she was the chief operating officer of GiveDirectly,
an international nonprofit group that deals with poverty by
providing unconditional cash transfers to the extreme poor.
It is a pleasure to have Ambassador Coleman before us.
STATEMENT OF HON. ISOBEL COLEMAN OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE A
DEPUTY ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (POLICY AND PROGRAMMING)
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Chairman Cardin, and
Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members of the
committee. I am honored to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee to be deputy administrator for policy and
programming at USAID. I am grateful to President Biden and
Administrator Power for their trust in me at this important
moment. I would also like to thank the SFRC staff who have so
strongly supported the mission of USAID and have been stalwart
partners to the Agency.
I would not be appearing before you today without the love
and support of my family, who have encouraged me every step. My
wonderful husband, Struan, who is here with us today, and my
terrific children, Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and Adrian;
my siblings, Carolyn, Richard, and Douglas; and my loving
parents, Michael and Edie; and mother-in-law, Jenny. I thank
you all.
Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and
NGO leader has taken me to trouble spots around the world from
Afghanistan and Yemen to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have
had the privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions,
and I have seen up close the incredible work of USAID staff and
partners, from programs training young women to provide
lifesaving maternal care in rural Afghan villages, to democracy
programs helping young people understand their newfound
political rights in Tunisia. These and other American
investments not only improve the lives of millions, but also
advance our own interests. We at home are more secure and more
prosperous when democracy and economic opportunities expand for
others around the world.
Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever.
COVID-19 continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable
populations. The pandemic's secondary effects, including loss
of incomes, food insecurity, and widespread school closings,
are exacting a steep toll in many communities. Untethered
corruption is destabilizing countries around the world, and
conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of humanitarian
needs. My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to
confront the challenges facing our global development efforts
at this time.
I have written extensively about economic reform and
democratization, and I am probably best known for my decades-
long work to underscore the advantages of investing in women
and girls globally. My years in the private sector have helped
me to hone my management skills. My time as a diplomat at the
U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of
multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of
leveraging our resources to marshal those of other countries.
And as an NGO working across Africa, I gained firsthand
appreciation for the acute challenges facing USAID partners in
delivering assistance to those devastated by conflict and
humanitarian disasters. If confirmed, I will bring these
experiences to bear at USAID to ensure that our programming
continues to be more innovative and effective, that it is
aligned to administration and congressional priorities, and to
mobilize other governments, international organizations, and
the private sector to be force multipliers of our work.
I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity,
equity, and inclusion across the Agency. Meeting today's
demands, from helping partner countries adapt to climate
change, to countering democratic backsliding, depends on
finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I
will strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down
programmatic silos to realize the multiplier effect of our work
across bureaus and sectors.
I am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by
China, Russia, and other authoritarian regimes, and I will make
sure that USAID is deploying the best of America, including
technical expertise, financing, corporate partnerships, and
innovation alongside our generous grants, to provide an
alternative to predatory development models that breed and
exacerbate corruption. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you
and your colleagues to ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are
being deployed effectively to advance American foreign policy
interests while doing the most good for the most people. I will
bring to my role the same commitment to transparency,
bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee that I
brought to my prior role in government.
I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before
you, and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Coleman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Isobel Coleman
Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished members
of the committee: I am honored to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee to be Deputy Administrator for Policy and Programming
at USAID. I am grateful for President Biden and Administrator Power's
trust in me at this important moment. I would also like to thank the
SFRC staff who have so strongly supported the mission of USAID and have
been stalwart partners to the Agency.
I would not be appearing before you today without the love and
support of my family who have encouraged me at every step: my wonderful
husband Struan; my terrific children Cullen, Struan, Julian, Josie, and
Adrienne; my siblings, my loving parents Michael and Edie, and my
mother-in-law Ginnie. I thank you all.
Over the past 20 years, my work as a writer, diplomat, and NGO
leader has taken me to troubled spots around the world--from
Afghanistan and Yemen, to South Sudan and Eastern Congo. I have had the
privilege of visiting more than a dozen USAID missions and I have seen
up-close the incredible work of USAID staff and partners--from programs
training young women to provide life-saving maternal care in rural
Afghan villages; to democracy programs helping young people understand
their new-found political rights in Tunisia. These and other American
investments not only improve the lives of millions but also advance our
own interests. We at home are more secure and prosperous when democracy
and economic opportunities expand for others around the world.
Today, the work of USAID is more important than ever. Covid-19
continues to ravage the world's most vulnerable populations. The
pandemic's secondary effects, including loss of incomes, food
insecurity, and widespread school closings, are exacting a steep toll
in many communities. Untethered corruption is destabilizing countries
around the world, and conflict is now driving more than 80 percent of
humanitarian needs.
My career has helped prepare me to lead the Agency to confront the
challenges facing our global development efforts at this time. I have
written extensively about economic reform and democratization, and I'm
probably best known for my decades-long work to underscore the
advantages of investing in women and girls globally. My years in the
private sector have helped me to hone my management skills. My time as
a diplomat at the U.N. exposed me to the benefits and challenges of
multilateralism and instilled in me the imperative of leveraging our
resources to marshal those of other countries. And, as an NGO leader
working across Africa, I gained first- hand appreciation for the acute
challenges facing USAID partners in delivering assistance to those
devastated by conflict and humanitarian disasters.
If confirmed, I will bring these experiences to bear at USAID to
ensure that our programming continues to be more innovative and
effective, that it is aligned to administration and congressional
priorities, and to mobilize other governments, international
organizations, and the private sector to be force multipliers of our
work. I will also lead on ensuring a culture of diversity, equity, and
inclusion across the Agency.
Meeting today's demands--from helping partner countries adapt to
climate change, to countering democratic backsliding--depends on
finding innovative ways to do more with less. To that end, I will
strive to ensure that the Agency is breaking down programmatic silos to
realize the multiplier effect of our work across bureaus and sectors. I
am clear-eyed about the competitive challenges posed by China, Russia,
and other authoritarian regimes, and will make sure that USAID is
deploying the best of America--including technical expertise,
financing, corporate partnerships and innovation alongside our generous
grants--to provide an alternative to predatory development models that
breed and exacerbate corruption.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with you and your colleagues to
ensure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are being deployed effectively to
advance American foreign policy interests while doing the most good for
the most people. I will bring to my role the same commitment to
transparency, bipartisanship, and collaboration with this committee
that I brought to my prior role in government.
I thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you and I
look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments. We
will now turn to the Honorable Christopher Lu, who was
previously introduced by Senator Van Hollen.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER LU OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED
NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM, WITH THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE THE ALTERNATIVE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF SERVICE AS
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED
NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM
Mr. Lu. Chairman Cardin, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear today. I
would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and
Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. I am
grateful to Senator Van Hollen for his kind words and his
tireless efforts to create opportunities for future public
servants. And, most importantly, I would like to thank my wife,
Katie Thompson, who is here today, for her steadfast support.
I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country
more than 60 years to start a new life. Government service is
literally in my blood. My father, who was a civilian employee
at the Department of Defense, believed that working for the
Federal Government was the best way to repay the country that
had been so good to him. I have tried to follow my father's
example during my 20 years of Federal service where I have
focused on improving how government addresses the needs of the
American people.
As deputy chief counsel of the House Oversight Committee, I
conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of
Federal programs. During my time as legislative director for
then Senator Obama, we worked with former senator, Tom Coburn,
to pass legislation to improve the transparency of Federal
spending and reduce no-bid contracts. As White House Cabinet
secretary, I coordinated dozens of Federal agencies to ensure
the effective delivery of services during the Great Recession.
And at the Department of Labor, I was the chief operating
officer of a $12 billion agency with 17,000 employees, and I
oversaw the budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions.
If confirmed, I look forward to applying my experience to this
critical position, representing the United States at the U.N.
Since its founding, the United Nations has been an
indispensable force for advancing peace and security and
improving the lives of the world's most vulnerable people. The
events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our
world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed
in collaboration with other countries. A well-managed U.N. is
in the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart
investment for the American people who are the largest funders
of the U.N. budget.
Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times
to live up to its founding ideals. In order to address the
complex issues of the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate
more like a 21st century organization. If confirmed, I will
push for greater transparency and accountability in how the
U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions, and operates its
programs. Waste, fraud, and abuse should be rooted out and
eliminated, anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it
exists, sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and
staff must end, and constant vigilance is needed towards
countries, like China and Russia, that seek to undermine the
U.N. and the rules-based international order.
I am well aware of the challenges of driving change in an
organization where the United States is just one of 193
members. However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this
committee in January, we must have the courage to insist on
reforms that make the U.N. efficient and effective and the
persistence to see the reforms through. Since its founding, the
U.N. has endured and prospered because of American leadership.
If confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my 2 decades of
Federal management experience to ensure that the United Nations
moves closer to reaching its full potential.
Thank you for considering me for this position. I look
forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Lu follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher P. Lu
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear today as the nominee to be the
Permanent Representative to the United Nations for Management and
Reform.
I would like to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and
Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. Most
importantly, I would like to thank my family, especially my remarkable
wife Katie Thomson, for their steadfast support.
I am the proud son of immigrants who came to this country more than
60 years ago to start a new life. Government service is literally in my
blood. My father was a civilian employee at the Department of Defense
because he believed that working for the federal government was the
best way to repay the country that had been so good to him.
I have tried to follow my father's example during my 20 years of
federal service, where I have focused on improving how the government
addresses the needs of the American people.
As the Deputy Chief Counsel of the House Oversight and Reform
Committee, I conducted investigations to improve the effectiveness of
federal programs. During my tenure as the legislative director for
then-Senator Obama, we worked with former Senator Tom Coburn to pass
legislation to improve the transparency of federal spending and reduce
no-bid contracts. As the White House Cabinet Secretary, I coordinated
dozens of federal agencies to ensure the effective delivery of services
during the Great Recession.
At the Department of Labor, an agency with 17,000 employees and a
$12 billion budget, I was the chief operating officer and oversaw the
budget, personnel, procurement, and IT functions. We utilized an
extensive performance management system, incorporated best practices
from outside the federal government, and focused on employee morale. In
the annual survey of federal employee engagement, the Labor Department
rose from 17th place before I arrived to 6th place when I left.
If confirmed for the role of Representative to the United Nations
for Management and Reform, I look forward to applying my management
experience to this critical position.
Since its founding, the United Nations has been an indispensable
force for advancing peace and security, improving the lives of the
world's most vulnerable people, and confronting global problems like
economic inequality, climate change and human rights. As Secretary
Blinken said to the U.N. Security Council in May: ``No period in modern
history has been more peaceful or prosperous than the one since the
United Nations was created.''
The events of the past year have highlighted how interconnected our
world is and how complex problems often can only be addressed in
collaboration with other countries. A well-managed United Nations is in
the best interest of the United States. It is also a smart investment
for the American people, who are the largest funders of the U.N.
budget. Indeed, a 2018 GAO report found that it would cost the United
States eight times as much money if we were to undertake unilaterally
the U.N.'s peacekeeping missions.
Despite its many successes, the U.N. has struggled at times to live
up to its founding ideals. In order to address the complex issues of
the 21st century, the U.N. needs to operate more like a 21st century
organization. In recent years, Secretary-General Guterres has
implemented important operational reforms. But more can and should be
done, and U.S. leadership is critical to driving U.N. reform.
If confirmed, I will push for greater transparency and
accountability in how the U.N. spends its funds, makes its decisions,
and operates its programs. The performance of programs should be
evaluated using data. Waste, fraud and abuse should be rooted out and
eliminated. Anti-Israel bias must be rejected wherever it exists.
Instances of sexual exploitation and abuse by U.N. peacekeepers and
staff must end. And constant vigilance is needed of those nations, such
as China and Russia, that seek to undermine the U.N. and the rules-
based international order.
I am fully cognizant of the challenges of driving change in an
organization where the United States is just one of 193 members.
However, as Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield told this committee in
January: ``We must have the courage to insist on reforms that make the
U.N. efficient and effective, and the persistence to see reforms
through.''
In the 75 years since its founding, the U.N. has endured, expanded
its mission, and transformed itself because of American leadership. If
confirmed, I look forward to utilizing my two decades of federal
management experience to ensure that the United Nations moves closer to
reaching its full potential.
Thank you for considering me for this position, and I look forward
to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. And thank you for your testimony. The
committee has four standard questions that we ask all nominees.
I will go down the line, ask if you could answer ``yes'' or
``no'' to these questions for the record.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Ambassador Gifford. Yes.
Ms. Satterfield. Yes, I do.
Mr. Lu. Yes.
Senator Cardin. You cannot nod. You have to respond.
Ambassador Coleman. Yes, I do.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Do you commit to keep this
committee fully and currently informed about the activities
under your purview?
Ambassador Gifford. Yes.
Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
Ambassador Coleman. Yes, I do.
Mr. Lu. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ambassador Gifford. Yes.
Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
Ambassador Coleman. Yes.
Mr. Lu. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ambassador Gifford. Yes.
Ms. Satterfield. Yes.
Ambassador Coleman. Yes.
Mr. Lu. Yes.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of you on your nominations. I look
forward to working with you, and I am sure the rest of the
committee feels the same way. Ambassador Coleman, I would like
to begin with you because one of the things you said in your
opening statement, and you talked a little bit about this in
your written testimony, is that you are going to strive to
ensure the Agency is breaking down siloes to realize the
multiplier effect of work across bureaus and sectors. And in
your opening statement, you talked about the importance of
investing in women and girls, which I am a big proponent of.
Can you talk a little bit about how you could fully integrate
women and girls across all aspects of USAID?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for that
question on a topic near and dear to my heart. Investing in
women and girls cannot be a side show, an afterthought. It
really has to be the main event. There is so much compelling
evidence today that shows that investing in women and girls
creates positive cycles for countries, that it improves not
only their own lives, the lives of their families, of their
communities, but it leads to more prosperous countries and the
world as a whole. So, when we look at efforts on food security,
humanitarian assistance, global health, whatever it is that
USAID is doing--climate change and resilience--women and girls
have to be front and center. They are often the most vulnerable
in their communities and ones we need to make sure that they
are receiving attention. And we know that when efforts and
programming is targeted to women and girls, the spillover
effects for the whole family are tremendous.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I assume we can feel--
rest assured that you will commit to making that a priority, if
confirmed.
Ambassador Coleman. Absolutely, it will be one of our
priorities. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Ms. Satterfield, I totally
agree with your comment about cultural exchanges being an
initial investment in our foreign allies, and it is the best
way for people around the world to learn about the United
States and for Americans to learn about others around the
world. But one of the challenges that we have had in New
Hampshire is with the J-1 Visa Program. I think it is a
terrific program, and we have a lot of employers who not only
appreciate the ability to learn from the foreign visitors, but
who also are able to give them jobs, and that has been an
important aspect of our seasonal economy in New Hampshire with
tourism. So can you talk about how you would work, if
confirmed, with American businesses to address issues that we
have had with the J-1 Visa Program over the last year so that
we are not facing a winter and a spring next year where we have
these same problems where young people are not able to get to
the United States because we have embassies closed down and we
cannot do the work to ensure that they can arrive in the United
States?
Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, and I agree that the
J-1 Visa Program, now called BridgeUSA, is a valuable foreign
policy tool and an important public diplomacy program
specifically to communities all across the country. I have seen
recent reports about the shortage of international visitors in
camps that are not being able to continue because of the
shortage. And I feel for those parents and families and also
those small businesses that affected. The BridgeUSA Program is
poised to be stronger than ever. There have been significant
improvements in the program over the last couple of years, and
now those alumni are included as part of all of the State
Department alumni and continuing engagement after they return
home, so your point about a critical audience is key.
If I am confirmed, I will work very closely with Consular
Affairs to prioritize the J-1 visitors and to communicate with
sponsors and communities about the various ways that we can
ensure that these participants are able to come to the United
States as soon as possible.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. As we continue to
struggle with COVID, both here in the United States and around
the world, will you also commit to working with State to
develop a plan for how we will address this if we continue to
have embassies closed around the world?
Ms. Satterfield. Yes, Senator, I will.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. I would just
reinforce what Senator Shaheen said on the--on the J-1's. I
think many parts of our country depended upon the J-1's, but
also the value of the exchange as well as the need in our
country was clearly missed during COVID-19. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. There we go. Thank you. Chairman Cardin, I
just want to thank you for your remarks, and, Senator Shaheen,
the J-1 issue is also a big issue in my State as well, and I
echo your concern and appreciate the fact that, Ms.
Satterfield, you will be willing to work with us on this, if
confirmed. If I could first turn to Ambassador Gifford, chief
of protocol plays a critical diplomatic role. You will be
charged with advising not only national, but international
diplomatic protocols. Our Nation will rely upon you. As the
former United States Ambassador to Japan, I understand how
difficult sometimes the nuances of diplomatic protocol can be,
and it will be requiring you to have very keen judgment as you
execute your duties, if you are confirmed. Also, I want to
remind you that, if confirmed, you will be representing all
Americans, and I hope that you will keep that in mind.
And with that in mind, I would like to understand your
views, Ambassador, on the importance of bipartisanship in the
execution and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, and
whether you will commit to work with me and the other members
of this committee to make sure that bipartisan representation
is critically represented in all of our diplomatic protocol
issues.
Ambassador Gifford. Thank you, Senator. The answer to that
is absolutely, 100 percent. As someone like you, who has served
overseas and has seen the real beauty, and strength, and power
of American diplomacy globally, as far as I am concerned,
partisan politics has absolutely no place at the State
Department, that politics famously stops at the water's edge.
And then, of course, when we are living and working at the
State Department, that holds true as well. The way I think
about this is when we--if I am confirmed and I am privileged
enough to take that oath of office, I pledge to serve, protect,
defend the Constitution of the United States, I do not--no
President, no ideology, certainly no political party. And for
me, I think I have a record to back that up because that is
what I did from 2013 until I left my post in 2017. And I commit
to you wholeheartedly to do that once again if I am confirmed
in this position.
Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that, Ambassador. I have been
very frustrated myself seeing former diplomats come back and
behave in a partisan manner, and I think that that needs to be
parked. And just as you say, you will be representing all of
us, and I appreciate your wholehearted focus on that.
Ambassador Coleman, if I could turn to you, please. I have
enjoyed our opportunity to discuss matters related to the
charter that you are looking to undertake. I would like to talk
to you about two areas: China and Afghanistan. USAID funds a
tremendous amount of effort to help ethnic Tibetans to maintain
their culture, to maintain their entrepreneurial presence. It
is this type of program that I wholeheartedly support, and I
would love to hear your views on how you would look at
continuing USAID's support for other groups that may be, in
some way, oppressed or damaged in some manner by China's malign
behavior.
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for that
question, and I thank you for your time last week that we were
able to spend to get to know each other a bit. It is a very
important question. We have seen an increasing authoritarian
turn in China and an erosion of human rights in that country.
You mentioned the Tibetans, but, of course, the situation with
the Uyghurs is very dire, too. USAID is doing what it can to
support the Uyghur people, particularly those who are taking an
activist role and those who have been oppressed by the country.
Some of them have left the country, and USAID is taking efforts
across China to ensure human rights programming where it can,
but often outside the country.
Senator Hagerty. I hope we can continue this conversation,
particularly with the thought of how we can prevent the CCP
from diverting or, in some way, frustrating those efforts. I
will look forward to having those conversations with you should
you be confirmed.
Ambassador Coleman. I look forward to it.
Senator Hagerty. With respect to Afghanistan, I see a very
challenging role there because we are making commitments to
continue U.S. aid, but the Taliban has taken over half the
districts there, putting our presence there under tremendous
pressure. Have you had the opportunity to think about how you
will deploy USAID resources under the current conditions in
Afghanistan, particularly as you see them trending?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator, for that question,
too. I have--I have spent a bit of time in Afghanistan. I have
been there maybe half a dozen times over the past 20 years and
have seen some very good work that USAID has done there. And I
recognize that the situation is very fragile right now and
rapidly changing. I think USAID has made some strong gains in
Afghanistan and will do what it can, both through our own
efforts on the ground, but also working through partners there,
local partners, international NGOs, and U.N. agencies, to
continue some of the good work that we have done. But if
confirmed, I will certainly make Afghanistan a priority and to
do contingency planning as the situation evolves.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of you on your nominations. Ms.
Satterfield, if I could begin with you, and thank you for the
work you have done at the Meridian House. Let me pick up on
that work and something I heard you say, which is that you
believe that educational and exchange programs do play an
important role in our foreign policy. I agree with you. If you
look at the previous administration even before the pandemic
hit, there was a big drop off in the number of students coming
to the United States. In the very first year of the previous
administration, international student enrollment in U.S.
universities declined by 6.6 percent in the first academic
year. We don't need to go into all the reasons for that, but my
question to you is, is it your goal to restore a more robust
enrollment of foreign students to the United States and to
reinvigorate our exchange programs?
Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator, for that question and
bringing up this incredibly important point. The United States
remains the number one destination for hosting international
students, even though the numbers have dropped. Also, there is
growing competition from other countries to recruit students to
come there to study, and we cannot rest on laurels. It is
absolutely my intent to continue to find ways to message to
international students. We need strong outreach with accurate
and comprehensive information. Frankly, like the statement that
was put out yesterday by the State Department--a joint
statement by the State Department and the Department of
Education listing the ways that international students can come
to the United States to U.S. universities and colleges and
participate in a way, we can also network through Education
USA, which is ECA's educational advising arm, and through our
American Spaces, which are in over 600 places around the world.
I absolutely commit, if confirmed, to making that a priority.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, terrific, because, as you say, we
have seen a drop off in the number of enrollments even before
the pandemic, and obviously we need to take into account health
issues, but as you mentioned, we are seeing incredible
competition around the world. Other countries see it as in
their interest to attract students, and we have a whole lot to
offer and also a window into, you know, some of the values that
form our country in foreign policy--freedom of speech and other
things. So, I really hope and am pleased that you are going to
make that a priority.
I also just want to mention to you that there is a very
good exchange program with young African leaders, the Young
African Leaders Initiative, YALI. You are probably familiar
with it. I chair the Africa Subcommittee here and Senator
Rounds is the ranking member, and we intend to--shortly to
introduce legislation to codify that program. Congresswoman
Bass introduced and passed that in the House and look forward
to working with you. I hope I will have your commitment to work
with us on that.
Ms. Satterfield. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Ambassador Coleman, if I
could--well, first let me start with Sudan. I had a chance to
visit Sudan a little while back with Senator Coons, and, as you
know, the United States through AID has committed $700 million
to support the transition from dictatorship to democracy. This
committee is currently reviewing some of the rough drafts of
the proposal. We need to get it done quickly, in my view. Are
you familiar with that proposal, and do you commit to working
with this committee to make sure that we implement it fully?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator, for bringing up
Sudan. It is one of the few bright spots actually on the
horizon as it makes its transition from military rule to
civilian governance, and if confirmed, I will absolutely make
Sudan one of my priorities. I am familiar with the legislation.
I do not know the details of it, but I do understand that $700
million has been committed, and investments in helping the
civilian government understand how to govern, and building
institutional capacity, and working with civil society so that
they can strengthen that democratic governance process there is
critically important. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And my last question relates
to what Senator Hagerty brought up with respect to Afghanistan.
I do know if you have seen the move, Charlie Wilson's War, but
for those of you who have not, I recommend it to you. It is a
story about a House member who was successful in getting all of
his colleagues to support the purchase of Stinger missiles to
provide to the mujahideen, which did help drive the Soviets out
of Afghanistan. But the very end of the movie is a--is a scene
of him asking his colleagues to support funding for education
and schools in Afghanistan, and he was unsuccessful at doing
that. We know what happened after the Soviet--we pushed the
Soviets out, and we sort of, you know, left the scene, and the
Taliban filled the vacuum, and they gave--they, of course, gave
sanctuary to al-Qaeda. So I--two questions. One is, what is
AID's vision for its continued participation in Afghanistan?
Number two, how are you going to navigate the security
situation there?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
You know, USAID, I understand, is looking at the situation very
closely in Afghanistan and, as I said earlier, doing
contingency planning. It is almost impossible to know what will
happen at this point and any time frame. But it has invested
$22 billion in that country over the past 20 years and have
some remarkable gains to show for it in terms of significant
declines in maternal mortality, more girls in school than ever
before in that country's history, and seeking ways to make sure
that those gains are not lost, that, in fact, that they are
sustained, whether it is through direct interventions or
working through partners on the ground through the multilateral
system and the U.N. agencies, but also recognizing the
possibility for refugee flows and being ready for that.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, I think we all have our hands
full there with respect to what will unfold, but I appreciate
your determination to stay engaged, security allowing. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Madam Chair and Ranking Member Hagerty,
thank you, and congratulations to the panel. This is a very
highly-qualified panel. Ambassador Gifford, it is good to see
you again, and I want to start with you. I would have asked
exactly the question that Senator Hagerty did. Looking at the
background of a Rufus Gifford that I did not know and seeing so
much political activity, I would have asked, can you, you know,
take an oath and be even handed in your work. I have had the
virtue of working with Rufus significantly in the past, and I
couldn't say this about everybody I have worked in a political
capacity, but I can say it about Rufus Gifford that he is going
to be very, very even handed in his approach to the job, which
is what he did when he was Ambassador to Denmark. Your success
there was very, very notable.
Let me ask you this, Ambassador Gifford. You talked about
the many external-facing roles of the protocol chief, but there
is also this internal-facing role. You talked about the
Management Division within the Office. In the past, there have
been some controversies about internal management issues. Tell
us what you would do, should you be confirmed, to foster a very
professional and inclusive and even-handed environment in the
office?
Ambassador Gifford. Thank you, Senator, and this is a--
this is an issue that is near and dear to my heart. I am
certainly aware of the ongoing challenges. There are issues
with morale, et cetera. And listen, I think that from a
management standpoint, and I think this is--one important thing
to note here is that service overseas, understanding the
culture of the State Department, understand the expertise that
I am walking into, if I am confirmed for this job, is where you
start, I think. General respect for the civil servants who have
been doing this work for years, understanding that if I am
confirmed in this position, that I have a lot to learn still,
that they are the career professionals, and I am coming in to
lead, of course, but I still--but I need to be building that
team and fostering that sense--that sense of just that word
``team.''
And I have to say that over the--with the various teams
that I have managed roughly the same size, diverse staffs in a
variety of different ways, I like to say that I, at the
beginning of any job like this, I take the bull by the horns
and ensure that we change the tone and that we create an
environment that is equitable, diverse, and empowering because,
honestly, if we are going to accomplish the mission, that is
what we have got to do. That is where were you got to start.
Senator Kaine. Excellent. Thank you for that. Ms.
Satterfield, your Bureau is very important, and it is very
important to Virginia because we have a significant number of
people who work on programs. For example, in Fulbright, we have
53 Virginians doing Fulbrights during 2020 and 2021 Peace
Corps, 114 Virginians in the 2020 Peace Corps Program. We have
also hosted critical programs, including the Young African
Leaders Conference that Senator Van Hollen asked you about at
UVA in 2014 and at Virginia Commonwealth University in 2016.
So, there is a lot I would like to ask, but I am just going to
ask you about this. Talk to us about the challenges of the
Fulbright Program during the time of COVID and how you intend
to keep this program vibrant and active, even as the State
Department is issuing new guidance and other agencies are
issuing new guidance every day about travel restrictions that
may need to be continued with some of the nations where we have
Fulbright scholars.
Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator. It is important to
continue to provide ways that we can connect with people around
the world and Americans, particularly through Fulbright. It
happens to be the 75th anniversary of that program this year,
and it is a strong and vibrant way that we reach out to other
communities across the world. I remember recently I was
speaking with some college students and talking about the role,
I am confirmed, that I will play in the United States. As soon
as I mentioned ``Fulbright,'' their eyes lit up. It has a--it
resonates, not only here in the United States, but in all
places around the world.
The pandemic has created a challenge for doing in-person
programming, but I think that--we hope that we will be able to
continue in-person programs where possible, and continuing
Fulbright and other public diplomacy programs will critical.
And if I am confirmed, I will look forward to determining ways
we can do that safely.
Senator Kaine. Excellent. Well, I am going to--I am going
to include Ambassador Coleman and Mr. Lu in a last comment or
question. So, Mr. Lu, you are a wonderful public servant. Since
you are nominated for a position that Ambassador Coleman has
had, I hope you guys have lunch right after this and let her
give you a lot of good advice about how to do it. Ambassador
Coleman, here is something I am just interested in, and I just
want to put it on your radar screen. There is a program at
USAID called the New Partnerships Initiative, which is designed
to invest in NGOs--small NGOs and local partners in the USAID
humanitarian contracting space. There was a Foreign Policy
article in May, just recently, that criticized USAID for
distributing the NPI awards largely through large contractors,
kind of undercutting the whole goal of the program, which is to
focus on small contractors and local partners. Senators Rubio
and I are going to introduce a bill this week called the New
Partners--New Partnerships Initiative Authorization Act to
really try to make sure that we are building capacity among
creative and innovative new partners, and not just legacy
partners, who do great work. But we want to create more
innovation and more opportunity. And I hope that will be an
area that you will focus on, should you be confirmed, and we
will look forward to working with you on that.
Senator Cardin. Ambassador Coleman, if I might start with a
question in regards to how you intend to set priorities within
USAID. And I mention this with President Biden making it clear
that our foreign policy is going to be wrapped in our values,
something that, I think, every member of this committee
strongly supports. He has also indicated corruption is a core
national security concern. If you look at what the trends are
around the world, decline of democratic states, the rise of
corruption in many countries, including some of our allies
where we see a rise in corruption, good governance and the role
USAID plays in anti-corruption becomes critically important.
Later this week, our committee will be considering legislation
to expand our role and USAID's role in global health, something
we desperately need to do. My question is, we have a limited
amount of resources today under USAID that is devoted to good
governance and anti-corruption. How do you intend to prioritize
good governance and anti-corruption to protect and expand the
capacity of USAID to deal with this critical issue for our
country?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for that
terrific question. And also let me just start by thanking you
for your leadership on this issue. Whether it is the Global
Magnitsky Act or the Combatting Global Corruption Act, you have
truly shown tremendous leadership on bringing corruption to the
forefront of what needs to be a whole-of-government approach to
combating this scourge around the world, so thank you.
If confirmed, I know that corruption--anti-corruption
efforts will be very central to a whole range of efforts. Not
only has President Biden made this one of his priorities, but
Administrator Power also created an anti-corruption task force
and is really focused on this issue because it is such a
challenging topic in so many parts of the world. And, you know,
if confirmed, I would really dig into the programs that exist,
look at what has been effective, look at new areas that we
could invest more in, but really make this something that is
mainstreamed throughout all of our work that we are doing
because it is so important.
Senator Cardin. I would just underscore that one of the
areas that we really need to strengthen is the capacity of our
embassies to deal with understanding the problems in their
country and how we can best interact to deal with anti-
corruption measures. So, one of the areas that could help USAID
is if there was stronger capacity within missions to be able to
provide that type of knowledge and help. I would just urge you
to make that part of your priority selections to strengthen the
State Department's ability to deal with anti-corruption.
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator. If confirmed, I
will absolutely work with my State Department colleagues on
that.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Mr. Lu, I want to talk about a
serious issue we have had at the United Nations. We have United
Nations peacekeepers. As part of the way that the
administratives are handled, there are a lot of countries that
lobby to become peacekeepers, and yet we have seen sexual
exploitations too often in regard to peacekeepers. So, I want
to get your commitment and your response to how you will use
your position at the United Nations to make sure that we
protect the safety of the people on which the United Nations is
operating with peacekeepers, and that safety will be the top
concern, not just the politics of which countries are selected
for peacekeeping.
Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. The United
States has a zero-tolerance policy when it comes to sexual
exploitation and abuse. There have been improvements, I
understand, in recent years under the Secretary-General's
leadership in terms of preventing sexual exploitation and
abuse, increasing transparency of allegations, suspending
troops engaged in wrongdoing, often repatriating them and
sometimes even withholding payments. All of that being said,
far more needs to be done, and the progress that has been made
in recent years, including under Ambassador Coleman's
leadership, happens when the U.S. is actively engaged in the
United Nations. So, you have my commitment, Senator, that if
confirmed, this will be a top priority of mine, and I know it
is of Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield as well.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Ambassador Gifford, I want to
ask you about diplomatic immunity. It is something that is
absolutely essential for diplomats to be able to carry out
their responsibilities, but we know the pressure that develops
particularly when there is a particular incident. So how do you
intend to provide guidance in regards to U.S. position globally
on defending diplomatic immunity?
Ambassador Gifford. Well, I think--thank you for the
question, Senator, and it is--it is critically important. I
think one of the roles of the chief of protocol here is
understanding that when issues of diplomatic immunity arise,
and they will inevitably arise, that we have to manage what
could become the significant frictions in a bilateral
relationship. And how do you do that? This is so much, for me,
about communication, that we are not policymakers in the chief
of protocol, if I am confirmed. So, what I think needs to be
prioritized is heightened communication between whatever
Bureau, understanding the issue that has come up and dealing
with it collectively. And I think in an issue like these
involving incredibly-sensitive issues, that has got to be
prioritized above and beyond all else.
Senator Cardin. Senator Markey?
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Ms.
Satterfield, your position at the Bureau of Educational and
Cultural Affairs will allow you to establish import
restrictions on cultural goods from foreign countries through
the authorization of memorandums of understanding. Cultural
property MOUs have the power to impact the cultural heritage of
ethnic and religious minority populations, which the United
States should aim to protect. If confirmed, will you urge the
administration to appoint an advocate for religious and ethnic
minorities as a public representative to the Cultural Property
Advisory Committee to ensure that minorities populations are
properly represented?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator. ECA is very proud
of the work of the Cultural Heritage Center to protect and
preserve global heritage. It is critically-important work, as
you said. ECA can and should ply a strong role, particularly in
cooperating with law enforcement to prevent the financing of
transnational terrorism through looting and trafficking of
antiquities. If I am confirmed, I look forward to working with
Congress, other parts of the Department, and private entities,
particularly through the advisory committee, to ensure a
diversity of perspective when continuing the important work as
it was laid out originally by Congress.
Senator Markey. Okay. Thank you. Ms. Coleman, the United
Nations Development Program and the World Health Organization
recently reported that if low-income countries had similar
COVID-19 vaccination rates as high-income countries, they could
have added $38 billion to their collective GDPs in 2021.
Through the G7, we have announced ambitious plans to share 1
billion COVID-19 vaccine doses with low-income countries.
Global vaccine inequity still remains a very serious challenge.
With the rise of the Delta variant, addressing the vaccine
equity issues are more urgent than ever. If confirmed, will you
commit to prioritizing the push for increased vaccine
manufacturing and equitable vaccine distribution in your role
at USAID?
Ambassador Coleman. Thank you, Senator. Absolutely. There
is perhaps no greater challenge today than the global pandemic
and its secondary effects, and how it is ravaging countries
around the world. And I would like to thank this committee and
Congress for its generosity on providing the 500 million
vaccines and the $4 billion to Gavi. So, it is incredibly
important to get the rest of the world vaccinated, and I echo
President Biden's comment to be--that the United States should
be the arsenal of vaccination, and I will do everything I can
to make that happen.
Senator Markey. Thank you. And, Mr. Lu, climate change is
an existential threat that continues to harm the quality of
life for people all around the world. For that reason, our
efforts to combat climate change must be closely aligned with
efforts playing out in multilateral institutions like the
United Nations. We also have to oversee any multilateral
commitments to ensure they come to actionable fruition. How can
we work to reform the U.N. system to ensure that climate
commitments are monitored and measured so that they don't
simply remain empty statements or words?
Mr. Lu. Senator, thank you for that question. I certainly
share your concerns. The Biden administration believes that we
can be the most effective in multilateral organizations when we
actively participate in them, and we have the greatest
credibility in these organizations when we pay our dues in full
and on time, so being an active player gives us that leverage.
Climate change, in particular, is an important policy issue, as
you well know, not only to the President, but to Ambassador
Thomas-Greenfield. This is an issue that she has raised in the
U.N. Security Council, but it is, frankly, an issue that cuts
across so many different parts of the multilateral system. So,
if confirmed to this position, I will use my position in terms
of managing programs to ensure that those that relate to
climate change are effectively managed and well funded.
Senator Cardin. Thank you so much. And, Mr. Gifford, in
your role, you are welcoming the rest of the world to the State
Department, to the White House. We have gone through a
turbulent time over a 4-year period, and now we are trying to
re-stabilize all of our relationships. Could you just step back
for a second and just lay out why you think that is important
that we respect each nation in the world and that we treat them
in a way that ensures ultimately that we will be able to elicit
from them the kind of response the United States is looking for
on policy issues all across the spectrum?
Ambassador Gifford. Thank you, Senator. This is, again,
something very near and dear to my heart. There are two words
over--during the time that I have been preparing for this
hearing and whatnot that keep coming up, and those two words
are ``dignity'' and ``respect.'' And I pledge to you that when
I think about this job, when I think about how we interact with
world leaders and partners--partner countries around the world,
I will lead with dignity and respect. And I think that the soft
power of diplomacy cannot be overstated, and, as you mentioned,
you are the first hand that folks shake when they are walking
down from their plane at Andrews or at Dulles or whatever it
may be. And I think as Senator Hagerty said in his introduction
that we create the environment conducive to diplomacy. And as
far as I am concerned, that is the way you create that
environment in which diplomacy can thrive. You do that with
dignity and respect.
Senator Markey. Thank you. Thank you, and thank each and
every one of you for your willingness to serve. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Cardin. I wanted to
just follow up with a few additional questions. You are very
kind to let me do that. First, if I could turn to you, Ms.
Satterfield. It is wonderful to see you here. In your opening
testimony, you commented about the global competition for
influence that we find ourselves in with authorization
countries, such as China and Russia. I would like to compliment
your Department on the wonderful work that they have done with
human exchanges, particularly the Fulbright Program and other
exchange programs, that I have seen firsthand have an enormous
impact. I would also like to make a comment, that there is an
alumni network there that I see as immensely valuable, and I
would look forward to working with you to driving value from
that alumni network, because I think it could make a real
difference for the United States' interests around the globe.
Another thing you mentioned, and I compliment you for your
operational experience. You talked about implementing standards
and metrics to basically be a good steward of U.S. taxpayer
dollars. As you look at this program and take a data-driven
approach to how you measure and evaluate what happens, could
you talk a bit about how you might use that approach to
evaluate how we are doing versus China and Russia, two
authoritarian countries that are trying to exert their
influence, when you look at our programs relative to what they
are doing?
Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, senator. As it relates to
measurement and evaluation, it is a critically-important point
and one that the Bureau has been working very hard to come up
with a way to have parity across the various programs. They are
also different, and that is a good thing. We want a variety of
opportunity because what works in one community might not work
in another, but that has proven to be challenging for M&E. And
the Bureau has done a really wonderful job, in my opinion,
based on the information that I have received in preparing for
this hearing, to create a program that is a new framework that
will ECA to have more data at its fingertips so that we can
make good data-driven decisions. And that will be rolled out
Bureau-wide at the end of next year.
Senator Hagerty. As a businessperson, I have always focused
on competition. I think we should acknowledge what our
competition is and measure our performance according to that
competition, so I encourage you to continue to proceed in that
fashion. Thank you.
Ms. Satterfield. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Mr. Lu, if I could turn to you for a
moment. I would like to talk with you about the Human Rights
Council. The Biden administration has announced its intent to
run for a seat on the Council this fall, and Secretary of State
Blinken has also acknowledged that the Council is flawed, and
he has promised to seek reform. In fact, in 2011, the Obama
administration stated that the mandatory review of the Council
failed to yield even minimally positive results. So, Mr. Lu, if
you are confirmed, I would like to understand the type of
reforms that you would like to seek as you look at improving
the United Nations Human Rights Council.
Mr. Lu. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I agree, the United
Nations Human Rights Council is a flawed organization, but we
also need to recognize the important work that it has done in
terms of shining a spotlight on abuses in Syria, Iran, North
Korea, its promotion of women, LGBTQ individuals, but it has a
persistent anti-Israel bias based on a permanent agenda item at
its meetings. The Biden administration believes, as I said to
Senator Markey, that the best way to reform these organizations
is by engaging with them, and that is what we intend to do. It
is also a flawed organization because of the membership. We
have some of the most egregious human rights abusers who are
members of the Human Rights Council.
When Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has addressed this issue,
she said, yes, it is uncomfortable sitting side by side with
these people, but it is as uncomfortable for them to be sitting
next to us and for us to be calling them out. And I understand
that the record has shown that when the U.S. actively engaged
in the Human Rights Council, that the number of anti-Israel
resolutions decreases, but you are 100-percent right, this will
be a challenge.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want
to thank all of our nominees today for their appearance. Thank
you.
Senator Cardin. Let me again thank all of our witnesses
for--nominees for your testimony today and, again, your
willingness to serve.
The committee record will remain open through Thursday for
questions for the record, and we would ask that you respond to
those questions as promptly as possible. We know that we have a
backlog in the nomination process and confirmation process, so
your cooperation will be deeply appreciated.
[The information referred to follows:]
Senator Cardin. And once again, we thank you very much for
your willingness to serve.
With that, the committee will stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:25 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Rufus Gifford by Senator James E. Risch
Morale in the Office of the Chief of Protocol
Question. Leadership and morale-building are important parts of any
management position within the State Department. If confirmed, how
would you lead the Office of the Chief of Protocol? What specific steps
would you take to improve morale?
Answer. There is nothing more important to me than the well-being
of my team. Morale of our employees is also directly related to
recruitment and retention. Drawing upon my experiences as the former
ambassador to Denmark and from the private sector, leadership must
model tenets that align mission goals with integrity, professionalism,
and transparency.
If confirmed, I plan to consult current leadership to understand
where the Office of the Chief of Protocol has come from and where it
still needs to go. I will make it clear that any type of partisan
political influence or bias is unacceptable. I will assess personnel
management and the current staffing situation. I will determine whether
we need to address additional resource requirements. Finally, I will
promote a collaborative environment where all of us can gel as a team
and execute programs in a seamless fashion.
There is no doubt that improving and maintaining morale will be
difficult during the pandemic. However, I will ensure that we fully
engage within the Department of State's ``Future of Work'' policy to
build a more mobile and agile workforce, and direct appropriate
resources for our office space and technology needs. These tools and
resilience building resources will help me lead towards great morale.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Robert Menendez
J1 Programs
Question. J1 programs are some of the most effective and cost
efficient public diplomacy programs the United States has. However, as
you know, the COVID-19 pandemic, which brought on severe visa
processing delays and challenges has deeply negatively impacted not
only U.S. public diplomacy efforts but also small businesses, schools,
and families across the United States who rely on these programs.
The backlog of Summer Work Travel visas negatively impacted many
small businesses in New Jersey and other tourist destinations.
How will you, alongside the Bureau of Consular Affairs, work to
utilize technology and security to prevent such a backlog in
the future? Do you believe there is more can we be doing? Do
you have the resources you need to do so?
Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange
visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they
have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic
continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and
consulates. I am informed that as the global situation continues to
evolve, the Department is seeking ways to process visa applications
efficiently around the world, consistent with both guidance from health
authorities and with the U.S. travel restrictions currently in place. I
understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to work together on these
issues, and I will continue that engagement and communication if
confirmed.
Question. Teacher exchange programs were also severely impacted by
a backlog of visa processing and other challenges. Many K-12 classrooms
are reliant upon these educational exchange programs. Will you commit
to working to get the program back to pre-pandemic levels and look to
scaling up these programs in the future?
Answer. Yes. I recognize the important contributions the BridgeUSA
Teacher program makes to K-12 classrooms. The Department is committed
to ensuring as many visa applicants can be interviewed as health
restrictions allow and has provided updates to sponsoring organizations
to advise them on operational changes. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with our consular colleagues and keep teacher category sponsors
and prospective teacher participants informed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator James E. Risch
Meridian Recusal
Question. If confirmed, do you pledge to recuse yourself from any
funding or contracting decisions related to your previous employer,
Meridian International Center?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, per my ethics agreement with the
Department of State and the Office of Government Ethics, I would not
participate in funding or contracting decisions related to Meridian
International Center.
Au Pair Program
Question. Recently, several U.S. states have sought to regulate the
au pair programs, despite the fact that it is a federal program. This
has been accomplished in at least one state, to fairly disastrous
effect for au pair families and participants there. In response, the
Department of State has attempted to unify the program and clarify that
federal au pair regulations preempt state and local laws. This
clarifying regulation is essential to the program's continued
viability. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting this clarifying
regulation?
Answer. The Au Pair program has for many years been an effective
public diplomacy program, fostering the mutual understanding between
people of the United States and other countries through in-person
exchanges.
The nature of the Au Pair program, fostering such exchange by
placing young people in American homes and caring for young children,
makes it unique and special. I am committed to ensuring the health,
safety, and welfare of all participants.
I am aware there is an effort underway to strengthen the Au Pair
program through regulations, and, if confirmed, I look forward to
working through that process with stakeholders and keeping Congress
informed.
Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in
recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the
State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these
matters.
If confirmed, do you plan to continue State Department engagement
with the educational community on these issues?
Answer. Yes. A clear understanding of the organizations and
entities that Beijing uses to attempt to undermine U.S. policy is
important. Of particular concern are activities that lack transparency
and attempt to hide or downplay their affiliations and objectives. If
confirmed, I would continue to work with State Department officials
promoting transparency on this topic so that the educational community
can make more informed decisions. For example, I understand that ECA
issued an updated public guidance directive to Exchange Visitor Program
(BridgeUSA) sponsors on Confucius Institutes (CI) in November 2020. The
objective of this Guidance Directive was to provide sponsors more
clarity regarding the possible regulatory violations presented in some
CI operations so they can make informed choices about sponsoring
exchange visitors coming on programs in support of CIs. I understand
that this clarity of CI operations is one of several reasons for why a
growing number of universities have decided to end their Confucius
Institute affiliations.
Question. The issue of undue influence by foreign countries--
particularly China--has become a central U.S. foreign policy issue in
recent years. In addition to increased reporting by think tanks, the
State Department has engaged directly with U.S. universities on these
matters.
If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to highlight the
risks of undue influence by foreign governments and other
actors in U.S. universities and colleges?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support the Department's
outreach work with interagency partners to increase transparency of
foreign government actions and promote sharing of best practices so
U.S. colleges and universities are well informed and can protect
themselves and their students from undue foreign influence.
Question. I introduced legislation designed to enhance State
Department and congressional oversight of Mutual Educational and
Cultural Exchange Act (MECEA) programs with the People's Republic of
China (PRC).
Does the Biden administration plan to reinstate these programs in
the future?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section
108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential
counterintelligence and propaganda risks.
Question. If so, and if confirmed, do you commit to consulting with
Congress in advance of making such a decision?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's goal of
working with this committee and Congress to ensure this administration
meets the China challenge. As I committed at my nominations hearing, I
will engage in meaningful consultation with Congress while policies are
being developed.
Question. How should the Department exercise greater scrutiny of
these programs given potential counterintelligence risks and their use
as propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the Secretary's re-
examination of the decision to terminate approval of the MECEA Section
108a programs operated by China, with vigilance to potential
counterintelligence and propaganda risks.
Question. The United States has suspended permission of any PRC
national on an ``F'' or ``J'' visa to study or conduct research in the
United States where the individual's academic or research activities
are likely to support a PRC entity implement or supporting the Chinese
Communist Party's (CCP) ``military-civil fusion'' strategy. This policy
prevents U.S. research and technological innovation from falling into
the hands of our most serious military competitor. Do you commit to
retaining this policy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's continuous
review to ensure our policies protect the integrity of U.S. research
and innovation along with our academic and research institutions.
Question. What are your views on current measures in place to apply
sufficient scrutiny to donations and contracts between U.S.
universities and foreign entities?
Answer. I am supportive of measures to ensure that donations and
contracts between U.S. universities and foreign entities benefit the
United States and are not subject to undue foreign influence. If
confirmed, I will encourage efforts to educate and inform educational
institutions about their possible exposure to undue foreign influence
through such arrangements.
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic
Question. The pandemic significantly hampered the normal operation
of most ECA-administered international exchanges, with many
participants returning home to the U.S. and foreign participants having
to be repatriated to their home countries before their programs were
complete. ECA is now conducting exchange activity online in a virtual
format as it proves feasible to do so.
What are the lessons learned from ECA's pivot to virtual during the
pandemic?
Answer. When the COVID-19 pandemic temporarily halted most USG-
funded in-person exchanges, ECA's innovation and flexible management of
international exchanges powered a transition to new strategies,
sustaining advancement of foreign policy objectives and achieving
lasting benefits even amid the pandemic. Most ECA programs pivoted
rapidly to virtual and hybrid models providing, or virtually
replicating, the in-person exchange experience. This pivot was possible
because ECA could leverage the relationships with stakeholders that
were developed with previous in-person exchanges. ECA was also able to
reach new audiences with some innovative virtual elements and will look
to continue some of those elements after the pandemic recedes.
In addition, with careful management by ECA staff and the
monitoring and health protocols in place at U.S. host campuses, many
foreign Fulbright participants were able to remain at their U.S. host
colleges and universities and new foreign Fulbrighters and other
academic exchange participants were able to participate in in-person
programs, thanks to the flexibility and resilience of U.S. higher
education institutions. As recognized by the Inspector's General review
of ECA's response to the pandemic, the experience showed the strength
of ECA's program management practices, as well as the high level of
commitment and capacity by U.S. higher education to safely host and
educate students.
I understand ECA is evaluating how it can continue to use virtual
engagement or hybrid models to expand the impact of exchange programs
and help the Bureau reach new audiences. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with Congress and other stakeholders to apply the lessons
learned during the pandemic.
American Spaces
Question. There are more than 600 American Spaces around the world,
which serve as virtual and in-person platforms to engage foreign
nationals through a wide variety of U.S. State Department-sponsored
programs and resources on important topics such as studying in the
U.S., English language learning, and U.S. culture. This program,
managed by the Office of American Spaces, moved to the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs in May of 2019.
How have American Spaces (or the American Spaces program) furthered
U.S. foreign policy goals under the ECA Bureau?
Answer. Through American Spaces, the U.S. Government is present in
more than 610 programming venues worldwide, with over 14 million people
participating in virtual programs in FY 2020. Since the Office of
American Spaces joined the ECA bureau in 2019, the Department has been
able to enhance its work in public diplomacy and integrate ECA
programming in the areas of English language teaching, EducationUSA
advising, alumni engagement, cultural programs, and sharing information
about the United States to further U.S. foreign policy goals. As a
result of American Spaces and the Regional Public Engagement Specialist
(REPS) Foreign Service corps coming under ECA, the Bureau has also
fostered increased cooperation between REPS and Regional English
Language Officers, as well as the EducationUSA advising program, to
achieve mission and Department goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lee Satterfield by Senator Cory A. Booker
Visa Processing
Question. One of the issues that has been taking up much of my
staff's time is the delay our constituents are facing in being able to
reunited with family overseas or having family members visit them.
Similarly, many businesses in New Jersey rely on seasonal workers and
exchange visitors from all over the world. The Alliance for
International Exchange is reporting a 75% decrease overall in visa
processing for education and cultural exchange programs, which of
course has major economic consequences.
Can you share how you will address these capacity limitations?
Answer. I recognize the important contributions that exchange
visitors make to New Jersey businesses, and the positive impact they
have on states and communities across the nation. The COVID-19 pandemic
continues to severely affect consular operations at our embassies and
consulates. The Department is committed to ensuring as many visa
applicants can be interviewed as health restrictions allow, and has
provided updates to sponsoring organizations to advise them on
operational changes. I understand ECA and Consular Affairs continue to
work together on these issues, and I will continue that engagement and
communication if confirmed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator James E. Risch
Global Health
Question. Should the United States engage in highly risky public
health research--such as gain-of-function research--in cooperation with
countries that do not have adequate biosecurity standards, that have
violated or failed to uphold the International Health Regulations, or
where the United States cannot certify that such country is in
compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention?
Answer. I understand that USAID does not fund Gain of Function
Research, and that USAID does not fund work anywhere in the world that
would make viruses more lethal or transmissible in humans.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure USAID's research and
development grants are fully vetted and do not flow to partners or sub-
grantees engaged in such research?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that USAID funds do
not support gain-of-function research, i.e. research that makes a virus
more transmissible or pathogenic, through either the prime or
subpartners.
Question. The budget proposes a substantial increase for Family
Planning and Reproductive Health (FP/RH), through both bilateral aid
programs and contributions to the U.N. Population Fund. If confirmed,
how will you ensure USAID compliance with current law, which prohibits
the use of U.S. foreign assistance to perform or promote abortion,
support involuntary sterilizations, or lobby for or against the
legalization of abortion overseas?
Answer. If confirmed, I will follow the law and ensure compliance
with all applicable laws and regulations, including those related to
family planning and abortion.
The administration takes seriously the legislative requirements
related to voluntarism and informed choice in family planning
activities and those related to abortion. I understand that the Agency
has worked for decades to ensure compliance with all applicable laws,
including the Helms and Siljander amendments.
It is important that USAID continue to work closely with field
missions and implementing partners to ensure awareness of statutory and
policy requirements applicable to their programs.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to provide to this
committee a complete, detailed spend plan for the funds received
through the American Rescue Plan (ARP) for the international COVID-19
response, to include all aspects of the response, from vaccine sharing
to second order impacts?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure compliance with
Congressionally-mandated reporting on COVID funding, including
obligations and disbursements by operating unit, that the State
Department and USAID submit every 60 days and I commit to regular
briefings and consultations with the committee on the use of funds,
which I understand is guided by the U.S. COVID-19 Global Response and
Recovery Plan.
Question. How would you assess the performance of COVAX to date?
Answer. COVAX has performed as well as could be expected in light
of ongoing constraints to the global vaccine supply. It is my
understanding that while COVAX is below its original delivery
projections, as a result of shortfalls in global vaccine production and
disruption to its planned supplies, actions such as the G7 vaccine
commitment to finance and provide more than two billion doses from the
United States and G7 partners by the end of 2022 are critical to
enabling the success of COVAX. If confirmed, I will support efforts to
expand the availability of safe and effective vaccines globally to
bring this pandemic to an end.
Question. How can USAID ensure that COVAX is working expeditiously
to get shots in arms while guarding against waste, fraud, and abuse?
Answer. I have learned that USAID's $4 billion in contributions to
Gavi/COVAX in 2021 were provided in tranches, which allowed USAID to
ensure Gavi/COVAX obtained the funding needed from other donors to
scale up global vaccine access, while closely monitoring COVAX's
performance. USAID also participates in Gavi's Audit and Finance
Committee, and, as a part of that, regularly reviews the risks involved
in procuring and delivering COVID-19 vaccines. It is my understanding
that Gavi/COVAX has established multiple methods for receiving reports
of fraud, and all allegations are handled by Gavi's SAID to strengthen
and reinforce existing systems related to fraud awareness and reporting
to mitigate these threats to multilateral and bilateral vaccine
campaigns.
Question. How can USAID ensure that U.S. financial contributions to
COVAX are not used to underwrite the purchase and distribution of
substandard Chinese COVID-19 vaccines, particularly following the
recent announcement that COVAX would, in fact, begin making major
purchases of Chinese vaccines?
Answer. I understand that the generous U.S. contribution to COVAX
was not used to purchase vaccines made in China, and that the full
U.S.-provided $4 billion had been allocated by COVAX prior to the
facility's decision to purchase Sinopharm and Sinovac. I am not aware
of any additional U.S. contributions planned for COVAX at this time. If
confirmed, I will join my colleagues in continuing to forcefully raise
concerns about procurement of lower-efficacy vaccines, and to urge the
People's Republic of China to pick up its fair share of the global
burden on vaccine access.
Question. Under what circumstances would U.S. bilateral vaccine
contributions be more appropriate than contributions via COVAX?
Answer. I believe that the U.S. Government (USG) is most effective
when both bilateral and multilateral efforts are able to support
responsible and accountable partners. Multilateral funding allows the
USG to leverage the financial commitments, technical expertise, and
diplomatic engagement of many other partners, often achieving economies
of scale and burden-sharing with other donors. Bilateral funding
enables USAID field teams and ongoing local assistance efforts to
address priorities that may not be effectively or efficiently covered
through multilateral channels.
Humanitarian Assistance
Question. The U.N.'s Global Humanitarian Appeal of $36.1 billion
for 2021 is the largest in history. What can USAID do to enhance the
efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. humanitarian assistance, so we can
spread our aid dollars farther, while also leveraging other donor
support to meet historic humanitarian needs?
Answer. With humanitarian needs throughout the world at an all
time-high, USAID's ability to reach people in need and improve the
efficiency of our programs is of utmost importance. If confirmed, I
will continue to emphasize the importance of USAID to be responsible
stewards of American taxpayers' dollars. That's why I believe that
measuring and analyzing results--and adapting and innovating when
programs fall short--is part of the day-to-day management of USAID's
operations, including humanitarian assistance programs. I will also
ensure, if confirmed, that USAID engages with other donors to leverage
our assistance and help as many people in need.
Question. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a
memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America
Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo
preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag
vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest
extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to
exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the
Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government
Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements
significantly increase the cost of food aid whilefailing to advance the
purposes of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.
Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for food aid
have outlived their statutory purpose?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to
make USAID's programming to combat rising food insecurity and build the
resilience of vulnerable communities as effective and efficient as
possible. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S. in-kind food,
locally and regionally procured food, and cash-based programming--
should complement the others in addressing food insecurity efficiently
and effectively. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian
need, USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency
of our programs is of utmost importance. Cargo preference requirements
increase the cost of programming U.S. in-kind commodities in
humanitarian programs. If confirmed, I will look closely at every
opportunity to stretch our food aid as far as possible.
Question. In your view, how would an increase of cargo preference
requirements impact the ability of USAID to meet historic levels of
need for food aid?
Answer. At a time of unprecedented humanitarian need globally, an
increase in cargo preference would compromise USAID's ability to reach
hungry people, as well as our ability to reduce logistical and cost
efficiency in our programs. USAID pays almost 50 percent more per
metric ton to ship commodities on U.S.-flag vessels than foreign-flag
vessels. An increase in cargo preference requirements would directly
result in increased transportation costs for food assistance programs,
which would reduce the amount of resources USAID can dedicate to
purchasing commodities and reaching beneficiaries with life-saving
assistance.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with OMB to
mitigate the deleterious impact of U.S. cargo preference requirements
on food aid?
Answer. I am committed to working with Congress and the
interagency, including OMB, to make USAID's food assistance programming
as effective and efficient as possible. The COVID-19 pandemic and
mitigation measures have compounded the effects of climate-related
disasters and complex emergencies, creating unprecedented global
humanitarian needs.
For example, an estimated 23 million additional people will require
emergency food assistance compared to 2019. Each food assistance
modality (U.S. in-kind food, locally and regionally procured food, and
cash-based programming) is critical to USAID's ability to respond
appropriately to each crisis.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress to
reform U.S. international food aid programs and bolster the Global Food
Security Strategy in a manner that saves lives, supports early
recovery, stimulates agriculture-led economic growth, and ultimately
promotes self-reliance?
Answer. Yes. The pandemic has exacerbated food insecurity and
malnutrition worldwide, with the most vulnerable bearing the brunt of
its impact. I understand that Feed the Future is leveraging its
existing global portfolio to respond to the crisis in the following
ways: (1) engaging governments on trade and inclusive economic growth
policies; (2) engaging government and private sector partners to
safeguard and increase access to nutritious food; (3) working with
small and medium sized enterprises across the food system and unlocking
private sector funds to accelerate economic recovery, growth and
employment; (4) transitioning households and communities off of
assistance through economic inclusion models; and (5) supporting
governments to create and strengthen their existing social protection
systems, including shock-responsive safety nets and risk financing. It
will be critical to further leverage Feed the Future as countries
rebuild economically in the long wake of the pandemic, and I understand
that USAID is currently looking at ways to do this.
Power Africa
Question. In the face of growing Chinese influence and investment,
and in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, there arguably has never been
a more important time to advance U.S. strategic programs to reduce
energy poverty, support transformative energy development, and
stimulate economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the President's
FY 2022 budget request proposes to reduce by 26 percent funding for one
of the most important instruments the USG has in its arsenal to
accomplish these goals--Power Africa--while simultaneously imposing
carbon caps and renewable energy mandates that inevitably will push
developing economies in sub-Saharan Africa closer to China.
Should reducing energy poverty in sub-Saharan Africa be a priority
for USAID?
Answer. Absolutely. It is my understanding that Power Africa is
well positioned to address energy poverty, bolster human development,
and mitigate climate change impacts through private sector-led energy
development that delivers reliable, uninterrupted energy and inclusive,
catalytic and sustainable economic growth. I understand that Power
Africa funds will promote mutual economic prosperity between the US and
African partners, as well as promote two-way trade and investment to
counter malign influences by advancing universal energy access through
30,000 milliwatts in new clean energy generation and connecting 60
million homes and businesses to electricity by 2030.
Question. If so, how can that reasonably be accomplished while the
administration redirects funding for Power Africa to undefined climate
change objectives and abandons the bipartisan, bicameral agreement on
an ``all-of-the-above'' approach under the historic Electrify Africa
Act?
Answer. It is my understanding that Power Africa is expected to
play a leading role in the administration's climate change agenda while
maintaining its focus on addressing energy poverty in Africa. If
confirmed, I look forward to discussing how we can continue to advance
Power Africa's goals and expand energy development in Africa.
Venezuela
Question. The authoritarian regime in Cuba reportedly has developed
its own COVID-19 vaccine.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that USAID will not
provide any direct or indirect support to a COVID-19
vaccination campaign in which the Cuban state-owned vaccine is
used?
Answer. It is my understanding that USAID will only support
procurement and delivery of vaccines that meet rigorous quality
standards, are safe and efficacious, and have been approved or
authorized for emergency use by a stringent regulatory authority, such
as the U.S. FDA or the World Health Organization. I understand that
USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide, direct or indirect
support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which any Cuban vaccine
is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for its vaccines, nor
has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or authorization from
the World Health Organization.
Question. Will you also commit to ensuring that USAID will not
provide direct or indirect support to a vaccination campaign in
Venezuela that is non-transparent and discriminatory?
Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to
provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign
in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non- transparent
and discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX,
which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other
assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if
Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national
vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the
auspices of, international partners.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that USAID's support
for the World Food Program in Venezuela will not strengthen the ability
of the Maduro regime to exert control over the Venezuelan people?
Answer. USAID support for the U.N. World Food Program (WFP) in
Venezuela is intended to address the emergency food needs of vulnerable
Venezuelan children impacted by the crisis. It is my understanding that
WFP's programs are operationally independent from any Maduro regime
programs and hence, will not strengthen the Maduro regime. I understand
that WFP is maintaining its own independent supply chains and food
distributions and WFP has indicated no instance of interference by the
Maduro regime or attempt by the Maduro regime to gain reputational
benefits during this pilot food assistance program.
Afghanistan
Question. While the Department works to inject hundreds of millions
in foreign aid into Afghanistan--a reflection of its purported desire
to recalibrate the bilateral relationship by investing more in
development and assistance lines of effort--USAID OIG plans to scale
back its presence in-country, reducing staffing and closing its sub-
office in Kabul. All of this is occurring as the Taliban continues to
make rapid advances on the ground. According to open source reporting,
the U.S. intelligence community assesses that the Government in Kabul
may fall in as little as six-to-twelve months after the U.S. and NATO
military withdrawal, potentially triggering a humanitarian and security
crisis.
In light of the deteriorating security climate, how can USAID
sustain the development gains made in Afghanistan over the past
20 years, particularly as pertains to the hard earned rights of
women and minorities?
As we look to recalibrate our bilateral relationship with
Afghanistan, what more can be done to support health,
education, empowerment of women and girls, and government
transparency?
How can USAID conduct effective oversight of U.S. foreign
assistance programs in Afghanistan, given its diminished
presence on the ground?
Answer. With support from the United States Government, the
Government and people of Afghanistan--particularly women and girls--
have made enormous gains over the last 20 years. Afghans are healthier,
better educated, more prosperous, and enjoy greater freedoms than two
decades ago. However, we must acknowledge that women and development
gains are now under significantly increasing threats and the security
environment is deteriorating. I understand that USAID's gender program
in Afghanistan is robust and broad, with programming that extends
across the entire country and includes education and political and
economic participation. I understand that USAID intends to continue to
work with women leaders, the private sector, and civil society
organizations to adjust programs and approaches in order to continue
supporting the rights and safety of women and girls. If confirmed, I
will work with my colleagues across government to ensure that USAID is
doing everything it can to protect the safety of our local partners and
the brave civil society society leaders who continue to strive for a
better life.
I understand that USAID provides on-going and strategic program
oversight despite security restrictions in Afghanistan, and that
monitoring and oversight measures taken in Afghanistan include: vetting
of implementing partners (IPs), multi-tiered monitoring efforts, and
financial controls. I also understand that USAID will continue to use
third- party monitoring to provide programmatic oversight where our
partners and programs operate. These third-party monitors are local to
each region and have been capable of accessing USAID programs across
the country. If the security environment affects USAID partners' and
programs' ability to operate, third-party monitoring efforts will
correspondingly adjust.
West Bank & Gaza
Question. Since January 2021, the Biden administration has re-
established relations with the Palestinian Authority (PA) and announced
nearly $360 million in planned U.S. assistance. This move has occurred
despite the lack of progress in PA reforms, including its toxic so-
called ``pay to slay program.'' If confirmed, will you commit to
working with this committee to ensure that any U.S. assistance for
``reconstruction'' efforts in Gaza are allocated in a manner that is
consistent with U.S. national security interests and does not in any
way benefit Hamas, politically or otherwise?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with this committee to
allocate USAID's humanitarian and development assistance in a manner
that is consistent with U.S. national security interests. I understand
that the Department of State and the USAID Mission in the West Bank and
Gaza (WBG) have a robust, 15-year-old, partner vetting process to
mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could inadvertently
support Hamas or other terrorist groups. I also understand that USAID
implementing partners in the WBG have aggressive risk- mitigation
systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is
reaching those for whom it is intended and that assistance is closely
coordinated with the Government of Israel, who approves all materials
that enter Gaza. If confirmed, I will abide by all legislation,
including the Taylor Force Act, that governs how assistance can be
deployed in the WBG.
Syria
Question. There is no replacement for cross-border mechanisms to
deliver humanitarian assistance in Syria, particularly as cross-line
assistance is costly, ineffective, and prone to manipulation. If
confirmed, how will you ensure that U.S. assistance is not routed
through Damascus and is instead delivered directly to those in need?
Answer. Rising humanitarian needs and an increasingly complex
operating environment continue to pose significant challenges for
humanitarian actors throughout Syria who continue to reach the most
vulnerable at great risk to themselves. The July 9 reauthorization of
cross-border assistance through UNSC Resolution 2585 provided crucial
relief for the Syrian people, but it does not completely fill the vast
needs on the ground. That is why it is vital for the United States to
continue to advocate for unimpeded humanitarian access through all
possible means--including continued authorization and expansion of U.N.
cross-border access and unhindered cross-line assistance. I understand
that no U.S. assistance is routed through the Syrian Arab Republic
Government. I also understand that all USAID humanitarian assistance is
implemented through independent humanitarian organizations--such as
U.N. agencies and NGOs--to reach those most in need in line with
humanitarian principles.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Policy Framework
Question. Administrator Power, in her confirmation hearing,
emphasized that she would place special emphasis on four core
challenges: the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, conflict and state
collapse, and democratic backsliding. The previous administrator, Mark
Green, had sought to deemphasize such global priorities and focus on
country-specific challenges in response to some complaints of
``initiative fatigue'' due to what some described as the proliferation
of competing priorities and presidential initiatives during the Obama
administration. The USAID Policy Framework, issued in 2019, reflects
Administrator Green's country-tailored approach and focuses on the
broad goal of ``ending the need for foreign assistance'' by promoting
self-reliance among aid recipients.
As you work to develop the next Policy Framework, what do you view
as the chief cross- cutting themes that are likely to emerge?
Or do you agree with Ambassador Green that a country-by-country
focus makes more sense?
How do you see Administrator Power's four big challenges as fitting
into USAID's next Policy Framework, particularly as they relate
to other priorities set by Congress in recent years, such as
basic education and food security?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the
Administrator Power, interagency colleagues, Congress and external
stakeholders to develop an updated Policy Framework, if required. In my
view, an emphasis on global priorities that meet the needs of the
moment, evidence-based development practice and attention to country
needs and regional trends are important and consistent with one
another.
Human Rights
Question. A key priority for me is ensuring that supporting
democracy and promoting human rights is at the forefront of our foreign
policy. But as a lethal pandemic, economic and physical insecurity, and
violent conflict ravaged the world in 2020, democracy and human rights
defenders sustained heavy losses in their struggle against
authoritarian regimes, shifting the international balance in favor of
tyranny.
What more can we do to further these efforts with our European
partners?
How can we better work within the OSCE to address these issues?
Answer. I agree that a unified transatlantic alliance that acts
from common principles of human rights protection and rule of law is
the strongest bulwark against authoritarianism. I understand that USAID
engages frequently with E.U. officials to seek to align policy and to
increase burden sharing on key issues such as the COVID-19 global
response, human rights, and democracy and governance. For example, I
understand that two of USAID's flagship civil society programs are now
leveraging significant funding from the U.K. Foreign Commonwealth
Office and the European Union Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and
Enlargement Negotiations. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring new
opportunities to expand upon our partnership with our European partners
to support civil society and democracy across Europe and Eurasia. The
E.U.'s new seven-year budget articulates a commitment to human
development and rule of law. This presents an additional opportunity
for greater cooperation. As we see autocratization begin to spread
within Europe, USAID can support our European counterparts in
identifying concrete ways to re-engage citizens who feel they have been
left behind, to bolster the structure and ability to serve of
democratic institutions, and to investigate and shut down opportunities
for kleptocracy. As you note, foreign malign influence continues to
challenge democratic progress around the world. In Brussels, Secretary
Blinken and E.U. leaders recently discussed challenges that the
People's Republic of China presents to the rules-based order and agreed
to resume U.S.-EU dialogue to coordinate approaches.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Ambassador Carpenter
and the U.S. delegation to the OSCE to identify new opportunities to
engage with human rights defenders in increasingly restrictive
countries to gather information, identify regional trends, and track
unmet needs in dynamic environments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Isobel Coleman by Senator Cory A. Booker
Humanitarian Access in Ethiopia
Question. As you know, the humanitarian situation in Tigray is
dire. Despite improvements in physical access, the restrictive
operating space for humanitarian actors to enter the region, move
freely, communicate, access fuel and banking services necessary to
implement assistance, and the blockage of vital supplies are creating
the conditions for a humanitarian disaster, including widespread
famine.
Aid workers have been targeted and the aid operation politicized by
parties to the conflict. Humanitarian experts have indicated that
unless the operating environment improves in the next few weeks, it
will be too late to prevent catastrophe.
Access challenges and impediments to effective principled response
are not new, but humanitarian need is higher than ever, and coordinated
and effective U.S. government advocacy to facilitate respect for
international humanitarian law and reduce barriers that prevent U.S.
assistance from getting to those who need it most is critical.
If confirmed, how would you elevate and address the urgent
challenges facing aid delivery in Tigray within the interagency
and in your external engagements?
How can the agency leverage evidence and learning from conflict
contexts like Tigray to create effective policy and strategies
to reduce political and operational barriers to humanitarian
aid delivery in future crises?
Answer. The loss of life and mass displacement resulting from the
conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region is profoundly disturbing and
unacceptable. I understand the administration, with support from
Members of Congress and U.N. representatives, has undertaken numerous
diplomatic efforts to end the violence and facilitate humanitarian
access. If confirmed, I would ensure USAID works in close conjunction
with the interagency and the international community to push for a
constructive political dialogue and a negotiated ceasefire between
parties. I would also work to identify strategic pressure points to
ensure unhindered humanitarian access to those in need and would
advocate for all parties to cease hostilities and respect international
humanitarian law.
To learn from past conflict contexts, we must draw lessons from the
Agency's past experiences and apply them to future work for greater
impact. By capturing, organizing and disseminating evidence, and by
engaging with peer interagency and other partners, we can build better
humanitarian and peacebuilding programs, policies and strategies.
Protecting Women in Afghanistan
Question. This committee has been deeply concerned about the safety
of women following the U.S.'s withdrawal. We are even more concerned
about the safety of women that have worked on USAID cooperative grants.
Currently, these partners are not eligible for the Special Immigrant
Visa (SIV) program.
What protections should be considered for them in light of the
danger they may be facing for their work with the United
States?
Answer. I share your concerns about the additional challenges
facing Afghan women in this increased environment of insecurity within
Afghanistan, and I understand that USAID is committed to working with
our partners who represent the women of Afghanistan and the interagency
to explore short and long-term opportunities for increased protection
including through refugee programs in coordination with the Department
of State. A sustained deteriorating security environment will make the
Agency's ability to provide development and humanitarian assistance
more difficult. If confirmed, I commit to working with the
administrator and experts at the Agency to conduct robust contingency
planning for different scenarios so that USAID can continue its
assistance. I commit to engaging at the highest levels to explore every
possible opportunity for supporting the Afghans at particular risk for
their work alongside USAID and our partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Do you believe that any country, including the United
States, should pay more than 25 percent of the peacekeeping budget?
Answer. I believe all countries should pay their fair share of the
peacekeeping budget. If confirmed, I will work to reach an agreement to
lower the U.S. assessment rate as close to 25 percent as possible and
ensure that other countries pay their fair share.
Question. Do you support going beyond the 25 percent cap as imposed
by Congress and signed into U.S. law which bears the current
President's name?
Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a waiver of the 25
percent peacekeeping cap to allow the United States to pay our full
assessment. If confirmed, I will not undertake any action that
contravenes U.S. law. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress
to meet our financial obligations, including addressing the substantial
level of arrears that have accumulated over the past four years, and
the cap on peacekeeping funding.
Question. What is your position on repayment of current U.S.
peacekeeping arrears?
Answer. The President's FY 2022 budget requests a partial repayment
of U.S. peacekeeping arrears. If confirmed, I welcome the opportunity
to work with Congress to meet our financial obligations, including
addressing the substantial level of arrears that have accumulated over
the past four years.
Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should
take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so,
what are they?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing and assessing all
existing U.N. peacekeeping missions to ensure they are still necessary
for the promotion of international peace and security. If confirmed, I
will provide active U.S. engagement in Fifth Committee (Administrative
and Budget) negotiations to ensure missions are appropriately
resourced. For missions that we deem in the U.S. interest to maintain,
I will ensure they are as effective and efficient as possible, while
also providing the resources to fully implement their mandates,
including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police and
necessary assets.
Question. Are there any specific U.N. peacekeeping missions you
would support reducing or terminating? If so, what missions do you
believe should be reduced or terminated?
Answer. At this point, I do not have sufficient information to make
a determination regarding the reduction or termination of any existing
U.N. peacekeeping mission. If confirmed, I will work with State
Department colleagues to assess the effectiveness of these missions to
ensure they are still necessary for the promotion of international
peace and security.
U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective
mechanisms of burden-sharing in addressing the global challenges to
international peace and security. The Department of State and USUN
regularly work within the U.N. system, through the United States'
permanent seat on the Security Council, engagement with the U.N.
Secretariat, and the General Assembly, to ensure that missions are
addressing evolving conditions on the ground and fulfilling mandated
tasks. If a new mission is proposed, the Security Council's standard
practice is to review its mandate annually before determining whether
to extend it. This allows the United States to regularly assess
progress toward mandated tasks and performance benchmarks and to use
our leverage as a permanent member to adjust mandates as necessary.
In recent years, U.N. peacekeeping missions have closed in Cote
d'Ivoire, Haiti and Libera, and the peacekeeping mission in Darfur is
in the process of closing now. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen
and improve the effectiveness of U.N. peacekeeping operations, while
providing missions with realistic and achievable mandates, as well as
the necessary resources to fully implement those mandates.
Question. The U.N. maintains several particular bodies and
departments that focus on the Palestinians. These including the
Division on Palestinian Rights (DPR), the Committee on the Exercise of
the Inalienable Rights of Palestinian People (CEIRPP), and U.N.
Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL).
Will you work to challenge the existence and funding of these
departments?
Answer. The United States will continue the tradition of
maintaining its role as an honest broker in the Middle East, both as a
staunch supporter and defender of Israel, and as a promoter of the
legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. The United States
remains firmly and consistently committed to achieving a comprehensive
and lasting peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians based on
a two-state solution. If confirmed, I will assess the mandates of these
particular U.N. bodies and departments, and make recommendations on
them. I will support organizations and efforts that contribute to these
goals.
Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have
overtly advanced Chinese Communist Party goals, rather than acting
independently to advance the global good. It is clear the United States
has had mixed success with elections for heads of International
Organizations (IO) in the past and, as a result, is taking more robust
and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified and independent
candidates in U.N. bodies.
If confirmed, will you prioritize robust strategies to secure
qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./IO bodies,
especially highly specialized agencies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize increasing U.S. efforts to
identify and support qualified and independent candidates to lead U.N./
IO bodies, including specialized and technical agencies. Such
organizations and agencies play an important role in standard-setting
across a broad range of issues that have an impact on our national
security, including civil aviation and maritime safety; nuclear
safeguards, safety, and security; internet freedom; digital and
emerging technologies; intellectual property; and narcotics control and
criminal justice.
If confirmed, I will work with the rest of the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs to identify qualified and
independent candidates who are committed to advancing priorities
including transparency and accountability in the U.N. system, engage
with key U.N. leadership to communicate our personnel and elections
priorities, coordinate with our partners to support likeminded
individuals, and support efforts to strengthen the pipeline of talented
American citizens interested in serving with the United Nations at all
levels. I will also work with Congress, other federal agencies, the
private sector, and non-governmental organizations to build support for
these candidates so that the United States can compete effectively with
other countries, including the People's Republic of China, to uphold
the foundational values and principles of the U.N. system.
Question. Countering malign influence within the U.N. system will
require a robust whole-of-government approach as well as orchestrated
cooperation between the U.S. and likeminded partners.
If confirmed, please describe how you will bolster these efforts
within our Government and between governments to identify,
recruit, and elect qualified, independent candidates to lead
U.N. agencies?
Answer. The Department has established a new office in the Bureau
of International Organization Affairs--the Office of Multilateral
Strategy and Personnel (IO/MSP)--focused on supporting qualified
candidates for U.N. elections, multilateral appointments, and
competitive positions, as part of a broader effort to strengthen the
foundational principles and values of the U.N. and multilateral system.
If confirmed, I will coordinate with the rest of the U.S. Government,
including Congress and other federal agencies, the private sector, non-
governmental organizations, and our allies and partners, to expand our
recruitment networks and attract qualified and independent U.S.
citizens and likeminded candidates with broader, more diverse
backgrounds and support their election efforts from New York and across
the globe. These efforts will include dynamic campaign strategies that
leverage the whole of the U.S. Government's resources and influence to
support U.S. citizen candidates and likeminded partners.
Question. Additionally, please describe your intended efforts to
bolster U.S. talent recruitment for more junior positions, such as
those in the Junior Professional Officer program, in the U.N. and other
International Organizations.
Answer. Successfully increasing the number of U.S. citizens
employed in the U.N. system requires a multifaceted approach that will
involve identifying and advocating for qualified candidates for
positions at all levels, including in junior roles. The Junior
Professional Officer program is one of the key opportunities offered by
the U.N. to encourage young professionals interested in serving in
international organizations, and it provides them with hands-on
experience across various U.N. agencies. If confirmed, I will
coordinate closely with my colleagues in the International Organization
Affairs Bureau and other stakeholder bureaus and agencies and consult
with Congress to ensure we have sufficient resources, tools, and
staffing to support more positions for American citizen JPOs in the
U.N. system. With these resources, we can work strategically to
increase the number of JPO opportunities funded by the U.S. Government
at key agencies and bodies that work on U.S. priorities, expand our
recruitment and outreach activities to ensure these opportunities are
widely known and available to interested U.S. citizens, and provide
tools and services to strengthen our competitiveness in placing
qualified American citizens into the U.N. system. If confirmed, I also
look forward to using my public statements and travel to champion the
need for more young American professionals to work in the U.N. system.
Question. Before fiscal year 2021, there was a 15 percent
withholding requirement of U.S.-assessed contributions to the U.N.
designed to enhance whistleblower protections. This is now gone.
Do you support re-instating the 15 percent withholding until these
certifications were made? If not, why not?
Answer. I am a strong believer in whistleblower protections. If
confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to examine the benefits and
leverage that the conditional withholding of funds provides. Experience
shows that temporarily withholding funds can sometimes be of use in
advancing reform, except in those cases where withholding will
negatively impact an important program that the United States
specifically supports.
My understanding is, because of the extraordinary nature of
withholding funds, the withholding of funds from the World Intellectual
Property Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization was
a factor that the missions of other countries to those organizations
took into account when deciding whether to support reforms that the
U.S. missions to those organizations were advancing. In both instances,
the support of other countries was essential to getting eventual
agreement on needed reforms, especially in the areas of ethics and
whistleblower protections.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to address barriers to
advance U.N. management reforms, especially those created by the
different priorities among member states?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member
states that strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that
all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work
to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority
reforms. If confirmed, I will work closely with reform-oriented leaders
and agents of change within the U.N. system to lend our support to
their efforts, particularly within the General Assembly's Fifth
Committee (Administrative and Budget). I also welcome the engagement of
members of Congress in advocating for U.N. management reforms.
Question. If confirmed, how will you measure success in
implementing management reforms at the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that international
organizations within the U.N. system are accountable and responsible
for the U.S. taxpayer resources they receive. This includes continuing
the longstanding U.S. policy of promoting budget discipline and
transparency, as well as continuing efforts to ensure that other
countries pay their fair share. I also will work to ensure that the
U.N. prioritizes program effectiveness, operational efficiency, and
results-based budgeting.
Question. What policies need to be implemented to maintain fiscal
responsibility and accountability within the U.N. system?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure international
organizations in the U.N. system adhere to best management and
oversight practices in ensuring financial and managerial transparency.
This transparency is achieved, in part, through annual in-depth reviews
of the 34 regular budget sections that the U.N. Secretary-General
submits to the General Assembly and Fifth Committee each spring and
summer, along with accompanying reports that the Advisory Body on
Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ) provides. These reports
contain hundreds of pages of financial and programmatic details on each
aspect of the U.N. regular budget. The U.S. Mission similarly conducts
in-depth annual reviews of proposed budgets for U.N. peacekeeping
missions in the fall. Additionally, the reports of the Office of
Internal Oversight Services and the reports of the U.N. Board of
Auditors, which contain the audited financial statements for the U.N.
regular budget and each peacekeeping mission budget, are valuable in
analyzing budget requests.
The IO Bureau and U.S. Missions to U.N. System organizations in New
York, Geneva, Rome, and Vienna similarly scrutinize the budgets and
financial statements of the U.N. funds and programs and each of the
U.N. specialized agencies. The U.S. Mission will also continue to
support strong U.S. candidates for U.N. technical, budgetary, and
oversight bodies. Our membership and leadership on these bodies enable
us to promote fiscal discipline and accountability.
Question. While the U.N. has taken steps to improve its efficiency,
operational effectiveness, and accountability, the continuing need for
reform is obvious to most observers, including strong supporters of the
institution. The U.N. Secretary-General has committed to an agenda of
reform. The U.S. push for reform is one of the main drivers behind the
progress to date.
In your opinion, what are the top three reforms that the U.N. could
undertake in the coming two years that will have the greatest
impact?
Answer. During my two decades of federal service, much of my work
has focused on improving the functioning of government organizations.
If confirmed, I will work to advance reforms that make the U.N. more
efficient and effective, including in its achievement of the goals U.N.
member states have set for it, and ensure that the Secretary-General
communicates the tangible benefits of implemented reforms to all
stakeholders. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to hold the
U.N. accountable to its mission and its member states.
In particular, I believe we must do all we can to ensure the U.N.
is (1) implementing the reform program that has been set out by the
Secretary General, particularly to improve the U.N.'s capacity for
conflict prevention (this includes strengthening the Resident
Coordinator program, which will improve U.N. operations and
coordination across the entire United Nations System through
efficiencies and economies among the U.N. Secretariat and the United
Nations Funds and Programs); (2) enhancing accountability in the use of
resources through the elimination of waste and fraud and strengthened
protections for whistleblowers; and (3) enhancing the standards for
peacekeeper performance and improved accountability in combatting
sexual exploitation abuse accompanied by strengthening prevention
measures and protection for victims.
If confirmed, my work will be guided by three principles:
Working to ensure that all countries pay their fair share to the
United Nations and that the U.N. exercises greater budget
discipline. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging on the
assessment negotiations which are scheduled to begin this fall.
Supporting initiatives to transform the U.N. into an organization
that can better meet the challenges of the 21st century. If
confirmed, I will advocate for a greater prioritization of
performance metrics that demonstrate tangible outcomes
resulting from the delivery of mandated programs
Countering the negative impact of countries like China and Russia
that push ideologies that undermine the U.N.'s mission and the
rules-based international order.
If confirmed, I will consult with Congress about where we see the
U.N. making satisfactory progress in these areas, and where additional
efforts are needed.
Question. How will you explain to the Secretary-General and the
member states that continued reform is a precondition for full U.S.
support of the U.N.?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States asserts
its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include paying
our dues in full and on time, subject to the required Congressional
appropriations and authorizations, to maximize our influence, and
exerting that influence to continue advancing reforms and uphold the
foundational values of the international rules-based order. I also
welcome the engagement of members of Congress in advocating for U.N.
reform in their discussions with the Secretary-General and member
states.
Question. What tactics would you use if reform efforts falter or
lack urgency?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with allies and likeminded member
states who strongly support U.N. management reform. Recognizing that
all member states will have their priorities, if confirmed, I will work
to maximize the areas of agreement to advance our highest priority
reforms. I will regularly consult with other parts of the U.S.
Government, including Congress, as to other possible levers for
achieving reform.
Question. With an increase of the use of telework by the United
Nations system, how will you work to create cost savings? In
particular, will you explore closing or selling U.N. facilities which
are not being used?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to achieve agreement by U.N.
member states to make the most economic use of U.N. facilities,
including analyzing lessons learned during the COVID-19 shutdowns that
may help improve workplace flexibility and efficiency, while realizing
cost savings through measures to reduce the U.N.'s footprint in
headquarters locations. In New York, the U.N. has already ended two
leases for office space, and measures are also being implemented in
Geneva as part of the renovation project there, such as through the
sale and leasing of space to other occupants.
With the greater use of technology to conduct meetings, I also
believe the U.N. needs to re-examine its overall approach to staff
travel, in particular for conferences.
Question. Over the years, some experts have questioned the ability
of the U.N. Office of International Oversight to effectively monitor
U.N. programs in part because the office is largely dependent on
funding from the U.N. programs that it audits. Some governments,
including the United States, maintain that this could lead to a real or
perceived conflict of interest.
What is your view on this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Office of
Internal Oversight Services continues to receive its funding from the
General Assembly, and thus the U.N. member states, so that it can
freely audit the U.N. Secretariat. In general, the U.N. funds and
programs have their own, internal audit offices, as do the U.N.
specialized agencies. These internal audit offices are generally funded
through the regular (assessed) budgets of the specialized agencies and
the core (unearmarked) budgets of the U.N. funds and programs. The
internal audit offices are ultimately accountable to the member states,
not the secretariats, of these entities.
Similarly, the U.N. Board of Auditors, which audits the financial
statements and makes recommendations related to internal controls and
other financial management practices of the U.N. and the U.N. funds and
programs, is funded through the U.N. regular budget and reports to the
U.N. General Assembly. The external auditors of the U.N. specialized
agencies, which are usually the highly capable and independent national
audit offices of countries such as the United Kingdom, India, and the
Philippines, are also funded through the regular (assessed) budgets of
the specialized agencies and report to each agency's member states.
Question. Do you think U.N. internal oversight is sufficiently
independent?
Answer. I believe that any organization, including the United
Nations, can do more to improve the effectiveness and independence of
its internal oversight mechanism. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) maintains maximum
independence from the U.N. Secretariat while ensuring accountability to
the United States and other U.N. member states. The Management and
Reform Section at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations has been at
the forefront of pressing for maximum independence of OIOS since its
creation in 1994, with the goal of having OIOS operate like an
Inspector General in the U.S. Government. A key opportunity to advance
the independence and effectiveness of OIOS is in the negotiations each
fall on General Assembly resolutions that define OIOS's mandate and
responsibilities. The most recent resolution, A/Res/75/247 adopted on
December 31, 2020, contains five paragraphs on operational
independence, the most prominent of which is paragraph 6:
6. Reaffirms the operational independence of the Office,
stresses that its independence and objectivity are vital in
ensuring that its internal oversight functions are carried out
in a credible, factual and unbiased manner, and reaffirms the
authority of the Office to initiate, carry out and report on
any action to fulfil its responsibilities with regard to
internal audit, inspection and evaluation, and investigations;
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Christopher Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. If confirmed, will you be a strong advocate for us paying
our dues to the U.N. in full and on time?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
reasserts its leadership role across the U.N. system. This will include
paying our dues in full and on time in order to maximize our influence
and exerting that influence to advance reforms and uphold the
foundational values of the international rules-based order.
Question. What is your strategy for the upcoming triennial 2022-
2024 scales of assessments negotiations to ensure that all countries
pay their fair share?
Answer. I understand that the administration is currently reviewing
options to try to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to
potentially lower future U.S. assessment rates. If confirmed, I will
work to reach an agreement in the U.N. General Assembly to try to lower
the U.S. assessment rates and ensure that other countries pay their
fair share. I welcome the opportunity to work with Congress to take the
steps necessary to allow the United States to meet our financial
obligations.
__________
Letter from AAPI (Asian American and Pacific Islander) Organizations in
Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Letter from Former Senior Members of Republican Administrations in
Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Letter from the Congressional Asian Pacific and American Caucus (CAPAC)
in Support of Christopher Lu's Nomination
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:11 a.m. in
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing on nominations of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominations for four very
important positions. Secretary, former Senator, Ken Salazar to
be Ambassador to Mexico, Ms. Jessica Lewis to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Political and Military Affairs,
Ambassador Donald Lu to be the Assistant Secretary of State for
South and Central Asian Affairs, and Ms. Marcella Escobari to
be an Assistant Administrator for the United States Agency for
International Development for Latin America and the Caribbean.
Congratulations on all your nominations. I know all of you
have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate
your willingness to continue to serve your country, and those
members of your family.
I understand that Senator Bennet and Senator Hickenlooper,
our colleagues from Colorado, will be introducing Secretary
Salazar this morning. So we will go to them.
Senior Senator from Colorado, Senator Bennet?
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL BENNET,
U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO
Senator Bennet. Thank you, Chairman Menendez for having me,
the Ranking Member as well, for allowing Senator Hickenlooper
and me to introduce Ken Salazar, President Biden's nominee to
serve as the United States Ambassador to Mexico.
Ken is no stranger to this body where he served with
distinction, and Colorado is honored to call him our own. And I
am grateful to call him a mentor and a brother. In my view,
President Biden could not have made a better choice.
The American Southwest embodies our braided history with
Mexico, and I cannot think of anyone with a deeper connection
to the region than Ken.
Our history goes back over 400 years when Ken's family
settled in New Mexico before America was even a country. Later,
the family journeyed to Colorado, San Luis Valley, where they
have farmed for five generations.
If you drive down to the Valley and visit San Luis, which
is Colorado's oldest town, there is a stone marker identifying
the state's first irrigation ditch, The People's Ditch, etched
into the stone or the names of farmers and ranchers who were
entitled to draw water from that ditch, because they were the
ones who dug it, and the name Salazar is among them.
The Valley is a sparse, beautiful part of our state, but it
was not an easy place to grow up. The Salazar family ranch in
Los Rincones did not have electricity until 1982.
Ken and his siblings grew up reading with oil lamps. They
did not have phones, or television, but they did have the
example of their parents, both incredible patriots. Ken's
father, Henry, served in World War II and became a staff
sergeant. He was so proud of his service to America, that he
asked the family to bury him in uniform, which they did.
When the war broke out, Ken's mother, Emma, also wanted to
do her part. So she traveled to Washington by herself, when she
was only 19, to work at the Pentagon. Neither of his parents
had a college education, but they worked hard to provide their
family with opportunities they never had, all eight of their
children, including Ken, became first-time college graduates.
They were so proud of everything Ken went on to achieve,
from working as a lawyer at top western firms, to breaking
barriers as the first Hispanic-American elected to statewide
office, as Colorado's Attorney General, to become the first
Mexican-American elected to the U.S. Senate outside of New
Mexico, to joining President Obama's historic Cabinet as
Secretary of the Interior.
Ken is exactly who we need to strengthen our vitally
important relationship with Mexico, which is critical to the
stability and prosperity of our entire hemisphere. But as this
committee appreciates, the relationship faces no shortage of
challenges, from immigration, to trade, energy, resource
management, public health, and the rule of law.
Ken has worked and lived virtually all of these issues. As
Colorado's Attorney General, Ken negotiated several extradition
arrangements with Mexico, many of which remain in place today.
In the Senate he led important immigration reform with Ted
Kennedy and John McCain. He shaped major provisions of the Farm
Bill. He helped craft by partisan energy bills. When he left to
serve in the administration, Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell
praised his leadership on the floor, and the Senate confirmed
his nomination unanimously.
As Interior secretary, Ken negotiated water-sharing
agreements between the U.S. and Mexico, and strengthened
bilateral cooperation around conservation to protect Big Bend
National Park along the Rio Grande.
I could go on, Mr. Chairman, but it comes down to this, you
would struggle mightily to find someone more qualified than
Ken. He has the experience and substance to hit the ground
running, and a life story that represents America at our best.
I urge the committee to advance his nomination with an
overwhelming bipartisan vote. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. When I am up for a nomination, I
want you introducing me, Senator Bennet.
Senator Hickenlooper?
Senator Bennet. I will be there.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN HICKENLOOPER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO
Senator Hickenlooper. Well, good morning, Mr. Chairman, and
Ranking Member, and members of the committee.
I am also equally honored to introduce Secretary Ken
Salazar, President Biden's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the
United Mexican States. I have known Ken for over 30 years, from
when we first had a jazz club in the basement of my restaurant,
and he was raising money for a campaign to protect open lands
in Southern Colorado called La Tierra. We got John Nichols to
come speak, and raised--I think we raised 16 or $1,800.
His older brother, John, who some of you remember, from
serving in the House, was my Secretary of Agriculture, my first
term as governor. Ken has been beside me on every campaign, and
every major issue, every political battle I fought. And I have
tried to be by his side as well.
As Michael said, his family story is emblematic of the
relationship between the U.S. and Mexico. His family settled in
Southwest, United States was then New Spain in the 16th
century. His ancestors helped found the City of Santa Fe.
Michael described him growing up on Los Rincones without
electricity. He did not mention that Los Rincones is a scrabble
of about six buildings. The big city, Manassa, which is four
miles away, almost has a population of a thousand.
Again, the ranch down there is one of the most beautiful
places in Colorado. My son, Teddy, learned to ride, ride a
horse on this ranch when he was 11 years old. And of those
eight children that Ken's parents, Emma and Henry raised, all
eight graduated from college.
And I was also--well, you ought to get him to tell the
story at some point, but children six, seven, and eight were
all born on the same long night, which is a story only he can
tell. He served Governor Romer, both as chief counsel and as
secretary of Natural Resources, and both in those roles, and as
a U.S. Senator, and as the secretary of Interior, he never
shied away from tough issues.
He understands the importance of collaboration, and
bipartisanship, pragmatism. He is a world-class negotiator,
which I think he got from his mother, Emma. She was about 5
feet 2 inches, and yet one of the strongest, most potent
political forces in Colorado. She blessed two generations of
candidates, and they were not always Democrats, but she blessed
to two generations, she blessed me on my reelection in 2014
when she was 91 years old.
When he came to the Senate, Ken designated and chose
Senator John McCain as his mentor, as a freshman senator, and
the two worked together on immigration reform, both working
with Republicans and Democrats, he convened ranchers and
environmentalists throughout his term as secretary--as Interior
secretary, on water issues, conservation issues, et cetera.
From a ranch in Conejos County, Colorado, to the hallways
of this chamber, Ken has had a package of experiences that make
him uniquely qualified to be a remarkable Ambassador to Mexico.
Mexico is an important ally and trading partner. Nuevo Laredo
now is our largest port of entry, and in many--in so many
cases, the United States and Mexico share priorities. And I
think that it is a delicate point in the relationship now, a
point that demands someone with the skills of Ken Salazar.
All of us in Colorado are so grateful for all of his
contributions, the things that he has done. He created
something called Great Outdoors Colorado that, to this day, is
perhaps the greatest public-private partnership around land
conservation in the history of this country. In everything that
he has done, he has been able to bring people together, resolve
conflict, and create progress.
And that is exactly what we need now. We are all fortunate
to his, once again, answering the call to service, to take on
this crucial role at this crucial time.
I wholeheartedly support his nomination, and I hope that he
gets widespread support from every single person on this
committee.
The Chairman. Well, thank you, Senator Hickenlooper. I did
not think there was much that could be added after Senator
Bennet, but you did a fantastic job of filling out the total,
the total picture. So we know that both of you have very busy
agendas and you are welcome to excuse yourselves at any time.
With that, let me take a moment to introduce Ms. Jessica
Lewis. It is with a mixture of deep pride and wistfulness that
we are here today considering the nomination of Ms. Lewis to be
the next Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of
Political Military Affairs.
I, like many others in both the Senate and the House, have
had the good fortune of working closely with Ms. Lewis and
benefiting from her exceptional wisdom, drive, and judgment.
Ms. Lewis is recognized across party lines as one of the most
effective and respected leaders on Capitol Hill, she is a
trailblazer for women in national security. Indeed, if approved
by the Senate, she will be the first woman confirmed to hold
this position.
You all know her as the majority staff director of this
committee, and prior to that, as a senior national security and
foreign policy advisor for then Majority Leader Harry Reid.
What you may not know is that she came to Capitol Hill almost
two decades ago to work for me as a foreign policy advisor and
staff director of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee in the
House of Representatives. So we are proud of all of Jessica's
accomplishments since then.
And while it would be impossible to catalogue all of these
accomplishments here, I do want to highlight her leadership,
her steady hand during this past year in particular, leading
the staff to an incredibly productive year, while also
providing invaluable advice on the committee's foreign policy
priorities. I have been deeply impressed, and that is not an
easy thing to do, but not at all surprised.
I would like to highlight that Ms. Lewis' tireless
dedication over her entire career to mentoring young
professionals as well, elevating her colleagues, and empowering
those who have not been traditionally represented in the field,
are exemplary. And I have no doubt she will apply herself in
the same way, and with equal success at the State Department.
Secretary Salazar is a friend of mine, and of this
committee, and I am deeply gratified by your nomination to be
Ambassador to Mexico. It is a Testament to the Biden
administration's seriousness about restoring a productive and
respectful relationship with the people and Government of
Mexico. One of the most important, expansive bilateral
relationships we have.
The task ahead of you is great. You will need to continue
engaging on the critical issues of trade and migration that
have been central in our bilateral relationship, while also
engaging on the, often uncomfortable, issues that face both our
nations, including the trafficking of drugs, weapons, and
people, environmental threats, and issues of democracy,
governance, and rule of law, including with respect to human
rights and labor rights.
I have no doubt that your vast experience in government,
your personal ties to Mexico, and your commitment to bipartisan
solutions will make you an excellent ambassador upon your
confirmation.
Of the Office of Political Military Affairs, for which Ms.
Lewis has been nominated, are of vital importance to U.S.
foreign and national security policy, and to this committee. It
is a position with immense impact for safeguarding U.S.
national security and promoting and accomplishing vital U.S.
foreign policy objectives.
In recent years, the Bureau's relationship and credibility
with this committee has been strained, though it has been
improving. I expect that with Ms. Lewis at the helm, the
Bureau's level of cooperation with the oversight activities of,
and consultation with this committee will improve considerably.
And I will put that expectation to the test.
Ambassador Lu, I am pleased to see you back again before
this committee, this time to be the next Assistant Secretary
for South and Central Asian Affairs, a region of critical
importance and significant challenges. Indeed, the rapidly
deteriorating situation in Afghanistan will require sustained
Senate oversight for how the administration plans to mitigate
the effects of the withdrawal.
I, along with many members of this committee are especially
concerned about the plight of women, and the minorities as the
Taliban continues to gain military strength.
In addition, as the administration evacuates the first
group of Afghan SIV applicants, I continue to be concerned
about the thousands of remaining Afghan SIV applicants and our
Afghan human rights and democracy partners whose lives remain
in grave danger from the Taliban.
And as you know, any peaceful resolution to this conflict
must be regional in nature, and will require the Assistant
Secretary to be deeply engaged.
Our relationship with India is growing, bolstered by a
vibrant Indian-American community here in the United States, I
expect our diplomats to deepen this relationship while
remaining true to our core values, and raising concerns as
necessary.
In Bangladesh, I continue to advocate for labor rights in
the establishment of unions to ensure that workers in every
sector can work in safe conditions. There will be no shortage
of challenges, but I am confident that your knowledge and
experience in the region will serve you well as you take on
this role.
Ms. Escobari, your extensive experience helping countries
in our hemisphere chart a path towards prosperity, including in
your previous service as USAID Assistant Administrator for
Latin America and the Caribbean Bureau, which make you
exceptionally qualified for this position. As you know, the
challenges we face in the region are growing by the day.
Democratic backsliding has accelerated in many countries
aggravating by the ongoing socioeconomic impact of COVID-19.
With the recent assassination in Haiti, widespread protests
and regime violence in Cuba, and authoritarian crackdown in
Nicaragua, humanitarian emergency in Venezuela, and numerous
challenges related to irregular migration, the Western
Hemisphere today is less secure, less prosperous, and less
stable than it had been in many years.
We look forward to hearing how you will work to address
those challenges, if confirmed.
In closing, the four of you have immense challenges ahead,
I am confident that your rich experiences will serve you well
as you take on your new responsibilities upon confirmation. We
look forward to your testimonies. And this is normally a little
longer than we would in introducing, nominees, but you are
coming into critical positions.
So let me turn to the distinguished ranking member for his
opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thanks to our
witnesses for joining us today, and your willingness to serve,
and of course your families who will share in that sacrifice.
I want to start with the nomination of Assistant Secretary
of State for South Asian Central Affairs. Personally, my top
two foreign policy priorities are China and global health. And
India is a major player in both of these priorities.
So I look forward to hearing your views on how we can work
with India to maintain a favorable balance of power in the
Indian Ocean, and continued to partner in the fight against
COVID, and other global health concerns, including vaccine
development and manufacturing in India.
It is also becoming clear that a hasty U.S. withdrawal from
Afghanistan threatens to squander our hard-fought gains there.
Ambassador Lu, we welcome your thoughts on the way ahead.
Next, we have the nomination of Assistant Secretary of
State for Political-Military Affairs. Our security partnerships
are essential to protecting our vital national interests. They
are also critical aspect of competition with China and Russia.
We will often hear from our allies and partners over the
problems and the speed of our security cooperation process. And
often state is at the forefront of these problems.
I look forward to hearing how you plan to strengthen our
relationships with partners, and allies, and keep the U.S., the
security partner of choice around the world. I have no doubt
you have great qualifications for that task in as much as your
service on this committee has shown that to be such.
On the nomination of Assistant Administrator of USAID for
Latin America and the Caribbean, if confirmed, you will have no
shortage of challenges, especially the political and
humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, the growing violence and
poverty in Haiti surrounding the recent assassination of
President Moyes, democracy in Cuba and Nicaragua, and holding
governments in Central America accountable for addressing the
drivers of irregular immigration.
And for the nomination of a U.S. Ambassador to Mexico,
Senator Salazar, Secretary Salazar, it is good to see you
again. As neighbors, Mexico and the United States share an
enduring interest in maintaining robust security and economic
cooperation. I look forward to hearing your thoughts,
especially on how to address the growing role of Mexican
transnational criminal organization in the production and
trafficking of fentanyl into the United States.
I think all of us have been shocked by the state of
politics in Mexico, with the huge number of assassinations that
have taken place of people that are running for public office,
and the current state of affairs there. It is staggering how
many people have been killed.
Ambassador--excuse me--Senator Salazar, your ability to
handle these things, I have absolutely no question about. It
has been a pleasure working with you on issues that were
parochial to my state while you were Secretary of the Interior.
I enjoyed serving with you briefly in this chamber.
And with that I will yield back my time. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
All right, we will turn to our nominees. We will start with
Secretary Salazar, and moved down the dais. We ask you to
summarize your statement in about five minutes, so we can have
a conversation with you. Your full statements will be included
in the record without objection.
And with that, we recognize Secretary Salazar.
STATEMENT OF HON. KENNETH LEE SALAZAR, OF COLORADO, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES
Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and Ranking
Member Risch, and all the members of this committee, for the
time this morning. I appreciate your service and your
leadership on this committee.
I also want to acknowledge and thank my good friends,
Senator Michael Bennet, and Senator John Hickenlooper for their
long journey with me together, working on issues that we so
much care about for Colorado and the United States of America.
And I want to acknowledge my family back in Colorado, and
the San Luis Valley, and in Denver. My wonderful wife,
Esperanza, watching this hearing this morning with Melinda,
Andrea, Mireya, and Selena, and Blake, and all of my family in
the valley, thank you so much for being the wind beneath my
wings for all of the journey that I have had in this wonderful
life of mine.
Let me also acknowledge my guests here today. Former
colleagues from the U.S. Senate, as well as friends, Stephanie
Valencia, Felicia Escobar and Dan Restrepo, I thank them for
their help in my own--in my journey.
So let me also say, this is a very proud moment for me,
proud because President Joe Biden is a person who cares a lot
about Mexico, Central America and Latin America, his many
trips, even as Vice President trying to deal with these issues
that have been around for--the United States for a very long
time, are a testament to his attention to the North-South
relationship and to the Western hemisphere.
And so I am very proud to be able to work with him, to have
the opportunity, if confirmed by this committee and the Senate,
to be able to work on the issues that he so much cares about.
And likewise, Vice President Kamala Harris, she and I knew
each other back in her days as attorney general. And I know her
interest in dealing with the issues, including the root causes
in the relationship between the U.S., Mexico, Central America,
and Latin America.
So I very much look forward to being a part of their team,
but I can only do that work effectively if I also work closely
with the members of this committee, and that includes both the
majority and the minority staff, it includes a you, Senator
Menendez, Senator Risch, and each of the members of this
committee. We may not always agree, but what I will make sure I
do is that I have the opportunity to hear your voices and to
work with you, to deal with these solutions, or these
challenges, and create solutions that we have all been looking
for.
So let me just say a word about how I see the issues for
the United States and Mexico. Our futures are inextricably
bound together as two nations, as people that have a very
common heritage.
We are inextricably bound together because of the
demographics of our two nations. We are inextricably bound
together because of the migration patterns of the history of
our two nations. We are inextricably bound together with our
economic and jobs, dreams, and the prosperity for both nations.
And we are inextricably bound together with the dream of
security, and freedom from the fear of violence that we
currently see on the border, on both sides of the border, and
on the southern border of Mexico, as well as in other places in
Latin America. And we are bound together by our history and by
our heritage.
I will not spend a long time talking about those issues,
but very quickly on the demographics, we have about 170 million
Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in both countries. It is
interesting that of those 170 million more than one-fourth of
the population resides here in the United States. And they come
from families like mine that have been around, through our
heritage, for 400, 700 years with our Native American, Mexican,
and Spanish backgrounds, through the Mexican-American War in
1848, and then for the last 170 years as American citizens.
We are bound together because the issues of migration have
brought us together historically through the push and pull of
the history of migration into this country. It is an issue
which still bedevils this country in terms of how we deal with
a sustainable, orderly migration system, and in order to get to
that point, we have to work closely with the Mexican Government
to share our interest in dealing with those issues.
We are bound together because of our economy and jobs. You
know, they say that the Latino population is the mainstream
economy in the United States, some 60 million strong, Cuban
Americans, and Puerto Ricans, and Dominicans, and 60 million
strong contributing greatly to the economy United States and to
the future, political, and demographics of this country. So we
need to make sure that we are integrating that community.
And on security, we cannot deal with the security issues
without having the Mexican Government working with us. It is
incumbent upon them because it is a shared responsibility that
we have to deal with the violence issues, both on that side of
the border, as well as on this side of the border.
So let me just conclude by saying, Mr. Chairman, and
Ranking Member Risch. This is a very proud moment for me, it is
a very proud moment because of our history, but it is also a
very proud moment, as I look forward to the future, yes, full
of challenges, but full of opportunities. It is a proud moment
for us to bring the two nations closer together and to deal
with a kind of reality that creates prosperity, security, and
peace for the peoples of both the United States and Mexico.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Salazar follows:]
Prepared Statement of the Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member and members of the committee, I am
proud and humbled to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Mexico.
My history is deeply rooted in Mexico and the United States. My
forebearers came from Mexico and Spain in the early 1600s and settled
along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte near Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Following the end of the Mexican-American War, they migrated north and
established the settlement of Los Rincones in the San Luis Valley.
Today, we still ranch and farm the same lands along the tributaries of
the Rio Grande.
My father was a proud soldier in World War II. My mother helped
open the Pentagon as a public servant. After the war, they returned
home. At home, our native language was Spanish. We were poor and worked
in the fields and home alongside our parents. We were taught to dream
big dreams and the timeless values of faith, hard work and education.
All eight of their children became first generation college graduates.
Like my parents, I am a proud American. If confirmed, I will work
tirelessly to advance the interests of the United States and to
strengthen the common bonds between the United States and Mexico. I
recognize the difficult and enormous challenges ahead. I also am
optimistic about the opportunities ahead for our two nations.
In my view, it is time to create transformative change in the
United States-Mexico relationship by ushering in a new era of
partnership with our southern neighbor.
That partnership must:
address jobs and economic opportunity for the people of the United
States and Mexico through trade, infrastructure, tourism, and
investment;
secure our shared borders and create an orderly, safe, and humane
framework for migration;
identify partnerships that address the scourge of violence and
respects the rule of law; and
engage in a global sustainability transformation for a viable
planet while respecting the sovereignty of both nations.
If confirmed, I will seek the advice and guidance of this committee
and its members in my service to the United States. I look forward to
working with President Biden and Vice President Harris and the United
States Congress to advance the interests of the United States in
Mexico. I also look forward to working with the Mexican Government to
advance our shared interests in Mexico and here in the United States.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Secretary Salazar.
Ms. Lewis?
STATEMENT OF JESSICA LEWIS, OF OHIO, NOMINATED TO BE AN
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POLITICAL-MILITARY AFFAIRS)
Ms. Lewis. Chairman Menendez. Thank you, first of all, for
your kind words. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
members of the committee, I am honored and humbled to be here
as the Biden-Harris administration's nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs.
I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me,
and Secretary Blinken for his support. I was lucky enough to
start my career on this committee, under then Chairman Biden
when Secretary Blinken was the staff director on the committee.
I would like to thank my father, Robert Lewis, for raising
my sister and me; his strength and love after my mother, Molly
Lewis, passed away when I was a child, made me who I am today.
I am also lucky to have the love and support of my stepmother,
who is truly my second mother, Patricia Lewis. And I am joined
by my sister, Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me every
step of the way.
My greatest joy in life has been as a mother, and I would
like to thank my 9-year-old son, Matthew, who is wisely
enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through
a hearing. And to my incredible community of friends, thank you
for being my second family.
I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who
hired me nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign
Affairs Committee, and who trained me to be a staffer. The
Chairman has the sharpest mind I have encountered, and has
taught me to stand up for what I believe. I would not be here
before the committee today if it were not for Senator Menendez.
I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught
me the ways of the Senate during my nine years working for him,
and Senator Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this
committee.
And finally, I would like to thank the outstanding
bipartisan staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to
my team, you are simply the best.
To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me
when we can come together, as we recently did on the China Bill
which passed this committee with overwhelming support, we are
at our very best.
I have spent my entire career in public service, if
confirmed I would be honored to continue that path at the State
Department. I began my career teaching third grade in public
schools, and believe my work as a teacher serves as the
foundation for all I do today.
I then worked at the Organization of American States
running education, training, and technology programs in Latin
America. Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on The Hill
and have worked on some of the most critical national security
legislation of our time. I staffed the Conference Committee for
the legislation that implemented the 9/11 Commission
recommendations in the early-2000s, and recently negotiated
passage of the Countering American Adversaries Through
Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
And, as Senator Reid's National Security advisor, I worked
directly with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees,
the Defense Department, and our Intelligence Agency.
The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms
sales, and security assistance, negotiates international
security agreements, and manages our security relationships
with other countries. The Bureau is also in charge of U.S.
programs to help countries cope with the after effects of war
through conventional weapons destruction programs.
If confirmed, I would focus on four areas. First, as
President Biden promised, a plan to enhance the consideration
of human rights in our decision-making to ensure our arms sales
are in our foreign policy interest, and in line with American
values.
Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's
relationship with this committee and with Congress.
Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at
the Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity,
equity, and inclusion.
Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense
equipment can deepen our relationships with our allies and
partners, and support our foreign policy and national security.
I believe if government can help to keep the global playing
field level, our defense companies can continue to out-compete
any rival while upholding our values.
In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging
the tools of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the
service of U.S. foreign policy and American values.
Thank you. And I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Lewis follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jessica Lewis
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
I am honored and humbled to be here as the Biden-Harris
administration's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Political-Military Affairs.
I would like to thank President Biden for nominating me, and
Secretary Blinken for his support.
I would like to thank my father Robert Lewis for raising my sister
and me. His strength and love after my mother, Molly Lewis, passed away
when I was a child, made me who I am. I am also lucky to have the love
and support of my stepmother--who is truly my second mother--Patricia
Lewis. I am joined by my sister Kaitlynn Griffith, who has been with me
every step of my life. My greatest joy in life has been as a mother,
and I would like to thank my 9-year-old son Matthew, who is wisely
enjoying a day of summer camp today instead of sitting through a
hearing. And to my incredible community of friends--thank you for being
my second family.
I would like to personally thank Chairman Menendez, who hired me
nearly 20 years ago as a staffer on the House Foreign Affairs Committee
and who trained me to be a staffer. The Chairman has the sharpest mind
I have encountered and has taught me to stand up for what you believe
in. I would not be here before the committee today if it were not for
Senator Menendez.
I would like to thank former Senator Harry Reid, who taught me the
ways of the Senate during my 9 years working for him, and Senator
Cardin, who brought me on as staff director of this committee.
Finally, I would like to thank the outstanding bipartisan staff of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. To my team, you are simply the
best. To my Republican colleagues, working with you has taught me when
we can come together--as we recently did on the China bill which passed
this committee with overwhelming support--we are at our best.
I have spent my entire career in public service; if confirmed, I
would be honored to continue that path at the State Department. I began
my career teaching third grade in public schools and believe my work as
a teacher serves a foundation for all I do.
I then worked at the Organization of American States running
education, training, and technology programs in Latin America.
Since then, I have spent nearly 20 years on the Hill and have
worked on some of the most critical national security legislation of
our time. I staffed the conference committee for the legislation that
implemented the 9-11 Commission recommendations in the early 2000s and
negotiated passage of the Countering Americas Adversaries Through
Sanctions Act only a few years ago.
And, as Senator Reid's national security advisor, I worked directly
with the Armed Services and Intelligence Committees, the Defense
Department, and our Intelligence Agencies.
The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs manages our arms sales and
security assistance, negotiates international security agreements, and
manages our security relationships with other countries. The Bureau is
also in charge of U.S. programs to help countries cope with the
aftereffects of war through conventional weapons destruction programs.
The Bureau is also unique because of its dedicated workforce. They
have a well-deserved reputation for professionalism, and they have
performed the challenging work of the Bureau across administrations.
If confirmed, I would focus on four areas.
First, as President Biden promised, I plan to enhance the
consideration of human rights in our decision-making to ensure
our arms sales are in our foreign policy interest and in line
with American values.
Second, I am committed to reinvigorating the Bureau's relationship
with this committee and Congress.
Third, I want to focus on strengthening the workforce at the
Bureau, and specifically its efforts to improve diversity,
equity, and inclusion.
Fourth, I believe the judicious provision of U.S. defense equipment
can deepen our relationships with our allies and partners and
support our foreign policy and national security. I believe if
government can help to keep the global playing field level, our
defense companies can continue to outcompete any rival while
upholding our values.
In conclusion, if confirmed, I am committed to leveraging the tools
of the Political-Military Affairs Bureau in the service of U.S. foreign
policy and American values.
The Chairman. Thank you. And as a good staffer, you came in
under five minutes. So it is just amazing.
Ambassador Lu, please go ahead?
STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD LU, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (SOUTH ASIAN
AFFAIRS)
Ambassaador Lu. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of this committee, I am honored and
humbled to be here today as President Biden's nominee to be the
next Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian
Affairs.
I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have shown in me. I would not be here today
without the love and support of my family. I am joined today by
wife and best friend, Ariel. And we have two wonderful
teenagers at home, Kip and Aliya. Unlike Security Salazar's
kids, they are not watching, they are sleeping soundly at the
moment.
As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am
particularly proud to have served my country in the U.S.
Foreign Service in the Peace Corps. During my 30 years at the
State Department, I have worked in India, Pakistan, and Central
Asia, advancing our agenda on counterterrorism, democracy, and
anti-corruption.
As someone who believes that the Foreign Service and the
Civil Service should look like the face of America, I am
committed to implementing the President's vision on diversity,
equity, and inclusion.
Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw
American troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced
with new risks and new opportunities. And in particular, we
have an historic opportunity to rebalance our relations with
the countries of this region to better reflect our long-term
strategic priorities.
First, it is in our national interest to continue to
strengthen our fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-
people ties with India, while also speaking forthrightly about
human rights and our democratic values. As two great Indo-
Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that our Asian
partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a
single power.
As two great democracies, we must demonstrate through our
example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal
freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build
a more stable and inclusive global economy.
As the producer of 60 percent of the world's vaccines,
India is critical to the global fight against COVID-19, and if
confirmed, I would work with India to end this devastating
pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our partners
to tackle the climate crisis.
Second, on Pakistan: We have for more than 20 years defined
our relations with this important partner primarily through the
prism of counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will
build on our long history of friendship with Pakistan to
advance human rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism
cooperation, and an improved business climate for American
investors.
Third, Afghanistan: I started my career working on the
Afghan border in the Pakistani City of Peshawar. I saw then,
first-hand, the desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a
deep commitment to encouraging peace, security, human rights,
and the rights of women and girls. If confirmed, I will work to
advance our objectives in Afghanistan.
Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan,
Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives, we face
competition from China and Russia like never before. We must
recommit ourselves to robust engagement with these countries to
support their sovereignty and independence in the face of many
challenges.
Critical new tools have been authorized in this effort,
from the creation of the Development Finance Corporation, to
this committee's important work on the Strategic Competition
Act.
If confirmed, I will work to make the United States a
reliable international partner for the Governments and peoples
of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign
influence, and stand up for human rights and democracy.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role
as a steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious
resources, our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation
of the United States.
I believe in the importance of our voice in support of
human rights, religious freedom, and democracy, and if
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Congress to build
robust relations between the United States and the nations of
South and Central Asia. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Lu follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Donald Lu
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear here today as President Biden's
nominee to be the next Assistant Secretary of State for South and
Central Asian Affairs. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
As the son of an immigrant to the United States, I am particularly
proud to have served my country in the U.S. Foreign Service and the
Peace Corps. During my 30 years in the State Department, I have worked
in India, Pakistan, and Central Asia advancing our agenda on
counterterrorism, democracy, and anti-corruption. And as someone who
believes that the Foreign Service and the Civil Service should look
like the face of America, I am committed to implementing the
President's vision on diversity, equity and inclusion.
Mr. Chairman, with the President's decision to withdraw American
troops from Afghanistan by September 11, we are faced with new risks
and new opportunities. In particular, we have an historic opportunity
to rebalance our relations with the countries in the region to better
reflect our long-term strategic priorities.
First, it is in our national interest to continue to strengthen our
fast-growing strategic, economic, and people-to-people ties with India,
while also speaking forthrightly about human rights and our democratic
values. As two great Indo-Pacific powers, we must strive to ensure that
our Asian partners remain sovereign and free, and not dominated by a
single power. As two great democracies, we should demonstrate through
our example why democracy promotes peace, stability, and personal
freedoms. And as two great free-market economies, we can build a more
stable and inclusive global economy. As the producer of 60 percent of
the world's vaccines, India is critical to the global fight against
COVID-19, and if confirmed, I would work with India to end this
devastating pandemic. And I commit to working with India and our
partners to tackle the climate crisis.
Second, on Pakistan, we have for more than 20 years defined our
relations with this important partner primarily through the prism of
counterterrorism and security. If confirmed, I will build on our long
history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human rights, religious
freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an improved business
environment for American investors.
Third, on Afghanistan, I started my career working on the Afghan
border in the Pakistani city of Peshawar and saw first-hand the
desperate plight of Afghan refugees. I have a deep commitment to
encouraging peace, security, human rights, and the rights of women and
girls. If confirmed, I will work to advance our objectives in
Afghanistan.
Finally, in the other countries of South and Central Asia--
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Nepal,
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives--we face competition
from China and Russia like never before. We must recommit ourselves to
robust engagement with these countries to support their sovereignty and
independence in the face of many challenges. Critical new tools have
been authorized in that effort, from the creation of the Development
Finance Corporation, to this committee's important work on the
Strategic Competition Act. If confirmed, I will work to make the United
States a reliable international partner to the Governments and peoples
of these countries, one who is willing to call out malign influence and
stand up for human rights and democracy.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will take seriously my role as a
steward of the public trust. I will safeguard our precious resources--
our people, our embassies, and the strong reputation of the United
States. I believe in the importance of our voice in support of human
rights, religious freedom, and democracy. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with the Congress to build robust relations between the
United States and the nations of South and Central Asia.
The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
Ms. Escobari?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCELA ESCOBARI, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED
TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY
FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT [LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN]
Ms. Escobari. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
members of the committee, thank you for opportunity to testify
before you today.
It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve
as Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean
at USAID.
My passion for development was sparked by growing up in
Bolivia, one of the poorest countries in our hemisphere, the
daughter of two pediatricians who worked in the country's
public hospitals.
They brought home a passion for making a difference one
child at a time, but also the frustrations of seeing kids die
more from disease than poverty. They wanted to prevent disease,
not just treat it. My father started the first blood bank in
our city, and my mother tried to change culture, implementing
practices of hand-washing in maternity wards.
My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes, not just
the symptoms of poverty. So I want to thank those watching this
today, my husband, Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our
friends and family, whose support and love are the reasons I
can sit before you today.
When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last
year of the Obama administration, the region faced acute
threats. Venezuela's economy had contracted by 60 percent, and
300,000 people had fled the country. Hurricane Mathew had hit
an already-battered Haiti, and Colombia was embarking on a
fragile peace process.
Now the stakes are even higher. The pandemic has hit Latin
America harder than any other region in the world. 5.6 million
people have fled Venezuela, a humanitarian crisis created by an
oppressive and inept regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua
are seeing renewed crackdowns on their most fundamental rights.
And one of the strongest democracies in the region, Colombia,
is being shaken by economic and social unrest.
Our ability to extend a hand urgently and wholeheartedly,
in partnership with our southern neighbors will largely
determine the course of the region's recovery.
I believe that the stakes are profound, nothing less than
the faith of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule
of law, and market-based economies can deliver on their most
pressing needs.
The inability, and in a few cases unwillingness of national
governments to respond to these needs, have led to political
instability that threatens the future of the region, as well as
the security of the United States.
So I sit before you with a sense of urgency. If confirmed,
I will focus on these pressing issues: combating COVID-19,
confronting the security and migration crisis in Central
America, and strengthening governance across the region.
My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my
optimism that we can make a difference, is grounded in a career
studying and implementing development. My early experiences in
the private sector taught me the importance of creating
conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I learned
the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets,
there is a lot we know about what works and what does not.
If confirmed, I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as
well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned.
During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with
dedicated and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go
above and beyond the call of duty.
If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute
to a culture where respect, equity, diversity, and inclusion
are part of our values and the way that we operate, both here
and abroad.
Since leaving the Obama administration, I have worked on
the barriers to inclusion and opportunities faced by workers
here in the United States. We often draw lines between so-
called ``developed'' and ``developing'', between Global North
and Global South. But in truth, there is no bright line when it
comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
The need for inclusive, sustained growth is as real in
Appalachia as it is in Antigua. I hope to bring that humility
to this job, the sense that every nation is a work in progress,
and given the cross-border nature of our challenges, climate
change, pandemics, cyber threats, our fates are linked, and our
ability to work together, even more urgent.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify. And I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Escobari follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcela Escobari
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for considering my nomination.
It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve as
Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Latin America and the
Caribbean at USAID.
My passion for development was sparked during my childhood in
Bolivia, one of the poorest countries on the continent, as the daughter
of two pediatricians who practiced in the country's public hospitals.
They brought home a passion for making a difference one child at a
time, but also the frustration of seeing children die more often from
poverty than disease.
They wanted to prevent disease, not just treat it. My father
started the first blood bank in our city, and my mother tried to change
culture--with simple things like handwashing practices, or promoting
the use of breast milk.
My parents inspired me to tackle the root causes--not simply the
symptoms--of poverty.
I want to thank them (who are watching this today),my husband,
Beran, our sons Nico and Lucas, and our friends and family, whose
support and love are the reasons I can sit before you today.
When I had the honor to serve in this role for the last year of the
Obama Administration, the region faced acute threats. Venezuela's
economy had contracted by 60 percent, 300,000 people had fled the
country. Hurricane Mathew had hit an already battered Haiti, and
Colombia was embarking on a fragile peace process.
Now the stakes are even higher. 5.6 million people have fled
Venezuela- a humanitarian crisis created by an oppressive and
incompetent regime. The people of Cuba and Nicaragua are seeing renewed
crackdowns on their most fundamental rights. And one of the strongest
democracies in the region, Colombia, is being shaken by economic and
social unrest. The pandemic has struck Latin America harder than any
other region in the world.
Our ability to extend a hand--urgently and wholeheartedly--in
partnership with our southern neighbors will largely determine the
course of the region's recovery.
I believe that the stakes are profound--nothing less than the faith
of the region's citizens that liberal democracy, rule of law, and
market-based economies can deliver on their most basic needs.
Inequitable, and lackluster growth have left citizens frustrated
and demanding better. And the inability or, in a few cases,
unwillingness, of national governments to respond adequately has led to
political instability that threatens the future of the region as well
as the security of the United States.
I sit before you with a sense of urgency.
If confirmed, I will focus on these pressing issues: combating
COVID-19, confronting the security and migration challenges in Central
America, and strengthening governance across the region.
This means empowering civil society to stand up to authoritarian
regimes, while also helping democratic governments improve their
capacity to deliver basic goods and services--from water to electricity
to health.
My passion and conviction come from my parents, but my optimism is
grounded in a career studying and implementing international
development.
My early experiences in the private sector taught me the importance
of creating conditions for investment and growth. In academia, I
learned the value of good ideas, and while there are no silver bullets,
there is a lot we know about what works and what doesn't in
development. If confirmed I will bring a focus on data and evidence, as
well as the ability to iterate quickly on lessons learned.
During my time at USAID, I had the privilege to work with dedicated
and knowledgeable professionals, who regularly go above and beyond the
call of duty. If confirmed, I will empower their efforts and contribute
to a culture where respect, equity, diversity and inclusion are part of
our values and the way that we operate, both here and abroad.
Since leaving the Obama administration, I've worked on the barriers
to inclusion and opportunity faced by workers here in the United
States.
We often draw lines between so-called developed and developing,
between the Global North and Global South, but in truth, there is no
bright line when it comes to the crippling effects of poverty.
The need for inclusive, sustainable growth is as real in Appalachia
as it is in Antigua.
I hope to bring that humility to this job--the sense that every
nation is a work in progress, and given the cross-border nature of our
challenges--climate change, pandemics, and cyber threats--our fates are
linked, and our ability to work together, even more urgent.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today, and I
look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you, all. Let me start with
a series of questions on behalf of the full committee. And a
simple yes or no from each of you, but would suffice. I have
these questions that speak to the importance of--that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
Executive Branch, and that we expect and will be seeking from
you. So I would ask each of you to provide just a yes or no
answer.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Mr. Salazar. Yes.
Ms. Escobari. Yes.
Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Salazar. Yes.
Ms. Escobari. Yes.
Ambassador Lu:
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing a notification after the fact?
Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
Ms. Escobari. Yes.
Mr. Salazar. Yes:
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to request for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Salazar. Yes.
Ms. Escobari. Yes.
Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. Yes. All right, thank you. All right, let me
start off then, a round of five minutes.
Secretary Salazar, in the last four years, there were
serious problems in the U.S. cooperation with Mexico on
migration issues, and previous administration threatened Mexico
with sanctions over migration, implemented policies that forced
asylum seekers to remain in dangerous Mexican border
communities during their application process, and signed a
series of agreements whose contents have never been provided in
full to Congress.
Some of these policies, in my view, were morally
reprehensible as well as potentially on lawful. And while the
Biden administration has taken steps to put things on a better
path, we need a holistic strategy to strengthen bilateral
cooperation on migration issues, and ensure that the United
States upholds its international obligations and domestic laws.
So can you take a moment? You referenced it somewhat in
your own personal history, but to lay out the vision of how you
view the United States and Mexico working together to have a
productive and respectful manner to address the challenges
related to irregular migration?
Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. We need to
find the synergy with Mexico to deal with a shared set of
challenges. For Mexico there is displacement underway with
people leaving Mexico and coming into this country because of a
lack of opportunity there. The Mexican Government has an
interest in making sure that their people stay there. No one
would want to be going away from their home to a country far
away unless they were fleeing poverty, or violence, or other
forms of distress.
And so what we need to do is to have a high-level dialogue
with Mexico to address both the short-term issues that
currently deal with issue of irregular migration, but also as
the President and the Vice President have said, dealing with
the longer-term issues of the root causes, and so working with
my colleagues, hopefully if I get confirmed in the State
Department, including the panel who is here today, so Secretary
Blinken, and the President, and the Vice President, we hope to
bring about that kind of dialogue that creates a holistic
strategy to deal with the issues of migration.
The Chairman. Let me turn to the question of violence and
crime, violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico
have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the
June mid-term elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36
of whom were running for office. These trend lines and the
serious implications for our national security mandate that we
find ways to strengthen U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.
There are areas for easy--there are areas for easy
consensus, such as strengthening efforts to address financial
crimes tied to the drug trade, and expanding bilateral efforts
to combat arms trafficking from the U.S. to Mexico.
However, in other areas, we face potential obstacles to
improving security cooperation, including a new Mexican law
approved in December that appears to threaten bilateral
cooperation and the linkages between drug traffickers and
senior Mexican officials, as evidenced in the arrest of General
Cienfuegos last year. I trust that upon your confirmation, you
will give these issues your full attention, and keep the
committee informed.
Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, yes, I will. This is an area
where the administration is already engaged in high-level
dialogues with Mexico on how we deal with these shared issues.
And it is something that this committee obviously will be
involved in. So I very much look forward to working with the
administration and you to find the solutions.
The Chairman. And finally, there is new data from the
Center for Disease Control and Prevention, showing that in 2020
over 93,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in the United
States, making it the most lethal year for overdoses on record,
opioids, and fentanyl in particular pose highly lethal risk to
our citizens, and the U.S. Government has to undertake every
effort possible to address this tragedy.
We have to improve domestic to address illicit drug
consumption, and we must expand efforts to combat the scourge
of illicit production and trafficking of fentanyl and other
opioids.
Data indicates that drug traffickers are increasingly
shipping fentanyl precursors from China to Mexico, where drug
trafficking organizations are producing fentanyl and
trafficking it to the United States. Given the threat to U.S.
citizens posed by illicit fentanyl trafficking, I also trust
you will raise this issue at the highest levels with Mexican
officials upon your confirmation.
Mr. Salazar. I will do, Mr. Chairman.
All right, Ms. Lewis, just a quick question for you, I have
several, but I want to go to the ranking member. The informal
review process for arm sales has existed for decades, and is a
vital consultative relationship between this committee and the
Bureau of Political Military Affairs to work through questions,
issues, and concerns about proposed arm sales before they are
formally notified to Congress.
That relationship suffered under the last administration,
but it has improved dramatically under Secretary Blinken. Do I
have your commitment to continue and deepen this consultation
process with this committee?
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. The last administration infamously attempted
to evade congressional oversight on multiple arms sales to
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates by abusing
authorities intended only for emergency. There was no serious
argument that these sales qualified as emergencies under the
law. And this episode I would expect should never be repeated.
Do you commit to only recommend using the emergency
authorities under the Arms Export Control Act in true emergency
situations, and not in an effort to evade Congress?
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Secretary Salazar, as you transition into this I am
wondering if you are familiar with the backlog of U.S.
extradition requests that the United States has out to Mexico.
My state in particular has one unique case, but others also. We
are struggling a bit with this, and certainly you can blame
part of it on COVID, but they also seem to drag their feet.
Are you familiar with this issue? And if not, I assume you
will commit to get on board with it and see if we cannot move
this along a little better.
Mr. Salazar. Yes, Senator Risch. I am generally familiar
with the issue. I will say that, as Colorado attorney general,
I worked closely with your attorney general, now Attorney
General Wasden, to develop among the attorneys general the--at
the state level with our counterparts in Mexico, the Article 4
prosecution units, which now exist in many of the attorneys
Generals' offices around the country.
And so I would look forward to bringing that experience in
terms of the bilateral relationship to make sure that the
extradition process as under the Constitution, actually are
implemented.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that. And certainly, that work
that you did is one of the things that is driving all of this,
and that is that it is streamlining the process, but it is
still not moving as fast as we would like to see it. So
appreciate your thoughts on that. And I hope you will move
forward.
Do you have any thoughts on the--the chairman made
reference to this, a number of--I understand this is an
internal issue within Mexico, but I think Americans were
stunned to hear that in this electoral season, which they had
their elections, I believe, on June 6th, and on the run-up to
that there were 88 candidates assassinated who were running. I
mean this is--this is not a hallmark of a democracy by any
stretch of the imagination. What are your thoughts on that?
Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Risch. We need to make sure
that we have a strong democracy here at home in the United
States, and also that in Mexico, they are a sovereign, and we
respect their sovereignty, but they, too, have a shared
interest in making sure that the violence, including the
assassinations of the last--that occurred during the last
election are something that does not happen.
And so it is something that I am certain we will be able to
work with the Mexican Government as we enter into the dialogues
between the United States and Mexico to address the issues of
violence.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
Ambassador Lu, I want to talk for a minute about our
withdrawal from Afghanistan. I noted this just within the last
24, 48 hours, the Taliban met with the Chinese, a delegation
from China. And I do not know what was on the agenda. I can
about assure you what was not on the agenda was human rights,
or treatment of the Uyghurs. What are your thoughts as far as
China is now moving into that vacuum?
Ambassaador Lu. Senator Risch, first thank you for your
attention and interest in this important issue. I read with
concern the same press articles about the Chinese meeting with
the Taliban. I know that the countries surrounding Afghanistan,
including China, share many of the same concerns we have about
the deteriorating situation there.
I can assure you, if confirmed, I will do everything in my
power to encourage those countries to be messaging directly to
the Taliban that any recognition, any assistance, any support
is contingent upon the Taliban's participation in a peace
process that results in a negotiated political settlement, as
well as respect for the progress that has been made over the
last years in respecting minority rights, the rights of women
and girls, and counterterrorism.
We do face the challenge of independent countries with
different views in that region. But I firmly believe we share a
common goal of having stability and peace in Afghanistan.
Senator Risch. Thank you for your thoughts on that. My
personal view, I think it is going to be a heavy lift trying to
convince the Taliban that they will respect the gains that have
been made in that country for women's rights. But it is our
duty to press on with that. And I am encouraged to hear your
words in that regard. I expect that that is what you will do.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, Ranking Member Risch,
and congratulations to the nominees. What a wonderful panel.
I am particularly happy to see my longtime friend, Senator
Salazar, and also Ms. Lewis, who is just a stellar part of the
Senate family, it is always nice to see you, and a member of
the Senate family on the other side of the dais, being
nominated for a position for which their work entitles them. So
congratulations to all of you.
Senator Salazar, let me start with you, with respect to one
particular challenging aspect of the U.S.-Mexico relationship
right now, and that is the targeting of the press and
journalists in Mexico. I place a real high emphasis on
protecting freedom of the press. Senator Graham and I
introduced a bill in May, the International Press Freedom Bill
to help make journalists safer overseas, and even create a
special visa category to enable threatened journalists to find
safe Haven in the United States.
I am really concerned about attacks on journalists. And for
years Mexico has been the deadliest country in the world for
journalists. Eight journalists were killed in 2020. Three have
been killed so far this year. I took a CODEL recently with six
members, bipartisan, in Mexico at the beginning of July. And we
met with civil society groups and groups of journalists, and
they really laid out their concerns about this.
Often the attacks are unsolved. They do not necessarily
believe the attacks are by the Government, but they are often
by criminal groups who are not then investigated. And they feel
like there is a sort of impunity when it comes to analyses, and
investigation, and certainly prosecution of these attacks.
There is a unit within the--equivalent of the Attorney
General's Office in Mexico that is supposed to focus on these
attacks, but it is widely criticized for solving one or two
high-profile cases, and then letting others go unaddressed.
Should you be confirmed, and I will do all I can to make
sure that you are, how might you address this particular issue
to try to promote more safety for those journalists in Mexico?
Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and thank you as
well for your long-time service, and friendship, and guidance
over the years on so many issues. You raise an issue that is of
a very serious nature. Here in this country we all celebrate
the fact that we have a First Amendment, and that we have
freedom of the press. And it is something that is one of the
most enshrined values of our society, and of democratic
societies.
And so when those who are moving forward with the reporting
of the news, the journalists that you speak about have to live
under threat and are in a position where their reporting ends
up getting trampled upon in some way, by whoever it does it. We
have a shared interest with Mexico, and Mexico, from my point
of view, does not want to tolerate what is happening now with
some of the violence against journalists.
So I would commit to you, Senator Kaine, that I would work
with the Mexican Government, at all levels to address this
issue, and work closely with you to make sure that we are
addressing this issue, not only in Mexico, but around the
world.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Salazar. And here is a
question for both Ms. Escobari and Senator Salazar, and maybe,
Ms. Escobari, I will start with you.
The U.S. is going to host the Summit for the Americas
which, it happens every three or four years, the timing is a
little bit variable now as to whether it will be late '21 or
early '22. The U.S. has not hosted it since 1994. I think it is
a particularly important time to have the Summit for the
Americas because of COVID, and vaccine diplomacy, and
backsliding democracies, and street unrests in many nations, so
it is a really important time.
Mr. Chair, I really look forward to taking up the Brian
Nichols nomination soon. I know it was held over today at
Senator Cruz's request, but for the U.S. to host the Summit for
the Americas without a confirmed State Department Head over the
Western Hemisphere Division would be a challenge.
But as you think about participating, either from the USAID
space or from--as Ambassador of Mexico and a Summit for the
Americas, what would be the kinds of things that you would like
to see on the agenda in that summit?
Ms. Escobari. Thank you, Senator. And for your commitment
to development through many years, and there are many
priorities in the region. I think just to start I would say
that COVID at times feels like priority one, two, and three,
just because it has ravaged the region. The reasons are
structural reasons why that has been the case, high
urbanization, you know, informality, poor health systems, but
really it has had not only the highest rates of deaths, but
also the highest contractions of GDP anywhere in the world.
So the ability together with the region, with our help,
with other allies internationally, to help in the procurement
of vaccines, and in the distribution of vaccines, and
eventually in the manufacturing of vaccines, and their safe and
equitable distribution, I think would be at the top of that
list.
Senator Kaine. I will submit the second half of the
question to Senator Salazar, for the record, since I am over my
time. But I appreciate the opportunity to visit with you all.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Salazar. Mr. Chairman, might I just make a quick
response to his question since I think it is relevant to most
of the committee members?
The Chairman. Of course, of course.
Mr. Salazar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Senator Kaine.
The Summit of the Americas to me represents a great
opportunity for Canada, the United States and Mexico to really
stand up for the North American Continent. So as I participate
in that process, if I am confirmed by the Senate, expected on
the agenda, we will be talking about economic issues, jobs,
trade, economic opportunity, migration and how we deal with
those issues, both from Canada and from Mexico, the borders.
I imagine we should be talking and we will be talking about
security, given the high level dialogues that are going on. But
in addition to that, the whole issue of conservation and
environment. The shared borders are political borders, but the
environment, and the ecology, transborder into Canada,
transborder into Mexico are also very important. And so how we
deal with that issue, in my view, should be a part of what we
focus on, on the Summit for North America.
The Chairman. Thank you. I understand we have Senator Young
with us, virtually.
Senator Young. Thank you, chairman. And welcome to our
nominees.
Senator Salazar, when I served along our Southern Border as
a Marine Corps officer in the mid-1990s, I saw first-hand the
impact of the border crisis on our own country, and on those
who were crossing our southern border.
Sadly, the scale of the crisis has become much greater
today. This has indeed become what you might characterize as a
50-state border crisis. The vast majority of migrants I
understand are not coming from Mexico, but from other countries
further south. And that means that our neighbor, Mexico, is
suffering from a migration crisis of its own, including
securing its own southern border, addressing humanitarian
issues, just like we are, and dealing with the economic
stresses of a surging migration across their southern states.
The task is made even more challenging for that government,
by the presence of predatory criminal trafficking groups in the
region. How do you view Mexico's responsibility, Mr. Senator,
inactions to secure its southern border? And if you can speak
to the largest enforcement gaps where Mexico needs to focus to
gain greater supervision over its southern border, I would
really appreciate that.
Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Young. And thank
you as well for your service.
You start from a reality that we are facing with--facing in
this country and have faced for a very long time, you described
the situation at the border back in the 1990s, when you were
serving around the border. And the reality of it is that these
issues have been with us for a very long time. And that really
underscores an important role of this committee, and a very
important priority for the President and for the Vice
President.
And that is, long term, looking at the root causes of what
is creating this problem. We have had these challenges for a
very long time. And as you say, a very much affecting Mexico in
terms of the migrant trail that we now see going across Mexico.
So how we work with Mexico to develop a strategy that is
effective both for the short term and the long term will be one
of the highest priorities that I will take on as Ambassador to
Mexico.
The Mexican Government has said clearly that--and are
providing significant resources into securing their own
Southern border. They have said, and are working on trying to
help their--the Central American countries to the south. And so
we need to succeed on that mission in a collaborative way with
Mexico, so that we can address the problem for the long term.
And I commit, Senator Young, to working with you and the
members of this committee to make sure we get that done.
Senator Young. Well, thank you for that commitment. And I
am appreciative of that. I know other members of the committee
are as well.
Let me dive into a couple of specifics. There are networks
of spotters, guides, informants all within Mexico that are so
severely degrading efforts of the U.S. Border Patrol to try and
secure that border, which I think is in the interest of course
just not--not just of the United States, but also of our
Mexican neighbor.
So if confirmed, what will you do to improve coordination
and cooperation between the U.S. and Mexican Border Patrol
authorities?
Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, that underscores the importance
of what the Biden administration is doing with Secretary
Blinken and others, engaging in the high-level dialogue around
security and violence issues. And we expect that we will spend
a good amount of our time working on those issues. If I am
fortunate enough to get confirmed by the United States Senate,
I commit to you that that will be one of the highest priority
issues.
Senator Young. If you look at the surge that has occurred,
really since earlier this year, I do understand this is an
ongoing, longstanding problem, as I acknowledged from the
beginning, but there has been a surge from the beginning of
this year. Why does it appear that Mexico has been less willing
to work with the Biden administration on this immigration,
unauthorized, than the Trump administration?
Mr. Salazar. Senator Young, I think as Chairman Risch said
a few minutes ago, we need to have a holistic approach to the
issues in Mexico. It is more than just the issue of securing
the border. We need to have a safe, secure, and efficient
border. And Mexico shares that interest with us, we share that
interest, the administration is working hard to develop a
northerly and fair and humane system of migration into this
country. And we need to make sure that we are working together
with Mexico and with the U.S. Senate to address that challenge
that has been around for a very long time.
Senator Young. Okay. I thank you for your time. I thank you
for your service. You did not answer my final question about
why it appears that Mexico has been less willing to work with
the Biden administration, apparently, on this issue than the
Trump administration. So perhaps if you want to weave that into
your future comments, you can. Thank you so much.
Mr. Salazar. I am happy to elaborate, Senator. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator van Hollen.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch; and congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
Senator Salazar, great to see you back, thanks for stepping
up again. We have just five minutes. I am going to concentrate
my time on situation in South and Central Asia.
Ambassador Lu, thank you for your terrific service as a
member of the Foreign Service. You have made us proud.
I see that Secretary Blinken is now in India to discuss a
wide range of issues that are important to the United States-
Indian relationship, and to discuss our common interests in the
Quad. And I support that initiative.
I would like to focus on the situation in Pakistan and
Afghanistan. And I welcome your statement that our relationship
with Pakistan should be beyond the one-dimensional security
lens. And you indicate that, if confirmed, you will build on
our long history of friendship with Pakistan to advance human
rights, religious freedom, counterterrorism cooperation, and an
improved business environment for American investors.
And I look forward to working with you to achieve those
goals. Of course, a key issue that impacts the United States,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the surrounding area, is the U.S.
withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan. And what that means. We
had Ambassador Khalilzad before this committee in late April.
And I just want to see if you are on the same page with him as
to the situation here. So I have a couple of very, yes/no
questions.
First, do you agree that if Afghanistan descends into total
chaos, even more than the conflict we see today, that that
could mean an influx of thousands of refugees into Pakistan?
Ambassaador Lu. Yes.
Senator Van Hollen. Okay. And do you agree that it is in
Pakistan's interest to achieve stability and a political
settlement in Afghanistan?
Ambassaador Lu. Yes, absolutely.
Senator Van Hollen. And do you agree with Ambassador
Khalilzad that in the Doha talks, Pakistan has facilitated the
discussions between the Afghan Government and the Taliban?
Ambassaador Lu. Yes. The African Government and the--
certainly the Taliban and the United States, and I think we
would like to see Pakistan do even more to facilitate Taliban's
involvement in talks with other Afghan leaders. Yeah.
Senator Van Hollen. And would you agree that a political
settlement is the only viable long-term path forward?
Ambassaador Lu. A hundred percent, yes.
Senator Van Hollen. All right. So, one of the things that
some of us were proposed on a bipartisan basis, Senator Young
from Indiana, Senator Cantwell, myself, and others, is the idea
to give all parties some kind of hope and a better economic
future. People in Afghanistan, people in those border regions
of Pakistan. And the idea is to establish what we call
Reconstruction Opportunity Zones.
And the idea is that textiles and certain other goods that
are produced and manufactured in those areas would have duty-
free access to the United States. In order to establish the
potential of a peace dividend and a good future for people in
the region.
Ambassador Khalilzad said he supported the concept. I know
the administration has been looking at it, had interest in
pursuing this with you and the administration. Have you had a
chance to look at their proposal, and what you think it could
mean in terms of, you know, building a better future?
Ambassaador Lu. Senator Van Hollen, first let me say huge
thanks on behalf of my colleagues at the State Department. It
is wonderful to have such a strong supporter of our relations
with South Asia sitting in the U.S. Senate.
I believe strongly that enhanced economic integration is
one of the keys to a durable peace in Afghanistan and
throughout the region. I support a deepening of economic ties
between Afghanistan and Pakistan. And if confirmed, I will work
to expand trade and investment between these two countries and
the United States. I believe we should be exploring all of the
options on the table.
I am personally very interested in the legislation that you
and other members of the Senate have proposed. And I look
forward, if confirmed, to be providing technical feedback and
dialogue to you and other members of the committee, from State
Department, Department of Congress, and the USTR.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Do we have your commitment
that you and the State Department would provide our staff with
technical feedback on the legislation?
Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Now, just in closing, you
know, I think we have established the important role Pakistan
can play in trying to facilitate some kind of negotiated
settlement in Afghanistan. I think all of us hope for the best,
although we all understand that there are huge risks that we
are witnessing right now. But I cannot understand why, given
that importance, President Biden has not yet contacted directly
and called the Prime Minister Khan. Can you explain that? It is
a mystery to me.
Ambassaador Lu. Senator, I completely agree with you, the
dialogue is essential between the United States and Pakistan at
a high level. As you know, there have been several high-level
administration discussions with Pakistan to include multiple
engagements by Secretary Blinken with the Pakistani Foreign
Minister. These talks have focused on critical issues.
Senator Van Hollen. Mr. Ambassador, I do not--I am aware of
all that but, as you know, the President has reached out to
lots of foreign leaders. Given the importance of the future
developments in Afghanistan to us, given the importance of the
relationship with Pakistan, it seems to me a totally unforced
error that the President of the United States has not made that
phone call. There is no need for you to comment. I appreciate
your service.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Ms. Chairman. Congratulations to
each of the nominees. Senator Salazar, good to see you. I
enjoyed visiting with you yesterday in my office.
As you know, I am increasingly concerned about what appears
to be a deliberate and a systematic campaign by the Mexican
Government to undermine American companies and especially
American energy companies. Just a few weeks ago the Mexican
Government gave its state oil firm, Pemex, a major-shared oil
find, over a private consortium led by Houston-based, Talos
Energy, which had first discovered the crude and had already
invested nearly $350 million in the project.
This decision was just one of a series of moves that the
Mexican Government has pursued to roll back Mexico's historic
2013 energy sector liberalization reforms, which benefited both
them and us. It goes without saying that these moves are in
significant tension with both the Mexican Constitution and the
USMCA.
On July 29th, I joined Senator Cornyn, Senator Inhofe, and
sent a letter to President Biden highlighting these concerns.
The next morning President Lopez Obrador dismissed the letter
saying quote, ``There is really no problem, and that the
concerns are insignificant''.
Let me start by asking you, do you agree with the Mexican
President that the concerns about Mexico's tilt away from U.S.
companies towards Mexican Government control of the energy
sector towards open hostility to American companies, do you
agree with the Mexican President that those concerns are
insignificant?
Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, the rule of law is important,
obviously important to us here in the United States, and to
interests here that are investing in Mexico, and my
understanding is the ambassador, the U.S. Trade Representative
for the United States has said that energy is covered under the
United States-Canada-Mexico Agreements. So I think what we need
to do is to raise these issues and make sure that we are
protecting American investment in Mexico.
Senator Cruz. So I am deeply concerned that right now the
Mexican Government is feeling no meaningful pressure from the
Biden administration to reverse its campaign, to undermine
American energy firms, and so what I would like to ask you, is
first of all, to what degree do you assess that the Mexican
Government's moves in the energy sector are harmful both to
them and us?
Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, I intend to work on these
issues, if confirmed, and if I get your support, coming out of
this committee, and on the floor of the Senate. You know, I was
very involved in the negotiation of the Gulf of Mexico
Transboundary Agreement with Secretary Clinton and with the
support of President Obama. It was because of those
Transboundary Agreements which, frankly, had resolved an issue
that had been outstanding for some 50 years, that we have had
the investment of the movement that we have had in the energy
sector.
It is a complicated issue, but I intend to give it
everything that I have to see how we can work with the Mexican
Government that are sovereign, I respect their sovereignty, but
we will work together to see whether we can find some solution
to this challenge.
Senator Cruz. So if you are confirmed as Ambassador, what
specific steps do you expect to take to halt and reverse the
Mexican Government's targeting of and discrimination against
American energy firms?
Mr. Salazar. Yeah, we will work closely with my colleagues
in the Biden administration, both in the White House, as well
as within USDR, and the State Department, the Commerce
Department, to see how we can address these issues.
Senator Cruz. Do you think it is a problem?
Mr. Salazar. It is a problem, sir.
Senator Cruz. Why is it that the Mexican Government seems
to be moving away from American interest, and American
priorities, and seems to be moving rapidly away from them in
the last six months, during the Biden administration?
Mr. Salazar. Senator Cruz, there is a reality that I do not
believe that the United States has engaged in the kind of
bilateral relationship with Mexico during the last four years
under the former administration, or even before that. And so
what we need to do is we need to engage in the kinds of
dialogues that will make sure that we are developing
sustainable issues and a sustainable framework between the
United States and Mexico.
We cannot afford to have our relationship with Mexico go
into an abyss of dysfunction. And that is in the shared
interest of both the United States and Mexico. And I commit to
working not only with the President, and the Vice President, my
colleagues in the State Department, Secretary Blinken, but with
you, to see how we can come up with a kind of framework that
will address the issues that this committee, both on the
Democratic side, through Senator Menendez, and on the
Republican side through Senator Risch, has an interest in
dealing with, because if we do not deal with these issues in
this very difficult time in the relationship between the U.S.
and Mexico, we will be facing some very significant issues on
down the road.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And
congratulations to each of you on your nominations, we
appreciate your willingness to continue in public service.
I am going to give Senator Salazar a little rest for a
minute, and start with you, Ms. Lewis. And again, we will miss
you with the committee, but are delighted that you are going to
be continuing to do your good work.
I think you were with the committee when we passed the
Women Peace and Security Act, which I am very proud of. It has
been a bipartisan effort. We have seen it starting to be
implemented in the Department of Defense, I think less so in
the Department of State.
And so can you talk about how you might be able to promote
WPS goals and your strategy, if confirmed, to make sure that it
is incorporated into global peace operations, and into
international military education, conventional weapons, and how
you would work with DOD?
Ms. Lewis. Absolutely. First of all, Senator, thank you so
much for your leadership on this issue. You really have been a
guiding light for all of us.
In the Bureau of Political Military Affairs, there already
has been a focus on this issue. One of the changes they have
implemented is to make sure that in the training that we
provide that as we look at working with individual militaries,
we make sure that the representation of women is equal to the
representation of women in their services when we train them.
And I was pleased to learn about that. That would be something
I would want to continue and grow moving forward.
I also think, as you look at all of the pieces of the work
that the Bureau does, other issues such as the great work that
the Bureau does demining, making sure that our civilians--
civilians are protected from some of these landmines also has a
great impact on local communities, but also specifically on
women. And I know that is something that they take into
consideration.
And then finally, as I said, in my opening statement, I
know that really looking at the workforce inside the Bureau
would also be something that would be a priority for me. If
confirmed, I believe I would be the first woman in this
position, but I also am aware that the Bureau has an incredibly
talented pool already. And it would be my job to look closely
at the unique makeup of this Bureau, which includes civil
service, foreign service, also a number of people in uniform
who come over, to make sure that we are also looking at the
issue of women moving forward and really using the talents of
women inside the Bureau.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I appreciate that. And
look forward to working with you. And as you know, the
importance of this initiative is that when women are at the
table we are more successful, in conflict areas, in ensuring
that success is spread to all elements of the community. So
thank you.
Ms. Lewis. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Senator Salazar, now that you have caught
your breath. As you may be aware, New Hampshire has a real
challenge with substance misuse. It has been an issue, not just
in our state, but throughout the country. And we saw in 2020
that we had more overdose deaths, drug deaths than we have had
any time in our history.
And one of the things that we know in New Hampshire is that
many of the illegal substances that come into the United States
come in through Mexico. And as I understand, there have been
some tensions in recent years with Mexico in terms of how we
can best work together to intercept and interdict those drugs.
So can you talk a little bit about what your approach would be
to addressing that with Mexico?
Mr. Salazar. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen, for the
question. The issue of drugs north is something that has been
around for a very, very long time. And that issue is
exacerbated in part by what China is doing in Mexico with
fentanyl.
Senator Shaheen. Right.
Mr. Salazar. And all of those issues that are affecting the
people of New Hampshire, and throughout the United States of
America. It is a shared problem between the United States and
Mexico, and I commit to working with the Mexican Government,
and United States authorities to look for solutions to the
problem.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I hope you will come back
to this committee and let us know what resources we can help
you with in order to continue to address that in a successful
way.
Mr. Salazar. Thank you. I will.
Senator Shaheen. And Ambassador Lu, I have been very
concerned about what is happening in Afghanistan now, as I am
sure you are, as we look at the gains made by the Taliban. And
one of my biggest areas of concern is what happens to the women
and girls in Afghanistan. It has been one of the greatest
successes of our efforts there, not only of the United States
but the international community.
So tell me what you think, what more you think we can do as
the United States to raise concerns about what is happening
there in the international community? How can we support
ensuring that the freedoms that women and girls, and other
ethnic minorities in the country enjoy now, are not totally
erased as the Taliban continue to make gains?
Ambassaador Lu. Senator Shaheen, I was really moved by your
tribute to Afghan women who were killed by the telephone in the
hearing in May with Ambassador Khalilzad. I actually knew one
of those young women. Fatima Khalil was a senior at the
American University of Central Asia in Kyrgyzstan, the posting
I just left. I spoke at her graduation, one of the brightest,
most capable and self-confident people I have ever met in my
life.
She had an American education, spoke fluent English, a
worldview that was unlike anyone else. And she could have gone
anywhere, done anything. And she decided what she really wanted
to do is go back to her home country to work on human rights,
and the rights of women and girls, and the Taliban killed her
for that.
Senator Shaheen. Right.
Ambassaador Lu. So it is personal for me, as I know it is
for many of us who have worked in and around this region, I
share your deep concern about what is happening now in
Afghanistan, and the women and girls who are now at risk. I
think it is critical that we continue our robust assistance to
the programs that we have been running for years in Afghanistan
that have promoted such progress over 20 years, training,
education, legal services.
But now we have to expand that. We need to look at how we
are caring for those who are at risk. And as we know, we are
good at doing that all over the world, including in very
difficult places, in Cuba, and Russia, and Iran, and North
Korea, we need to up our game. And I know there are very smart
people in the interagency right now, putting together plans
about how we would use the U.S. refugee admissions process, or
emergency humanitarian relief to try to mitigate some of these
risks. And we look forward, if confirmed, to working with you
and other members of Congress to put together that plan.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I look forward to that.
My time is up, but I just want to relay to you what I heard
from some of the women leaders in Afghanistan who were urging
us in the United States to have our President, our Vice
President, all of our high-level officials speak out in the
international community about what the Taliban are doing and
raise international awareness and condemnation for what is
happening there. So I hope you will agree to do that if
confirmed.
Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. And thank you for
your leadership in this disregard. We appreciate your clarity
and voice on this all the time.
Some final questions, there is a vote going on.
So, Ms. Lewis, I do not think you would get away that easy.
When the Department of Defense through existing authorities,
and seeking new ones, has assumed an outside role in providing
security assistance to foreign countries, providing foreign
assistance is, and in my view, always should be the purview of
the Secretary of State and the State Department conferred by
diplomats in the service of our foreign policy.
I want to ask you. Will you use all means at your disposal,
if confirmed, to conduct oversight on U.S. security assistance
for foreign countries, and foreign persons, regardless of which
U.S. agency is providing it?
Ms. Lewis. Yes.
The Chairman. And if confirmed, will you work closely with
the committee to prevent any further loss or duplication of
state security assistance authorities?
Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
The Chairman. Okay. All right, one last question. You fully
support the Taiwan's Relations Act, is that correct?
Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. And U.S. support for Taiwan self-defense?
Ms. Lewis. Absolutely.
The Chairman. Do you commit to treating Taiwan the same as
every other state in the Arms Process Sale?
Ms. Lewis. Yes, sir, consistent with the Taiwan Relations
Act.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Lu, let me ask you. At this point as the
security environment grows more precarious in Afghanistan, what
leverage, what efforts can we realistically take to support
members of civil society? Senator Shaheen just talked about
Afghan women and girls, and I echo that, but also civil
society. And what measures can we take to take care of those
partners who worked for the National Democratic Institute, the
International Republican Institute, CIPI, Internews and IFAS,
they do not qualify for special immigrant visas, but they
created extraordinary service at all times?
Ambassaador Lu. Absolutely. Mr. Chairman, in my first job
in the State Department, I worked in the American Consulate in
Peshawar, Pakistan. In one of my jobs, I was an admin officer,
was to support our staff of our embassy in Kabul, our local
staff. And they had long since stopped working in the embassy.
The embassy had been closed for three years at that point.
But we maintained the commitment to our people. And that
commitment went on for 12 years until we reopened our embassy,
we paid their salaries, we took care of them. It is critical
that we take care of the people who have shown loyalty, and
service to us. Whether that is our own employees, people who
have been interpreters and translators for the Military and the
State Department, or it is folks that have worked in civil
society supporting our programs. These were dangerous jobs even
then, and they are even more at risk today.
I hear you on, the fact that they would not qualify for
special immigrant visas. I do think there is a discussion
within the interagency and with the Congress about how to
safeguard these people at risk. It is a broad category, and we
are looking at the full range of possibilities. The U.S.
Refugee Admissions Process, humanitarian parole, humanitarian
emergency assistance.
I welcome, if you, sir, or your staff have ideas about how
we can make sure we are showing loyalty to those people, who
have risked their own safety and their lives to support our
common goals. I think it is not something we are going to get
done alone as an administration. It will take the
administration, plus Congress, and international partners to
safeguard all of these people.
The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that. We do, and we will
share them. But, you know, these entities that are promoting
the core values through the different roles they play, are
important to be able to preserve, not only in this case, but
send a global message that when you do this work, whatever it
is in the world, however dangerous it is, that you in fact will
be backed up. And I think that that is incredibly important.
One last question for you, Ambassador, I have been very
involved in supporting labor rights in Bangladesh. I appreciate
the efforts since the Rana Plaza disaster, but there is a lot
of work that remains to make sure, that Made in Bangladesh does
not mean made in the blood of Bangladeshi workers.
Do I have your commitment to press the Bangladeshi
Government to allow unions to register and function without
repression?
Ambassaador Lu. Yes, you do, sir.
The Chairman. Okay.
And then finally, Ms. Escobari, I do not want you to think
nobody cares about what you are doing. We do a great deal. I
think you have extraordinary experience in the development
aside of the role that you are going to play and you even
referenced it in your remarks. And so I will not dwell on that,
but I do want to say that part of what USAID is, it has to do
with, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean, is the
democracy side of it. And sometimes at AID, not under Samantha
Power, but in the past I have feared that we have lost the
democracy side of the USAID mission.
When I see protests in Cuba, when I see what is happening
in Haiti, when I see what is happening in Nicaragua, and
elsewhere, I see a tremendous backsliding on the question of
democratic governance and human rights. Can you speak a little
bit as to how you will see your mission at AID in that regard?
Ms. Escobari. Senator, thank you for your question, and for
always speaking very forcefully on behalf of democratic rights
and accountability in the region.
I do see good governance as a prerequisite to progress on
everything else. Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, but
in particular because it undermines citizens' beliefs that
governments can deliver for them. USAID's efforts have focused
on the--you know, in supporting civil society, human rights
defenders, free press, all of these efforts reinforce citizens'
demand for democracy.
And on the supply side, as you know, there are also great
efforts on just improving the rule of law and making it more
available. And if confirmed, I will double down on those
efforts, and also pursue other new approaches that that can
address the recent backsliding. That is very particular in
key--in key countries that you mentioned.
The Chairman. As I said to Administrator Power, I am keen
on this issue, and I have both put in language support to help
the Agency as well as in the appropriations process, so we look
forward to working with you with that.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And let me thank
all four of our nominees for their willingness to serve and
continue to serve our country. And I thank your families.
I wanted, particularly, to acknowledge and thank Jessica
Lewis for her extraordinary help to me and to our committee.
You have the diplomatic skills to take on this new assignment.
If you can handle the egos of the members of this committee,
you can handle any challenge that you might confront in the
State Department. So we wish you only the best.
It is good to see my former colleague, Ken Salazar, before
us. We always enjoyed his company in the Senate, and look
forward to his service to our Nation in Mexico.
I am going to ask one question to Mr. Salazar and Ms. Ms.
Escobari. And that is to deal with corruption.
Mexico is a great neighbor of ours. They have a serious
problem on protection of human rights, particularly
journalists, they have a corruption issue. Our hemisphere,
unfortunately, has a systemic corruption issue in many
democratic states. And I know the President has identified
corruption as a national security core interest. We have in
this committee passed additional resources to deal with
corruption.
I just really want to underscore the importance of this
subject in your portfolios. I had a chance to talk to Mr.
Salazar yesterday, or the day before, and we had a, I think, a
good conversation on this subject.
So, Ms. Escobari, if you could just share with us your
strategies for how you are going to deal with countries that
have free elections, but have elected--have not been able to
deal with systemic corruption, which has led to significant
erosion of human rights and stability in these nations.
Ms. Escobari. You know, as I mentioned in my last comments,
I do think good governance is a prerequisite for progress on
everything else. In the last quarter of the 20th century, Latin
America actually saw the greatest gains in liberal democracy,
but these gains were not accompanied with the investments in
human capital, physical capital to really create a middle
class. And now we have political and economic elites that
remain entrenched, corruption permeates everyday transactions.
And unequal growth has left citizens frustrated. And this has
become really fertile ground for authoritarian and populous
leaders.
So I think that focusing on the ability of these states to
deliver the goods and services, but also to support civil
society, to hold those governments accountable to deliver is
the kind of ingredients that we need to strengthen rule of law
at a time that all the pressures on these economies make them
increasingly fragile.
Senator Cardin. One of the areas that we really need to
improve upon, is to build a capacity in our embassies, in each
of these countries, to be able to identify the weaknesses of
the countries in which they are representing the United States
in, and to be able to work with our different agencies as to
how we can work with the country to make significant progress
on any corruption issues.
It seems to me that is one of the areas that should be a
priority of the position you have been nominated for. And just
again, we welcome your commitment to really work to make a
major difference in our capacity in each of these countries.
Ms. Escobari. Yes. You have my commitment. And I think it
is really beneficial that USAID has a presence and has had a
presence in these countries for many years, and can add that
perspective to regional embassies.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
That brings this nominations hearing to a close. The record
for the hearing will remain open until the close of business on
Thursday, July 29th, which is tomorrow, I would urge members to
get their questions in for the record today.
I would urge the nominees, if you are in receipt of
questions for the record that you answer them fully and
expeditiously so that the committee can consider your
nominations before a business meeting.
With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:47 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Robert Menendez
Violence and Crime in Mexico
Question. Violence and the influence of organized crime in Mexico
have reached highly concerning levels. In the lead up to the June
midterm elections, over 100 politicians were murdered, 36 of whom were
running for office. These trend lines and the serious implications for
our national security mandate that we must finds ways to strengthen
U.S.-Mexico security cooperation.
Would you please lay out your priorities for strengthening our
security cooperation with Mexico?
Answer. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top
national security priority, and neither country can successfully
confront transnational organized crime alone. It is critical that
efforts to dismantle transnational criminal organizations, address
illicit drug production and trafficking, reduce impunity and
corruption, and strengthen the rule of law receive the full cooperation
of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to
comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government on how we can
best align our security and law enforcement efforts, so this
cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of both our nations. I
will also not hesitate to raise any concerns that I believe to be
obstacles to our bilateral cooperation.
If confirmed, I also look forward to engaging in a review with
appropriate U.S. and Mexican officials to ensure specific programs are
effective in addressing our shared challenges, and will look for
opportunities with Mexico to make additional adjustments to our
programming where necessary and appropriate to reflect changes in
conditions and priorities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In April, the Supreme Court of Mexico unanimously ruled
in favor of the U.S. position concerning a long running trade dispute
with Mexico involving fresh potato exports. If confirmed, would you
make it a priority to ensure that the regulatory process in Mexico
reinstates and maintain market access for U.S. fresh potato exports and
U.S. potato growers in general?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities as U.S. Ambassador
to Mexico will be securing and maintaining fair market access for U.S.
businesses in Mexico. Agricultural trade between the United States and
Mexico is an important component to our overall trade relationship, and
as Ambassador, I would work with the U.S. Trade Representative and the
Department of Agriculture to ensure U.S. agricultural products are not
disadvantaged.
Question. American investors in Mexico are experiencing significant
and growing regulatory challenges under the administration President
Lopez Obrador, including increasing difficulties in getting permits for
a range of activities. These actions are contrary to Mexico's
obligations under the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement. If confirmed,
would you make it a priority to ensure that Mexico abides by its
obligations under the USMCA?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the U.S.
Trade Representative and other U.S. agencies to ensure Mexico fully
adheres to its commitments under the USMCA. Mexico is one of the United
States' most important trading partners and represents a crucial market
for U.S. businesses. As Ambassador, one of my top priorities would be
ensuring the full implementation of the USMCA.
Question. Mexico has a broader definition of refugee than the
United States and the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention. For example, Mexico
recognizes a right to asylum based on ``generalized violence; foreign
aggression; internal conflicts; massive violations of human rights; and
other circumstances leading to a serious disturbance of public order.''
As a result, many would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico from
Central America could qualify as refugees in Mexico. If confirmed, do
you commit to ensure the Government of Mexico enforces its own legal
obligations towards would-be asylum seekers arriving in Mexico?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Mexico, I will work with
colleagues at the State Department and international organization
partners to continue to support efforts to improve access to
protection, humanitarian relief, and local integration opportunities
for displaced persons and vulnerable migrants in Mexico. I understand
that, through its international organization (IO) partners, the
Department supports humanitarian assistance for refugees, asylum
seekers, and vulnerable migrants. This assistance includes support for
local integration for refugees and asylum seekers, as well as helping
Mexico to strengthen the capacity of its asylum system.
Question. In June 2020, the Treasury Department designated a number
of Mexico-based individuals and entities that were part of a sanctions
evasion network supporting the corrupt regime of Nicolas Maduro in
Venezuela. Earlier this year, there were reports that at least three
Cuban-flagged oil tankers designated by the Treasury Department for
transporting Venezuelan oil to Cuba have been serviced in the Mexican
port of Veracruz, in apparent violation of U.S. sanctions. If
confirmed, do you commit to ensure robust understanding and enforcement
of U.S. sanctions policy in Mexico?
Answer. Mexico can play a critical role in helping to address some
of the most complex issues in the region pertaining to democracy,
governance, human rights, and the rule of law. Building an effective
U.S.-Mexico partnership requires ensuring Mexico has a fulsome
understanding of all U.S. policies, including those related to
sanctioning authorities. If confirmed, I will ensure that the
Government of Mexico fully understands U.S. sanctioning authorities and
policies. I will also commit to working with Mexico to advance
democratic and human rights priorities throughout the region.
Question. Mexican transnational criminal organizations are
producing increased quantities of fentanyl and cartels, such as the
Sinaloa and the New Generation Jalisco Cartel, are the primary
trafficking groups responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the U.S.
from Mexico. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage Mexico take
meaningful actions to tackle transitional criminal activities
throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of
fentanyl and other illicit narcotics? Do you commit to periodically
review International Narcotics and Law Enforcement programs in Mexico
to ensure they are focusing on meaningfully reducing the flow of
fentanyl and other synthetic opioids to the U.S.?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to encourage Mexico to take
meaningful actions to tackle transnational criminal activities
throughout its territory, including the production and trafficking of
fentanyl and other illicit narcotics.
If confirmed, I also commit to periodically reviewing INL programs,
and all U.S. Government interagency counterdrug efforts in Mexico, to
ensure they are focused on meaningfully reducing the flow of fentanyl
and other synthetic opioids to the United States.
Question. In December 2020, Mexico approved reforms to its national
security law, limiting the power of foreign law enforcement agents in
the country and restricting their ability to operate. If confirmed, do
you commit to ensuring effective law enforcement cooperation with
Mexico?
Answer. Yes. I understand U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains
a top national security priority. It is critical that efforts to
dismantle transnational criminal organizations, reduce impunity and
corruption, and strengthen the rule of law in Mexico receive the full
cooperation of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to
comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government to ensure our
law enforcement cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of the
United States and Mexico.
Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report, Mexico was identified as Tier 2 due to its overall increasing
efforts but still not fully meeting the minimal standards for
eliminating trafficking. What steps would you take as Ambassador, if
confirmed, to engage with the host government and civil society
organizations on bolstering efforts to improve prosecution and
protection efforts?
Answer. Trafficking in persons (TIP) is a heinous crime perpetuated
throughout the region that must be addressed through a holistic
approach. The Department of State supports various programs that help
develop the capacity of investigators and prosecutors at the state and
federal levels to combat this crime. The State Department also supports
efforts to prevent human trafficking and assist victims through support
for shelters.
If confirmed, I pledge to support the administration's policy to
counter TIP in Mexico, including the implementation of the Operations
Group on Human Smuggling and Human Trafficking that Vice President
Harris announced during her June visit to Mexico, and the
recommendations from the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. I will
work with my staff to identify areas where we can make headway in
state- and federal-level prosecutions, including prosecutions of forced
labor crimes and complicit officials, and in significantly enhancing
comprehensive protection services for trafficking victims. I plan to
discuss bilateral cooperation on the issue in high-level discussions
and under a potential Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue. I will also
engage Mexico on its commitments under USMCA's labor chapters,
particularly as they pertain to forced labor.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, Mexico was described as having instances of intolerant
behavior towards religious minorities. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of
International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
country?
Answer. I understand there were some instances of intolerance
towards religious minorities highlighted in the 2020 Religious Freedom
Report; however, Mexico has been a strong partner in promoting
religious freedom in its own country and the region. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the Office of International Religious Freedom to
promote and protect religious freedom in Mexico. I pledge to work with
the Mexican Government, religious leaders and communities, and civil
society to ensure the country maintains momentum on assuring religious
freedoms and address the instances where those freedoms may by
threatened.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
Mexico was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses,
including impunity for government and military employees, corruption,
torture by security forces, violence against journalists and human
rights defenders, and more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to
address these instances with the host government?
Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national
security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of
diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working
directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the
Department of State have implemented projects to address various human
rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against
human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public
diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations
and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa
ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. Consistent with
U.S. law and Department policy, prior to furnishing assistance to
security force units and individuals, all candidates are subject to
Leahy vetting to assess if there is credible information of gross
violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports
consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations
act.
If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my
disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs
being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to
ensure human rights is a central tenet in high-level security
discussions, as well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human
Rights Dialogue, which last met in December 2017.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of
journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression
and association, as well as regional security.
I am committed to supporting efforts to promote respect for human
rights and press freedom. Through USAID, the U.S. currently supports
Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and Human Rights
Defenders, and works with state-level counterparts to expand the
protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports the
Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of
Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists
and defenders. My understanding is that we also build and support
professional networks and provide training to equip journalists to face
challenges and professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the
Committee to Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist
safety, investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to
increase transparency and accountability.
If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and
the rule of law and reduce impunity. I will continue calls for Mexican
authorities to investigate and prosecute those responsible for crimes
against journalists and human rights defenders wherever they occur, and
will actively engage with civil society organizations working these
issues.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. If confirmed, how will you address human rights concerns
with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are
not supporting policies or entities that are committing abuses?
Answer. The promotion of human rights is central to U.S. national
security and prosperity. The United States uses a wide range of
diplomatic tools to advance respect for human rights, including working
directly with the Mexican Government and civil society. USAID and the
Department of State have implemented projects to address various human
rights concerns, including forced disappearances, violence against
human rights defenders and journalists, and impunity, as well as public
diplomacy programs to support and train human rights defenders.
The Department promotes accountability for human rights violations
and abuses by implementing human rights-related sanctions and visa
ineligibilities, and Leahy Law assistance restrictions. It is my
understanding that, prior to furnishing assistance to security force
units and individuals, the Department conducts Leahy vetting to assess
if there is credible information that such units committed gross
violations of human rights. The Department also submits reports
consistent with the requirements of the relevant annual appropriations
act.
If confirmed, I plan to utilize all the available tools at my
disposal to promote human rights in Mexico and support all programs
being implemented. I will seek to work with the Government of Mexico to
ensure human rights are a central tenet in high-level engagement, as
well as look to relaunch the annual Bilateral Human Rights Dialogue,
which last met in December 2017.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with civil society
groups, independent journalists, and human rights defenders that have
been targeted by the Government?
Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of
journalists and human rights activist undermines freedoms of expression
and association, as well as regional security.
The Department is committed to supporting efforts to increase
respect for human rights and press freedom. Through USAID, we currently
support Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for Journalists and
Human Rights Defenders and work with state-level counterparts to expand
the protection measures available for these groups. USAID also supports
the Specialized Prosecutor's Office for Crimes Against Freedom of
Expression to investigate and sanction aggressions against journalists
and defenders. We also build and support professional networks and
provide training to equip journalists to face challenges and
professional risks specific to Mexico. Working with the Committee to
Protect Journalists, we support training on journalist safety,
investigative journalism guidelines, and best practices to increase
transparency and accountability.
If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights and
the rule of law and end impunity. I will work with the Department to
continue calling on Mexican authorities to investigate and prosecute
those responsible for crimes against journalists and human rights
defenders wherever they occur, and actively engage with civil society
organizations working these issues.
Question. How can Congress help advance human rights concerns,
including violence against journalists?
Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. Congress can
help advance administration priorities on human rights in Mexico by
ensuring the Department and USAID maintain appropriate resource levels
for security and development assistance, which include programming on
human rights, the protection of journalists, and development of
Mexico's capacity to investigate and prosecute aggressions against
journalists and human rights defenders.
I would also recommend Congressional members engage with Mexican
authorities whenever possible to discuss human rights issues. If
confirmed, I would invite Congressional delegations to come to Mexico
to observe the human rights situation on the ground.
Question. Will you commit to working with me to advance the
Combating Global Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts
to fight international corruption as a U.S. national security priority,
particularly in Mexico?
Answer. I understand Department of State priorities include
supporting Mexico in addressing public corruption, transparency, and
the rule of law. U.S. assistance programs train justice sector
operators; establish, improve, and certify internal affairs
departments; increase transparency and accountability through culture
of lawfulness and ethics programs; and promote civil society and media
participation. I understand all Mexican security officials receiving
training or other assistance are subject to Leahy Law human rights
vetting. I am also aware that the Department considers human rights,
ties to organized crime, and corruption when implementing foreign
assistance programs, as well as assesses the applicability of visa
ineligibility authorities to target officials involved in significant
corruption or gross violations of human rights.
If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to assess all
potential tools that can be deployed to help in the fight against
international corruption, as well as discuss potential areas of
cooperation on anti-corruption in high-level engagements.
Question. Do you see opportunities to work with the Organization of
American States to further our anti-corruption agenda?
Answer. The OAS has a unique and vital role and mandate in the
Americas: to promote a hemispheric commitment to representative
democracy, human rights, and development and security cooperation. More
than any other multilateral organization, the OAS today is the premier
forum through which the member states can work together to improve the
lives of our citizens and bring to life the democratic principles
articulated in the OAS Charter and the landmark Inter-American
Democratic Charter.
I understand the OAS's Inter-American Convention Against Corruption
(IACC) adopts a comprehensive approach in which 34 member states work
together to fight corruption. There are also opportunities in the OAS
to work with countries to review legal frameworks and institutions
through the Follow-up Mechanism for the Implementation of the IACC
(MESICIC).
With the Lopez Obrador administration having made anti-corruption a
central tenet of his administration, if confirmed, I will work to
engage with Mexico to ensure we use every available tool at the
bilateral and multilateral levels to address corruption.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address corruption concerns
with the Lopez Obrador administration and ensure that U.S. funds are
not ending up with corrupt entities and individuals?
Answer. The United States supports Mexico's efforts to address
corruption, transparency, and the rule of law. President Lopez Obrador
has made anticorruption a focal point of his presidency. If confirmed,
I will work with the Mexican Government to further discussions on
anticorruption efforts and will continue to support U.S. anticorruption
programming that assists Mexican Government and civil society efforts
to counter corruption at federal, state, and local levels. If
confirmed, I, and the Department, will continue to ensure all Mexican
security officials receiving training or other assistance are subject
to Leahy Law human rights vetting. Furthermore, I will continue to
ensure we assess and mitigate the risk of corruption before providing
assistance.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Kenneth Lee Salazar by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. What is your view of the current situation in Cuba?
Answer. I have been watching the historic protests in Cuba and the
Cuban Government's troubling response very closely. I can assure you
that Cuba is among this administration's highest priorities. If
confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to support
peaceful protesters; to denounce human rights abuses, including
violence, detentions, and Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to
urge countries--even those opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support the
Cuban protestors' demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These are
universal values every country should support.
Answer. If confirmed, will you press the Mexican Government to
support the bipartisan U.S. policy on Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I will carry out the administration's aims to
denounce human rights abuses, including violence, detentions, and
Internet shutdowns and censorship; and to urge countries--even those
strongly opposed to U.S. sanctions--to support Cuban protestors'
demands for human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Question. In your opinion, how has implementation of the USCMA been
affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?
Answer. While the COVID-19 pandemic limited the possibility of in-
person collaboration, I commend our interagency colleagues and their
counterparts in Mexico and Canada for finding ways to advance the USMCA
implementation process despite the challenges. For example, Mexico took
significant steps to undertake its herculean task of labor reform.
While the recent report shows there is still work to be done, what was
accomplished in establishing the labor courts, especially under the
circumstances, is laudable. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will work
with the interagency and our Mexican counterparts to continue the
implementation process and address the areas where COVID-19 has
complicated our joint efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Ambassador to
ensure that economic cooperation with Mexico under USMCA supports the
growth of American businesses?
Answer. Since the USMCA entered into force July 1, 2020, I
understand it has proven a valuable tool for improving trade relations
between the United States, Mexico, and Canada. As Ambassador to Mexico,
I will work with the State Department, the U.S. Trade Representative,
and other U.S. Government agencies to continue building areas for
cooperation and ensure full regulatory compliance with the agreement. I
will also prioritize engagement on labor issues and support USTR's
efforts through the Rapid Response Mechanism to ensure U.S. businesses
are on an equal footing.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United
States ``the security partner of choice'' and ensuring that U.S.
security partners respect human rights and international humanitarian
law, especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?
Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it
clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners
where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S.
interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security
partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits,
including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human
rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with
partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when
appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism
and adherence to human rights standards.
If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our partner
forces are taking steps to comply with international law and protect
human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights concerns
are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that human
rights concerns are given equal weight as other considerations when
assessing potential arms sales?
Answer. I understand the Administration is working to develop a new
Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms transfer
decisions reflect the Administration's foreign policy priorities,
including the respect for human rights and the rule of law. Promoting
the protection of human rights in our arms transfer process bolsters
our own national security, as well as that of our partners. If
confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision-making process to
ensure human rights concerns are given full weight in arms transfer
decisions, in accordance with the CAT Policy. I will also seek to
assist partner forces in taking steps to comply with international law,
build security sector governance capacity, and protect human rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Does the current global amount, allocation, and
geographical distribution of State Department security assistance
sufficiently account for the strategic challenges facing the United
States and its allies and partners?
Answer. State ensures that its security assistance strategically
advances U.S. diplomatic and defense relationships, and that
investments in foreign security forces advance U.S. foreign policy and
national security interests, within the parameters set by the law and
Congress. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that State's security
assistance investments continue to focus on addressing strategic
challenges facing the United States and its allies and partners, to
ensuring our assistance and diplomatic efforts are the foreign policy
tool of first resort, and to continuing to engage with Congress on this
important issue.
Question. Does the Department have sufficient visibility into
Department of Defense security cooperation activities so that State can
guide planning for those activities, not just concur or object prior to
implementation?
Answer. As I understand it, there is a coordination process that
has been developed between the Departments of State and Defense,
including State's participation in fora hosted by the Office of the
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy and combatant commands, as well
as the annual State-Defense Joint Security Sector Assistance Review.
This process provides key State stakeholders the opportunity to
participate in planning for security assistance activities prior to
receipt of formal concurrence requests in order to ensure both
departments' programs are complementary and mutually supportive. If
confirmed, I commit to work to improve mechanisms that allow State to
ensure that Defense's security assistance supports U.S. foreign policy
goals and objectives.
Question. Do you commit to maintaining the tiered review process,
and ensuring that this committee retains its role as the body in the
Senate charged with reviewing the policy implications of potential arms
sales?
Answer. I commit to maintaining the tiered review process, and I
will work with the Committee in its role as the body in the Senate
reviewing potential arms sales.
Question. Does the Department and its interagency partners
sufficiently prioritize and expedite sales essential to the vital
national interests of the U.S. and its most critical allies?
Answer. I understand the Department's top priority, working
together with the interagency, is to advance vital national interests,
including those shared by our allies, within the framework of existing
laws. If confirmed, I will continue to seek efficiencies to improve the
interagency process and work closely with our partners and allies to
streamline vital capabilities for our critical partners that support
U.S. foreign policy and security interests, and commit to continuing to
engage with you and your office on this important issue.
Question. Does the Department spend sufficient time and attention
in working with critical allies to develop requirements together to
address those capabilities most needed for our shared interests? Does
the Department have the personnel, especially at posts, to build and
maintain the relationships required to jointly develop requirements?
Answer. The Department, working with colleagues at the Department
of Defense, staffs embassies with Security Cooperation Officers (SCOs)
who serve under Chief of Mission authority as well as their respective
Combatant Command. These SCOs form the ``first line'' as key
interlocutors with foreign Defense Ministries and services and are
responsible for the development and maintenance of professional working
relationships to advance U.S. strategic objectives and jointly develop
requirements. If confirmed, I will work with the Department and DoD to
ensure these vital positions are adequately trained and staffed to meet
our foreign policy objectives
Question. Do you support changing the arms sales process to require
a resolution of approval for sales? Why or why not?
Answer. It is my sense that arms transfers are a key part of our
security cooperation with allies and partners--and it is our
relationship with allies and partners around the world that gives the
United States a critical edge over our competitors and adversaries. If
confirmed, I will examine this matter and consult with the Committee.
Question. Do you support restricting the arms sales emergency
authority to those articles and services that can be delivered within
60 days?
Answer. I understand Congress's concern that the emergency
authorities within the Arms Export Control Act be used to respond only
to genuine emergencies. If confirmed, I would consult with subject
matter experts in the Department of State and Department of Defense to
identify whether there would be any negative policy or logistical
implications to such limitations before giving any specific proposal my
full support.
Question. Should the United States seek the return of U.S.-origin
defense articles if issues emerge with end use by the foreign country
or international organization customer?
Answer. I understand that there are many legal issues and other
more practical matters of logistics and finance involved in such an
option. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our foreign partners
only use U.S.-origin defense articles and services for the purposes for
which they were provided, and that the Department considers the full
range of consequences if a partner cannot or will not protect U.S.-
origin defense articles; if confirmed, as well, I commit to continuing
to engage with Congress on this important issue.
Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like
vetting for all U.S. arms sales?
Answer. The President has made it clear that respect for human
rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy, which includes
policy decisions on arms transfers.
If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process to
ensure it adequately considers human rights and the risk of civilian
casualties when making such decisions, including preventing U.S. origin
items from being transferred to foreign security force units that have
committed gross violations of human rights. I will also insist on
adherence to our agreements on the use of U.S.-origin defense equipment
by our allies and partners, compliance with both the laws of armed
conflict and respect for human rights, and will consider the full range
of consequences should violations occur. If confirmed, I will continue
to engage with Congress on this important question.
Question. If confirmed, how will you balance vital U.S. national
interests when we have values-based disagreements or human rights
concerns with partners? In your opinion, do security partnerships give
us more influence when we have human rights disagreements with
partners, not less?
Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
rights must be at the center of U.S. foreign policy. If disagreements
with our partners arise, I believe we must address them openly and have
frank conversations when necessary. The United States will cooperate
with allies and partners where our priorities align and not shy away
from defending U.S. interests and American values where they do not.
Answer. Among the many benefits of U.S. security partnerships
around the world is an opportunity for us to influence the training,
doctrine, and professionalism of partner armed forces in ways that
enhance adherence to human rights standards and build security sector
governance capacity. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure we take
every opportunity to leverage our security relationships to enhance
human rights around the world.
Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
(DRL) have a veto over arms sales?
Answer. DRL plays an integral role in the arms transfer decision
process, and their input is essential to ensuring human rights are
considered.
If confirmed, I will review the arms transfer decision process and
work closely with DRL to ensure human rights concerns are given full
weight in arms transfer decisions.
Question. Do you support reversing the Obama Administration's
Export Control Reform initiative, and making large categories of
articles FMS-only once again?
Answer. As you are aware, the export control reforms initiated
under the Obama Administration were completed, and the categories of
items from the munitions list moved to Department of Commerce control
are now being regulated under the Export Administration Regulations.
Separately, if confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
work closely with our DoD colleagues to maintain an appropriate FMS-
Only list that guarantees the successful development of partner
capabilities and the protection of U.S. technology. If confirmed, I
would be glad to continue to engage with Congress on this issue.
Question. Many Americans believe U.S. allies free-ride off of U.S.
military commitments. If confirmed, how would you plan to ensure
sufficient burden-sharing by our allies?
Answer. I support President Biden's call to reinvigorate our
alliances. Security simply costs more in today's complex environment,
and, if confirmed, I will work to reframe the burden sharing
conversation at NATO to increase focus on capabilities, readiness, and
force generation, in addition to defense spending. In that same spirit,
when appropriate, I believe the United States should seek fair and
equitable cost-sharing arrangements with our partners. We saw how this
diplomatic approach secured quick results in the new multiyear cost
sharing agreement with the Republic of Korea that was signed in April.
If confirmed, the PM bureau, under my guidance, will continue to
impress upon our allies that only with greater mutual investment in
defense can we ensure our alliances are able to adapt quickly to a
changing security landscape with the necessary capabilities and
military readiness.
Question. Is being a signatory to the Treaty for the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons consistent with being a U.S. ally?
Answer. While the United States understands and shares the desire
to advance nuclear disarmament goals, we do not support the Treaty on
the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). I believe the TPNW is
incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence relationships that are still
necessary for international peace and security, and it may reinforce
divisions that hinder the international community's ability to work
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. All
NATO Allies share our opposition to the TPNW, and the U.S. position on
this issue has spanned administrations. Seeking to ban nuclear weapons
through a treaty that does not include any States Parties that possess
nuclear weapons will not reduce nuclear arsenals.
Question. What is the Department doing to expedite delivery of
critical capabilities to those priority allies and partners most in
danger from growing threats from the People's Liberation Army?
Answer. There is no doubt that the People's Liberation Army's
growing capabilities pose significant challenges to our allies and
partners in the region. PM prioritizes security cooperation activities,
including arms sales and security assistance to bolster our allies' and
partners' capabilities to secure their land and maritime borders and
increase Maritime Domain Awareness, security, the rule of law, and
freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will
support efforts to increase interoperability with partners, and force
projection and posture in the region. Empowering our partners and
allies in these ways serves to deter more aggressive PRC military
behavior in the region.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to encourage Taiwan to
invest in its own defense, and to acquire capabilities most suitable
for defense against the Peoples Liberation Army?
Answer. The United States has sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms
to Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's
ability to defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged
on total value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense
concept and prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective
approaches. As I understand it, our expanding security cooperation,
which is calibrated to meet the threat from the PRC, seeks to encourage
and support Taiwan in developing those capabilities. As part of that
cooperation, if confirmed, I will encourage Taiwan to spend on defense
an amount commensurate with the growing threat it faces and to
prioritize the appropriate capabilities.
Question. How can we best capitalize on Japan's increasing focus on
Taiwan, and its efforts to improve its own defensive capabilities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to working closely with allies
to advance our shared prosperity, security, and values in the Indo-
Pacific region. I believe Japan can be a critical partner in that
respect. For the first time since 1969, a U.S.-Japan Leaders' statement
referenced the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait;
in addition, Japan's annual defense white paper stressed this year that
``stability of the situation around Taiwan is important, not only for
the security of our country, but for the stability of the international
community.'' If confirmed, I will commit to exploring opportunities to
collaborate with Japan to reinforce peace and stability in the Taiwan
Strait.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the U.S. Department of
State consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could
jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our
relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially
those in Southeast Asia?
Answer. Advancing defense cooperation in Southeast Asia and
supporting our defense partners throughout the Indo-Pacific remains
critical to ensuring our national interests in safeguarding the rules-
based international order and global peace and prosperity. If
confirmed, and as I committed at my nominations hearing, I look forward
to consulting extensively and meaningfully with Congress as we advance
U.S. objectives in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically
important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.
Answer. The U.S.-Philippine alliance is a relationship founded on
shared strategic interests, shared history, culture, and strong
connections between our nations. As Secretary Blinken has stated, the
United States stands with the Philippines in the face of the PRC's
provocations, pressure and unlawful maritime claims in the South China
Sea. I understand that we share the Philippines' concerns regarding the
PRC's problematic and coercive activity in the South China Sea, and
that we will continue to work with our Philippine counterparts through
bilateral and multilateral cooperation to ensure a free and open Indo-
Pacific. At the same time, I take seriously the matter of human rights
abuses in the Philippines and, if confirmed, will work with State to
consistently raise this as an issue of great concern with their
government.
Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the
Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime
security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or
cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because
of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a
step is in U.S. interests?
Answer. A longstanding treaty ally, the Philippines continues to be
a critical partner in the Indo-Pacific on an array of issues. I take
seriously the matter of human rights abuses in the Philippines, and my
understanding is that we consistently raise this as an issue of great
concern with their government. When violations have occurred, the
United States works with the Armed Forces of the Philippines to promote
accountability for violators. My understanding is that PM does not
provide assistance to the Philippine National Police. If confirmed, I
will ensure that any provision of security assistance is closely
aligned with the Administration's bilateral and regional foreign policy
objectives, remains in compliance with the Leahy Law and maximizes
human rights training in military-to-military security cooperation
activities.
Question. The United States military currently cooperates with the
Armed Forces of the Philippines on counterterrorism and maritime
security. Multiple members of Congress have proposed limiting or
cutting off U.S. security assistance to the Philippine military because
of concerns over human rights abuses. Do you believe that taking such a
step would improve human rights conditions in the Philippines?
Answer. I understand State consistently underscores the importance
of respect for human rights and accountability for any violations to
all levels of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and civilian
leadership. Maintaining our security assistance relationship can be an
important way the United States can continue to engage on the human
rights agenda. If confirmed, I will ensure the provision of security
assistance is closely aligned with the Administration's bilateral and
regional goals, remains in compliance with applicable law, including
the Leahy Law, and maximizes human rights training in military-to-
military security cooperation activities.
Question. Do you agree that it is in our national interest to
strengthen our security cooperation with Vietnam, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand? If so, please elaborate
specifically on the U.S. interests it serves.
If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to advance security
partnerships with these nations, including your views on
continuing arms sales, engaging in capacity-building, and
cooperating on advanced technology with South and Southeast
Asian partner countries facing China's coercion and growing
military power?
Answer. It is absolutely in the national interest of the United
States to strengthen security cooperation with allies and partners to
ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific region, build interoperability,
bolster U.S. force projection, ensure freedom of navigation and
overflight, uphold rule of law, counter transnational crime and terror
organizations, respond to natural and humanitarian crises, and reassure
our allies and partners of U.S. commitment to the region, empowering
them against coercion and malign influence and enabling them to play an
effective role in global peacekeeping. Security cooperation can provide
opportunities to instill U.S. values in support of preserving the
rules-based international order.
If confirmed, I will work to expand engagement with these nations
at all levels, including by promoting the United States as the region's
preferred security partner and helping to ensure they can protect and
advance shared interests in the region. I will also seek to deepen and
expand our overall defense cooperation with these nations by advancing
key foundational defense agreements, which will help enable the
transfer of defense articles and establish mechanisms that allow for
greater overall defense cooperation.
Question. Does the TPNW present a threat to the integrity of the
NATO alliance, and the security of NATO member states?
Answer. All NATO Allies share our view that the TPNW is
inconsistent with the Alliance's nuclear deterrence policy, is at odds
with the existing non-proliferation and disarmament architecture, risks
undermining the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and does not
take into account the current security environment. NATO has made
several statements opposing the TPNW, most recently in its June 2021
Summit Communique. If confirmed, I will work to ensure our Allies
carefully consider the impact on their security and the Alliance prior
to making any decisions relating to the TPNW.
Question. If Egypt takes receipt of Russian Su-35s, what impact do
you anticipate it will have on U.S. security sector assistance to
Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues at the Department
in urging the Government of Egypt to refrain from new major Russian
arms purchases, including Su-35 fighter aircraft, which risk triggering
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) Section
231 sanctions and would damage our bilateral security sector
cooperation and assistance. While it is too early to prejudge the
Administration's response to the scenario you outlined, if confirmed, I
will work with my State colleagues to fully implement CAATSA, and I
look forward to working with you and your colleagues on this matter.
Question. Can you commit to advocating for strong U.S. support to
the Multinational Forces and Observers (MFO) in Egypt's Sinai
Peninsula?
Answer. As I understand it, the Multinational Forces and Observers
(MFO) plays an integral role in maintaining security and provides a
framework for an enduring military-to-military relationship between
Egypt and Israel. So long as that is necessary and cooperation
continues between the two partners, if confirmed, I will advocate for
strong U.S. support for the MFO.
Question. The Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) was founded
in 2005 and over the last 15 fiscal years, has received almost $1.3
billion in funding. This funding has accomplished several objectives,
including building self-sufficient peace operations training,
supporting partner country development, enhancing partner country
operational readiness, and expanded the participation, integration, and
leadership women in peace operations, to name a few. GPOI has improved
the capacity and operations of U.N. peacekeeping forces in Africa and
globally. Please describe the efforts you will take, if confirmed, to
continue to integrate women into GPOI's work in both peacekeeping
troops and in leadership positions in peacekeeping missions.
GPOI provides critical training to partner countries looking to
deploy peacekeepers, which includes topics like preventing
sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), violence against women, as
well as technical training. Given the high number of instances
of SEA committed by peacekeeping troops globally, how would you
direct GPOI to enhance trainings to counter these occurrences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support PM's work through GPOI to
increase the meaningful participation of women in peace operations by
promoting efforts to: encourage partners to increase recruitment,
training, and deployment of women at all levels of peace operations--
including in leadership and decision-making positions; incorporate
gender topics into training for all peacekeepers; and invest in gender-
responsive upgrades at partner training centers.
Moreover, if confirmed, I will direct PM to pursue activities
through GPOI that enhance and expand upon existing SEA prevention and
accountability training incorporated into pre-deployment training, as
well as National Investigation Officers training.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring the State Department advertises
the GPOI programming as part of our assistance to U.N. peacekeeping
efforts?
Answer. Yes, I do. In fact, I understand there will be a
particularly valuable and timely opportunity to do so as we approach
the U.N. Peacekeeping Ministerial in December.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. How do you see the relationship between making the United
States the security partner of choice and ensuring that U.S. security
partners respect human rights and international humanitarian law,
especially when using U.S.-origin defense equipment?
Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
rights must be at the center of our foreign policy and have made it
clear that the United States will cooperate with allies and partners
where our priorities align and not shy away from defending U.S.
interests and American values where they do not. Strong U.S. security
partnerships around the world come with a multitude of benefits,
including the opportunity to positively influence a country's human
rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely with
partners, set an example for human rights standards, and, when
appropriate, provide training and education to enhance professionalism
and adherence to human rights standards.
If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our
partners' forces are taking steps to comply with international law and
protect human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights
concerns are given full weight in arms transfer decisions.
Congressional Review of Arms Sales
Question. During the previous administration, I have been concerned
that congressional review periods have been bypassed for certain arms
sales and the administration refused to respond to congressional
inquiries regarding those sales.
What steps will you take to address these concerns?
Answer. Given my experience on the committee, I very much
understand the importance of Congressional oversight, whether in terms
of the need to respond to inquiries, to respect and maintain both the
formal and informal Congressional review processes, as well as the
value that Congressional perspectives bring to the Executive Branch's
own policy deliberations. If confirmed, I will respect the role of
Congress in the arms transfer process, will adhere to all statutory
requirements, and will ensure the Bureau is responsive to Congressional
requests for information.
Question. In your experience working in Congress, what observations
have you made about factors that may hinder Congress from effectively
exercising its oversight role over the arms sales process?
Answer. In addition to the absolute prerequisite of Executive
Branch cooperation with Congress on these matters, I would note that
arms sales are authorized under different sections of U.S. law and may
involve equities under the jurisdiction of the Senate's Foreign
Relations, Armed Services, Appropriations, and even Banking Committees.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica Lewis by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Recent protests against the Government in Colombia have
resulted in more than 40 reported deaths and thousands of injuries. In
some cases, protests had turned violent and erected blockades to
prevent the distribution of food and medicine to communities in need.
Colombian military personnel and law enforcement had been deployed for
crowd control and have broken up these blockades. The Colombian
Government has been proactive in investigating instances of alleged
human rights abuses committed by security personnel.
In your opinion, to what degree will the human rights conditions on
Colombia's FMF program evolve based on state security forces'
response to the mass demonstrations that began in late April
2021?
Answer. I understand that Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for
Colombia supports efforts to strengthen the appropriate role of the
Colombian military, including to provide aviation, riverine, and
maritime security, in a democratic society. All FMF for Colombia is
provided consistent with the Leahy Law, and therefore human rights are
taken under consideration. If confirmed, I will continually review the
impact and effectiveness of our foreign assistance programs, as well as
opportunities to augment and reinforce human rights-related components.
From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms
sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a
single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales
announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the
administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a
time, with shorter gaps between notifications.
Question. Do you agree that the former approach had significant
downsides, particularly with regard to strategic planning and signaling
U.S. support for Taiwan?
Answer. I understand the concern with previous approaches, and
commit to moving requests for transfers of defense articles upon
receipt of each request. If confirmed, my overriding goal will be to
make available to Taiwan the defense articles and services necessary to
enable it to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, consistent
with the Taiwan Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. U.S.
security cooperation with Taiwan is calibrated to meet the threat from
the PRC and ensure we fulfill our commitments to Taiwan, as reflected
in the Taiwan Relations Act.
From 2008 to 2017, previous administrations had bundled Taiwan arms
sales notifications together, announcing multiple notifications on a
single day, which led to extended periods of time between arms sales
announcements. Since September 2018, this approach changed, with the
administration announcing one or two Taiwan arms sales packages at a
time, with shorter gaps between notifications.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to further improve upon the
approach developed since 2018, and ensure that the United States
maintains a regularized and robust arms sales process that addresses
Taiwan's defense needs as expeditiously as possible?
Answer. I recognize the serious and growing threat that the PRC
poses to Taiwan, and the urgency of Taiwan improving its self-defense
capabilities. If confirmed, I will support moving requests for
transfers of defense articles upon receipt of each request. This is
identical to the arms sales process used for other partners.
The United States sold nearly $30 billion worth of arms to Taiwan
since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's ability to
defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged on total
value alone. Taiwan should focus on an asymmetric defense concept and
prioritize modern, resilient, and cost-effective approaches. Our
expanding security cooperation seeks to encourage and support Taiwan in
developing those capabilities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How many Afghan allies who have or are now applying for
SIVs will the U.S. relocate?
Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan
partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in
Afghanistan. On July 29, 2021, the first relocation flight arrived in
the United States with 221 Afghan special immigrant applicants,
including 70 minors. A second flight arrived on August 2, 2021 with 181
SIV applicants. The Department is leading a worldwide effort to
continue relocating eligible applicants and their families over the
course of the next several weeks. There are approximately 20,000 Afghan
principal applicants at some stage of the SIV application process, but
about half of these applicants need to take action and provide legally-
required documentation before the U.S. Government can begin processing
their case and determine their eligibility for consideration for an
SIV. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government intends to support
all SIV applicants who are determined to be eligible for the program.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to press the Bangladeshi
Government to allow unions to register and function without repression?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to press the Bangladeshi Government
to allow unions to register and function without repression, so that
they may continue their important work to try and improve working
conditions in Bangladesh.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensure that a labor
attache is sent to our embassy in Dhaka this year?
Answer. Knowing the importance of having a labor attache and how
one can support the improvement of labor conditions in country, I
commit to ensuring that a labor attache is sent to Embassy Dhaka as
soon as possible. The Department is working with the Department of
Labor to establish and fill this important position.
Question. If confirmed, do I have your commitment that USG
assistance for labor unions will not diminish under your leadership?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to work with interagency
stakeholders to support labor unions. Their work has been vital to
improvements to strengthening safety improvements in the ready-made
garment sector, and we will need to continue to support their work so
that labor conditions can improve in all industrial sectors in
Bangladesh.
Question. What are the prospects for the Indian Government to
further diminish arms sales from Russia?
Answer. In recent years, India has taken significant steps to
reduce its defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation
with other partners, especially the United States, through increasingly
sophisticated joint military exercises, increasing defense purchases,
and deepening implementation of interoperability agreements. If
confirmed, I will urge India to continue to turn away from major
defense equipment purchases from Russia, and continually convey our
concerns that Russia does not share the common strategic interests and
values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.
Question. Beyond the purchase of the S400, are you concerned that
the Indian Government will seek to make further significant purchases
of Russian arms?
Answer. In recent years India has increasingly diversified its
defense purchases away from Russia. I will continue to support and
encourage U.S. defense sales with India and urge all of our allies and
partners to avoid purchasing new major defense equipment from Russia.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engage with the Indian
Government on the challenges faced by the Sikh farmers community in
Punjab and their ability to peacefully protest now and in the future?
Answer. The farm laws themselves are an issue for the people and
Government of India. However, peaceful protests are a hallmark of any
thriving democracy as the Indian Supreme Court described on a case
regarding the farm protests. If confirmed, I will underscore our strong
support for the right to peacefully protest with the Indian Government.
Question. If confirmed, do you have a plan to advocate for
effective accountability in Sri Lanka?
Answer. Accountability and impunity for human rights abusers
continues to be an issue of great concern in Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I
will continue to seek a commitment from the Sri Lankan Government to
credibly address longstanding human rights cases and respect civil
society, members of ethnic and religious minority groups, and human
rights defenders. Additionally, I will seek to utilize available tools
to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section 7031(c)
visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky sanctions, in a targeted
manner, to advance our human rights goals.
Question. Given the concerns that several Senators have raised on
security cooperation with Sri Lankan officials who have been implicated
in human rights abuses during the war, do you commit to consult closely
with this committee and staff on any arms sale or future security
cooperation effort with Sri Lanka?
Answer. The Biden administration takes very seriously the need to
incorporate human rights into our engagements with Sri Lanka, including
our security and law enforcement cooperation objectives. Our long-term
strategic interests are best served by a stable, peaceful, and
prosperous Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I commit to closely consult with
the committee to ensure that in any engagement with or equipment
transfer to the military, law enforcement, counterterrorism or security
officials, we continue to emphasize respect for democratic governance,
human rights, accountability, and rule of law.
U.S. Businesses in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan
Question. Several U.S. businesses have expressed concerns about the
rule of law their ability to operate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Do I
have your commitment to work with the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee on these cases as they happen to ensure that U.S. businesses
are not treated unfairly?
Answer. Promoting United States investment in Central Asia is a key
pillar of the U.S. Central Asia Strategy, and facilitating U.S. exports
and investments supports the G7 Build Back Better World initiative. If
confirmed, I will work with our host government partners to improve the
business and investment climate in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, and I
will work with those in federal agencies and private industry to
address issues when they arise. I will also work closely with the
committee to ensure you are apprised of key developments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In your view, has India taken significant steps to reduce
its defense cooperation with Russia? What are some of the most notable
steps? Other than the S-400 purchase, what else concerns you about the
Indian-Russian relationship?
Answer. In recent years, India has taken steps to reduce its
defense cooperation with Russia and increase cooperation with other
partners, especially the United States, through ever more sophisticated
joint military exercises, increasing U.S. defense purchases, and
concluding defense enabling agreements, such as COMCASA. If confirmed,
I will urge India to continue to diversify away from Russian arms and
reiterate Russia does not share the common strategic interests and
values underpinning the U.S.-India partnership.
Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
relationship with India in the short-term? What about the longer-term?
Answer. U.S.-India defense ties have expanded significantly over
the past two decades, as evidenced by the conclusion of five major
defense enabling agreements and over $20 billion in bilateral defense
trade.
In the coming years, the United States will look to increase the
interoperability of our forces through additional logistics
cooperation, expanded defense information sharing, increasingly complex
multi-service exercises with like-minded partners, maritime domain
awareness, peacekeeping, and joint development of defense technologies
in line with India's status as a Major Defense Partner of the United
States. In addition, the United States will look to deepen defense
cooperation in important domains such as emerging technologies, space,
and cyber.
Question. What will you do to work with the Indians on boosting
COVID vaccine manufacturing in the region and ensuring these vaccines
are available for export to support dire global vaccine needs?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Indian Government to
expand COVID-19 vaccine production to make vaccines globally available
and affordable both through the Quad Vaccine Partnership and
bilaterally. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the Indian Government
to address global medical supply chain constraints that limit necessary
inputs for vaccine production.
Question. What role do you see India playing in the Indo-Pacific
region in light of the growing challenges from China?
Answer. The United States and India share a vision of a free, open,
secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific. The United States welcomes India's
emergence as a leading global power and its role as a net security
provider in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I will work with
colleagues and the interagency to encourage India to continue its
important contributions toward capacity building, maritime security,
economic development, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief in
the Indo-Pacific.
Question. What will be your main priorities in cooperating with
India through the Quad and cooperating with India in Southeast Asia?
Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that
share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global
challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If
confirmed, I plan to work with my counterpart in the Bureau of East
Asian and Pacific Affairs and interagency to encourage Quad partners,
including India, to expand our robust cooperation on priorities
including maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19 vaccine
production, and climate change. If confirmed, I will work with the
Indian Government to reaffirm our strong support for ASEAN's unity and
centrality, enhance our coordination in the East Asia Summit and ASEAN
Regional Forum, and look forward to exploring ways of working with
India in the Mekong sub-region and across the Indo-Pacific.
Question. Do you commit to making the resolution of the Lincoln
House issue a priority with India, and to directing the U.S. Ambassador
to India to do the same?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will also consult closely with Members
of Congress on this issue.
Question. The Indian Ministry of Defense is also involved in this
issue. Do you commit to ensuring relevant U.S. Department of Defense
officials are briefed on the issue, and to ensuring they raise it with
their own counterparts as well?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In 2016, the Obama administration labeled India a ``major
defense partner,'' a designation supported by Congress in the Fiscal
Year 2017 National Defense Authorization Act. Some have called for an
amendment to the Arms Export Control Act to facilitate more defense
sales to India and help solidify it as a Major Defense Partner. Does
the Biden administration support such a step?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to consult closely with the Bureau
of Political-Military Affairs, the Department of Defense, and Congress
on this and other steps to advance our defense and security partnership
with India.
Question. The Obama administration launched the Defense Technology
and Trade Initiative with India to promote joint co-development and
production of defense systems. Thus far, that objective has not been
realized. To what do you attribute this?
Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative
(DTTI) has been a valuable mechanism in building linkages between the
U.S. and Indian defense establishments. While some DTTI working groups
have faced challenges, many, such as the Aircraft Carrier Technologies
Working Group, have resulted in productive technical exchanges. In
2019, the United States and India concluded a DTTI Industry-to-Industry
Framework to promote greater collaboration with the private sector.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Department of
Defense to advance progress under the DTTI.
Question. Will the Biden administration pursue greater cooperation
under DTTI with India? If so, what will be the administration's key
priorities?
Answer. The U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative
(DTTI) has catalyzed exchanges on a range of technologies, including
related to aircraft carriers and small unmanned aerial vehicles. If
confirmed, I intend to work closely with my Department of Defense
counterparts to further deepen cooperation with India through DTTI.
Question. Will the Biden administration advocate for India's
membership on the U.N. Security Council and in the Nuclear Suppliers
Group?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with my
counterparts. The administration will review reform proposals and work
closely with Allies and partners at the U.N. to ensure that UNSC
reforms are undertaken in such a way as to enhance the efficiency of
the Council, promote U.S. values, and leave unaltered the veto power.
Moreover, I intend to work across the interagency to continue U.S.
support for India's membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
Question. How will the Biden administration cooperate with India on
5G, digital security, and other emerging technology issues? Please be
specific.
Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized cooperation with
India on a host of emerging technologies issues, both bilaterally and
through the Quad Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group. The
United States and India, along with other Quad partners, intend to
focus on the coordination of technology standards development and the
joint efforts to maintain the integrity of standards-setting bodies,
cooperation on telecommunications development, including the
diversification of equipment suppliers, and convening dialogues on the
security of technology supply chains, especially microelectronics and
critical minerals.
Question. Pakistan played a positive role in bringing the Taliban
to the table, but has publicly refused to host U.S. CT [Counter-
Terrorism] assets and has been unable to force the Taliban back to the
table. What is an appropriate role for Pakistan in Afghanistan? Is it
time for a change in U.S.-Pakistan policy?
Answer. I believe Pakistan has an important role in Afghan peace
negotiations. I understand the Department continues to make clear that
progress toward a political settlement in Afghanistan, and
collaboration on regional stability efforts, including against
terrorist groups, are vital elements of an expanded U.S.-Pakistan
relationship. If confirmed, I will also encourage Pakistan and
Afghanistan to improve economic ties and expand trade, which will help
build incentives to reap the dividends of peace. Further, if confirmed,
I will also work to expand trade and investment between the United
States and these two countries to help enhance broader regional
economic integration.
Question. The Taliban continues to seize more territory and
threaten population centers while our embassy footprint is increasingly
confined to Kabul. How do we provide adequate oversight of taxpayer
dollars in Afghanistan? Absent issuing OFAC waivers, what should the
policy be about assistance to Taliban-held areas?
Answer. The Department continues to monitor U.S. Embassy Kabul's
staffing to ensure the necessary flexibility and sufficient resources
to advance U.S. interests, including supporting efforts to reach a
political settlement and supporting Afghanistan's stability.
Maintaining an appropriate diplomatic presence is essential to ensure
that we can support our Afghan partners and that we have the staff to
monitor our assistance and programming. Both the Department and USAID
have been developing scenario-based contingency plans to adjust U.S.
assistance programming as the operating environment warrants, including
to ensure it continues to advance U.S. interests and is consistent with
U.S. law and policy.
Question. What is the administration's strategy for processing the
large volume of pending SIV applications from Afghanistan given the
deteriorating situation on the ground?
Answer. The Department of State remains committed to Afghan
partners who assisted the United States over the past two decades in
Afghanistan. For that reason, the Department has taken steps to address
the large volume of pending Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) applications
from Afghanistan. The Department is currently working to relocate SIV
applicants who are in the advanced stages of processing to either the
United States or other third country locations while we complete their
special immigrant applications. We began relocating SIVs and their
families to Fort Lee in Virginia in late July and appreciate Congress'
generous support in this regard. We have also increased our consular
staffing levels to augment our processing capacity across all stages of
the SIV application process, and we are currently examining ways to
make the application process more efficient. The Department looks
forward to working with Congress on this issue and appreciates your
attention to this matter.
Question. Efforts to combat trafficking in persons vary country to
country in the South and Central Asian region. Some made significant
progress during the 2020 reporting period. How can you, if confirmed,
bolster these efforts?
Answer. Trafficking in persons is a serious crime which affects all
countries. If confirmed, I will press South and Central Asian states at
the highest levels of government to build on foundational improvements
to prevent vulnerability of populations to trafficking, including
marginalized individuals; increase prosecution of traffickers; and
protect victims of trafficking. I will continue to seek opportunities
for collaboration between the United States and regional partners to
increase government anti-trafficking capacity in the wake of the COVID-
19 pandemic, which has significantly increased vulnerability to
trafficking around the world. I will continue to prioritize close
collaboration with other key Bureaus within the Department of State and
the international and local NGO community to address this important
concern.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report and the 2021 U.S. Commission on International Religious
Freedom Annual Report, some countries in the South and Central Asian
region were identified as intolerant of religious freedom or having a
significant hand in repressing religious minorities. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster religious
freedom regionally?
Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the
law are fundamental principles of the United States. Intolerance of
religious freedom and the repression of religious minorities anywhere
is deeply concerning and counter to U.S. values, including in the South
and Central Asian region. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of
International Freedom and other relevant Bureaus in the Department of
State and the larger interagency community to bolster religious freedom
in South and Central Asia through work with the NGO community, direct
engagement with governments and other avenues as appropriate.
Question. The protection of fundamental human rights remains a
priority in the region. If confirmed, how will you direct the bureau to
engage with civil society to bolster these rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press our partners at the highest
levels to recognize the valuable role of civil society in building
open, inclusive, and just societies by protecting fundamental freedoms.
Civil society--particularly women-led civil society organizations and
human rights defenders. Civil society, when respected and allowed
operational space, can be a positive force in addressing many of the
most pressing issues in the region, particularly those that affect
vulnerable communities, and we will continue to seek opportunities
through diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance to support their
work, develop their capacities, and strengthen their role in their
communities. We will press our partners to engage in the legal reforms
needed to protect free speech, assembly, association, and religion as
vital components of a free society.
Question. How will U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan affect our
interaction with Central Asia nations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to bilaterally engage our
Central Asian partners on counterterrorism and security priorities,
including as related to Afghanistan, in support of their independence,
sovereignty, and territorial integrity. I would also continue to
utilize the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform for the United States and
the Central Asian states to expand regional security cooperation and
increase connectivity between Central Asia and Afghanistan.
Question. Do you believe that the nations of Central Asia will
prove to be useful partners in helping to stabilize Afghanistan? If so,
how would you expect to see these nations act to maintain peace and
security in the region?
Answer. The nations of Central Asia have been supportive partners
of the United States in reducing terrorist threats in the region and
working to support stability in Afghanistan. If I am confirmed, I
intend to continue working with the five Central Asian nations to
improve security and stability in the region through such as efforts as
improving border security, countering the flow of narcotics, sharing
information across borders, as well as assisting refugee populations
and increasing economic connectivity.
Question. As the U.S. leaves Afghanistan, do believe that the U.S.
should begin to interact with the Central Asian nations differently? If
so, how?
Answer. For 30 years, the United States and the five Central Asian
nations have built shared commitments to peace, prosperity, and
security in the region. I believe our consistent engagements to
strengthen those commitments should continue as the United States
maintains its support for the independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Question. How can we counteract Chinese attempts to gain a foothold
in the region's economy?
Answer. While most South and Central Asian countries seek to
maintain positive relationships with the PRC and look towards Beijing
for development financing and trade, they do not view their
relationships as zero sum and actively seek to diversify their economic
relationships to avoid becoming too dependent on Beijing. In Central
Asia, for example, the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform strengthens
countries' independence, sovereignty, and economic connectivity, in
turn increasing their negotiating power in relations with the PRC and
other regional actors. Investments in exchanges and increasing capacity
in higher education are also mechanisms that allow the United States to
maintain influence with South and Central Asian Governments and
society, and positively shape their economic development and empower
local communities. I will work intensively with U.S. Government
investment institutions such as the Development Finance Corporation,
our representatives to multilateral development institutions such as
the World Bank, IFC and, and like-minded 3rd country bilateral
partners, and U.S. private sector partners to develop creative options
to enable the economies in the region to develop in a healthy, balanced
manner.
Question. To what extent does the BRI lead to the expansion of
China's institutions and legal norms in Central Asia? How can and
should the U.S. work to counter that growth?
Answer. From its inception, the land-based ``Belt'' portion of BRI
prioritized developing China's economic and logistical linkages to its
western neighbors in Central Asia and it continues to be a region of
focus for the initiative. In addition to rail infrastructure
investments, BRI projects have since expanded to include energy
projects, port developments along the Indian Ocean, and information
communications technology (ICT). While countries in the region look to
BRI to meet their development financing needs, the opaque nature of BRI
financing leads to increased corruption and elite capture, creates
unsustainable debt, and limits countries' flexibility in their
bilateral relationship with Beijing. In cooperation with our
international partners, the private sector, and the interagency, we are
promoting alternatives to PRC financing and advancing regional economic
development, including through the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation (DFC), and also working to improve transparency.
Question. In Central Asia, China has already begun funding and
building the Digital Silk Road. Telecommunications infrastructure,
surveillance networks, and other modernizing technologies are being
lent and sold to Central Asian Governments. These give China a foothold
in the Governments and societies which will be a platform for Beijing
to spread influence. How can the United States compete and counter
Chinese influence in the Central Asian tech space?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage our Central Asian partners
to work with trustworthy vendors for their Information and
Communications Technology (ICT) infrastructure and services. As part of
a long-term approach that sets Central Asia on a path toward working
with trusted partners, we will continue looking for opportunities to
promote global and regional programs, such as the World Bank's Digital
Central Asia and South Asia (CASA); ways to further bilateral
cooperation in the tech space; and programs to foster greater ICT
transparency. I will work with the Development Finance Corporation and
other USG partners to develop creative approaches to the challenge, and
collaborate closely with the Congress on the matter.
Question. To what extent do you believe that there is an emerging
Russia-China axis? Some suggest that the U.S. should try to drive
wedges between the two nations to destroy any emerging axis. Do you
agree with that analysis? Could such a thing be accomplished in Central
Asia?
Answer. We face competition from China and Russia like never
before, and must recommit ourselves to robust engagement with the
countries of Central Asia to support their sovereignty, independence,
and territorial integrity in the face of many challenges. Over the past
two decades, China has supplanted Russia as the region's largest trade
and investment partner, though Russia remains an important security
partner for many of the countries in the region, and there are signs
that Moscow is wary of losing influence. Through our own bilateral and
multilateral engagement within the region, we are working to build
Central Asian countries' resilience and independence from malign
influence from any and all external actors of concern.
Question. President Biden and his administration have repeatedly
made commitments to upholding universal rights at home and abroad. In
Turkey, authorities are abusing people's human rights and attacking
peaceful dissidents at an alarming rate. Turkey's abuses have spilled
into Central Asia, where the Governments have been pressured to
scrutinize and close down Gulenist schools. The most recent abuse
involved Turkey's kidnapping and illegal extradition of a Turkish-born
Gulenist teacher in Kyrgyzstan. How can the U.S. better use its
influence to prevent protect Central Asian nations from undue Turkish
influence and work to protect those who may be subject to persecution
once back in Turkey?
Answer. U.S. diplomacy in Central Asia, including through the C5+1
diplomatic platform, balances against regional over-reliance on foreign
powers and addresses a core objective of our Central Asia strategy:
protecting the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of
the Central Asian states. If confirmed, I will work in concert with
colleagues from EUR and the rest of the Department of State to continue
efforts to promote the rule of law and respect for human rights in
Central Asia bilaterally, regionally through the C5+1 platform, and
multilaterally through the OSCE and other fora. I will remind Central
Asian partners at the highest levels that requests for extraditions or
transfer of individuals across international borders must happen
transparently and with respect for the legal process. I will also
continue to remind Central Asian partners of their non-refoulement
obligations to prevent individuals from facing the threat of torture or
mistreatment abroad. The Department of State is in direct contact with
the spouse of the missing Turkish schools director and is working to
ascertain what happened to him.
Question. What do you believe the role of sanctions should be in
the creation and execution of U.S. foreign policy?
Answer. I believe the sanctions tools provided by the various
sanctions authorities are critical for the creation and execution of
U.S. foreign policy. I have seen firsthand the powerful impact our
sanctions have when formulating policies and diplomatic strategies.
When used thoughtfully to further U.S. and like-minded countries'
democratic and human rights goals, these tools can dissuade, deter or
even stop the behaviors they were designed to address. Well-developed
sanctions advance our bilateral relationships and help our regional
partners.
Question. With respect to Russia, how do you believe the sanctions
imposed on that country since 2014 have affected the Russia's economy
and foreign policy decision making?
Answer. I believe the sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 were
effective in raising the economic cost for Russia to pursue aggressive
and hostile activities. These sanctions also deterred many of Russia's
traditional trading partners from continuing to do business as usual.
Question. What secondary impacts do you believe U.S. sanctions on
Russia have had on Central Asian economies and politics?
Answer. Most countries in Central Asia have longstanding trade
relationships with Russia and have faced secondary economic impacts
from U.S. sanctions on Russia, including effects related to Russia's
devaluation of its currency.
Question. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment was passed in 1974 and
mandated sanctions on the Soviet Union until it allowed Soviet Jews the
option to leave the USSR. Despite the fact that all Jews who wish have
long since left the post-Soviet Central Asian nations, they all still
remain cursorily sanctioned under Jackson-Vanik.? Practically, what
effect has the continued existence of Jackson-Vanik sanctions (waived
though they may be) have on the nations who remain thus labeled?
Answer. The Jackson Vanik (JV) Amendment imposes trade penalties on
non-market economies that restrict emigration. When the Soviet Union
broke apart in 1991, the amendment was applied to all of the newly
independent states.? However, since 1998, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and
Tajikistan have received and maintained Presidential Waivers to the JV
restrictions, based on the Department of State's semi-annual
certification that they are fully compliant with the Amendment's
requirements for free and open emigration; in other words, they are
granted Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status, but it is not permanent
(PNTR).
Given their longstanding compliance with the law, JV is no longer
relevant for these countries. PNTR status would allow Uzbekistan,
Kazakhstan and Tajikistan to compete fairly with the rest of the world
when forming trade relationships.
Question. Do you believe that the Jackson-Vanik sanctions on the
Central Asian nations should be repealed without condition? Should they
only be repealed when the nations in question make further human rights
concessions?
Answer. The denial of PNTR under Jackson-Vanik is an ongoing
bilateral irritant, and one that limits our trade potential in the
region. Trade discrimination under laws such as JV is technically
prohibited under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), of
which both Kazakhstan and Tajikistan are members. Uzbek-istan is in the
process of joining the WTO in 2021. The Kyrgyz Republic was granted
PNTR in 2001 when it acceded to the WTO. Restoring PNTR to Kazakhstan,
Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan now would reassure them that the United
States supports peace and economic development in the region. Ending
the applicability of the Jackson-Vanik amendment to these countries
would allow the United States to grant them PNTR and would advance our
goals of promoting economic growth and regional connectivity. The
Department's position is that it should be repealed based on the
countries' compliance with the terms of the original legislation.
With regards to human rights concessions, the Department of State
uses more effective and targeted tools--such as the Trafficking in
Persons (TIP) Report, the Human Rights Report, and the Religious
Freedom Report, to apply leverage and motivate reform. Withholding PNTR
would not be as effective as these existing mechanisms.
Trafficking in Persons in Central Asia
Question. The State Department just released the 2021 Trafficking
in Person's Report, and while some Central Asian nations showed
improvement in the past year, there are still serious issues with the
fight against trafficking. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan were
removed from the Tier 2 watch list, however Tajikistan and Turkmenistan
remain at Tier 3.
Please outline what steps you will take to address this issue with
Tajikistan and Turkmenistan to help them make improvements.
Answer. Tajikistan demonstrated overall increasing efforts compared
to the previous reporting period and was ranked Tier 2 in the 2021
Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, but many improvements in anti-
trafficking remain to be seen. If confirmed, I will work with the
Office to Combat and Monitor Trafficking in Persons to press the
Government to increase efforts to combat trafficking, including by
adopting and implementing standard operating procedures for identifying
trafficking victims and referring them to care. I will also encourage
the Government to train law enforcement to screen for signs of
trafficking among vulnerable groups.
While some progress has been made, trafficking in Turkmenistan
remains a serious concern. If confirmed, I will encourage the
Government of Turkmenistan to implement its new National Action Plan to
Combat Trafficking, as well as continue to press for further action to
end government policies or actions that compel or create pressure for
the mobilization of forced labor, to include eliminating the cotton and
silk production quotas and mandatory participation in public works. I
will work with regional partners, including international
organizations, to encourage the Government of Turkmenistan to grant
independent observers full access to monitor cotton cultivation and
cease the harassment, detention, and abuse of individuals for
documenting labor conditions.
Question. As Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan have all
recently made key improvements in fighting the trafficking of persons,
what steps do you believe the U.S. can and should take to help those
nations maintain that success and make further improvements?
Answer. Though the tier ranking upgrades in Central Asia are
promising, human trafficking must be fought tirelessly and efforts must
always increase. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the
positive trajectory of efforts in the Central Asian region by
increasing coordination among states on anti-trafficking efforts,
including through the C5+1 platform and partnering with international
and regional partners to increase government capacity to protect
victims, prevent trafficking among vulnerable populations, and increase
prosecution of traffickers across all states. However, many countries
risk overemphasizing a multilateral approach out of a misconception
that trafficking requires cross-border movement. In reality, all these
countries could do more to prevent, detect, and address trafficking
within their own borders. I will therefore work to ensure Central Asian
countries do not pursue multilateral approaches to the exclusion of
their own urgently needed policy reforms and improvements, particularly
in regards to legislation, steps to eliminate state-sponsored forced
labor, and the identification and protection of victims among
vulnerable or marginalized groups and those subjected to forms of
trafficking that do not involve cross-border movement.
Question. In Central Asia, media freedom is still severely limited
due to both the active efforts of governments to silence dissent, and
the lack of legal protections afforded to independent journalists.
Abuse, imprisonment, torture, and killings of reporters are not
uncommon. Free media is all but eliminated in some of these countries.
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, how will you address this problem
in Central Asia and make clear that we will not allow the abuse and
imprisonment of journalists anywhere in the world?
Answer. Central Asia must take tangible steps to enshrine
fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression and the press,
into laws that enable an environment of political pluralism. If
confirmed, we will encourage the region to allow space for peaceful
dissent and non-violent speech, both online and offline--it is more
important than ever that the press be allowed to continue to report
freely on events as they develop. We will continue to support
democratic principles, rule of law, and protection of human rights for
all in Central Asia, as they are key elements to the development of any
society, and will help unlock the full potential of the region.
Anti-Corruption/Rule of Law
Question. Several high-profile scandals have exposed the Western
financial system's inability to prevent corruption. In the FY 2021
NDAA, the U.S. Congress updated its anti-money laundering laws to shift
the burden of disclosure from the banks to the corporations and
beneficial owners. And the EU has been working on a rule-of-law
mechanism to link EU funds to good governance, as well as cracking down
on ``golden visas.'' This corruption hurts both the citizens of the
countries where the money was stolen and stored. Many of the high-
profile cases have involved Central Asian rulers, their families, and
oligarchs.
What concrete actions will you take as Assistant Secretary for SCA
to push countries to reform their systems and crack down on
corruption?
Answer. As President Biden said last month in establishing the
fight against corruption as a core national security interest,
``corruption attacks the foundations of democratic institutions, drives
and intensifies extremism, and makes it easier for authoritarian
regimes to corrode democratic governance.'' The Department currently
works to combat corruption through development and promotion of
internationally recognized standards, commitments, and obligations,
such as those enshrined in the U.N. Convention against Corruption.
Further, the Department uses diplomacy to promote reform, foreign
assistance to strengthen institutions, and visa restrictions to promote
accountability for corrupt actors. If confirmed, I will work to push
countries to reform their systems and crack down on corruption,
including through the use of the FY 2021 NDAA anti-money laundering
provisions and other tools in U.S. law. Recognizing the fight against
corruption cannot be won by governments alone, I will also take steps
to strengthen the ability of civil society and media to reveal
corruption, foster public demand for change, and address weak
governance and poor human rights conditions that cultivate corruption.
Question. How important is it that the United States and its
European allies take steps to make our own systems less friendly to
kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money?
Answer. It is key that the United States leads by example with our
partners and allies to make our own systems less friendly to
kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money, to increase
coordination, and share lessons learned in the fight against corruption
globally. By undertaking measures to protect our financial system from
dirty money, we protect our own institutions and make it harder for
authoritarians and corrupt authorities to syphon away their countries'
economic resources. If confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S.
Department of Justice, U.S. Treasury Department and other relevant
interagency partners on this important effort.
Question. Will the administration make a concerted push on anti-
corruption in the EU and its periphery with the dual purpose of
benefitting European citizens and making it more difficult for malign
actors like Russia and China to gain a foothold?
Answer. Yes. The administration has established countering
corruption as a core U.S. national security interest. The Department
will develop plans for increasing efforts to combat corruption by
December 2021 under the National Security Study Memorandum process, and
will continue to work closely with allies and partners to prevent and
expose the PRC's and Russia's efforts to export corruption as a tool of
influence, sow instability, and gain market access. We must also
continue efforts to foster government transparency and, separately,
protect the enabling environment for civil society and journalists as
part of our efforts, given their crucial role in combatting corruption.
Question. Since the change of Government in Uzbekistan in 2016,
there have been many positive changes, but they have come at a slow
pace. International organizations have only slowly been allowed to
register to work in the country. If confirmed, do you commit to working
to help more international NGOs register in Uzbekistan?
Answer. The United States supports Uzbekistan's political and
economic reforms. Civil society is a crucial component to any
functioning democracy and is necessary to continue these reforms. If
confirmed, I will continue our work with Uzbekistani partners to ensure
local and international NGOs can easily register and operate freely to
serve all persons of Uzbekistan, including those from vulnerable
communities.
Question. The U.S. Peace Corps has not been able to operate in
Uzbekistan since 2005. They have been working to try and restart
operations in Uzbekistan, but the process has been very slow, both
because of bureaucratic inertia in Uzbekistan and the problems posed by
the Coronavirus pandemic. If confirmed, do you commit to working to
facilitate the reentry of the U.S. Peace Corps into Uzbekistan?
Answer. I understand the Uzbekistani Government has invited the
Peace Corps to return to Uzbekistan, and that the Peace Corps has begun
a virtual assessment of conditions in Uzbekistan for possible re-entry.
I understand that once pandemic conditions allow the Peace Corps to
visit Uzbekistan, the Peace Corps will make a final determination of
whether or not it can establish a program in Uzbekistan. If confirmed,
I commit to supporting the Peace Corps in the re-entry process.
Question. What spheres do you consider as most ripe for future
reform and positive changes in Uzbekistan? If confirmed, are there
specific areas in which you will push Uzbek authorities to make
progress? Please specify which.
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead U.S. support for
Uzbekistan's political and economic reforms, including strengthening
human rights and democracy, and improving healthcare, education,
agriculture, and rule of law. I will also continue to work with the
Government of Uzbekistan to support improvements to the business and
investment climate, including privatization of state-owned enterprises,
and to strengthen climate ambition. I also look forward to working with
our Uzbekistani partners, including through the C5+1 diplomatic
platform, to support greater regional engagement, building on
Uzbekistan's initiatives to improve relations within Central Asia and
foster connectivity with Afghanistan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Central Asia
Question. The five ``Stans'' are all under increasing pressure
from both China and Russia--neither of which is encouraging the
development of market economies or rule-of-law. As co-chair of the
Helsinki Commission, I have noted that these governments, and civil
society groups from them, are active participants in OSCE proceedings,
including the annual Human Dimension gathering in Warsaw. They seem
very interested in staying connected to Europe and North America. Based
on your time in Kyrgyzstan, what are your thoughts on whether OSCE
could provide a bridge to the democratic West for these five countries?
Answer. The OSCE, particularly through its field operations in each
Central Asian country, plays an invaluable role by increasing
cooperation between Western and Central Asian countries on key issues--
including countering terrorism, promoting democratization and human
rights, water and energy management, border control, and migration. It
also provides a forum to raise concerns about regional security and
violations of OSCE commitments, including human rights, and has been a
main platform for the United States to challenge Russia directly for
its actions. The OSCE Academy in Bishkek provides master's level
education for students from Central Asia and Afghanistan and is a model
for the region. I fully support further OSCE engagement in Central
Asia.
Question. How do we ensure that human rights are more prominent in
our engagement with India? What is your response to myriad assessments
that see India's democracy and human rights record trending negatively?
Answer. As the Secretary mentioned during his recent visit to
India, every democracy, including our own, is a work in progress. The
U.S.-India relationship is underpinned by a commitment to democracy,
human rights, and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will regularly raise
our human rights concerns with the Indian Government in the spirit of
our close strategic partnership. I will also ensure that our support
for civil society and media in India is robust.
Question. No one group has made more significant strides since 2001
than Afghan women. In terms of the economy, women have come a long way
since the fall of the Taliban regime. They have returned to work by the
hundreds of thousands, many becoming business owners and entrepreneurs.
Afghanistan has rebuilt an education system that had basically stopped
functioning. In 2001, only 900,000 students were in primary school--all
of them male. Today, more than 9 million students are in school, and
nearly 40 percent of them are girls.
What do you think the implications of the military withdrawal will
be for Afghan women and girls?
Answer. While it is difficult to overstate the significant gains
made by Afghan women and girls over the last 20 years, I recognize how
much remains to be done. Rising insecurity, the COVID-19 pandemic,
decades of conflict, widespread poverty, humanitarian crises, and
cultural barriers continue to threaten progress made in women and
girls' rights in Afghanistan. Even though U.S. military troops are
withdrawing, I understand the United States will continue to support
the rights of Afghan women and girls through diplomacy and by
maintaining significant humanitarian and development assistance.
Question. How can the administration hold the Taliban and Afghan
Government to account in preserving the rights and gains of Afghan
women without the support the U.S. military provided to Afghan forces
and the check it served as on the Taliban?
Answer. If confirmed, I will closely monitor the status of women
and girls in Afghanistan and will consult with Afghan and international
partners and civil society on how best to promote accountability. While
the future of Afghanistan is for Afghans themselves to decide, the
United States has made clear that future development assistance and
international legitimacy depend on the actions of the Afghan Government
with respect to rights and fundamental freedoms, especially those of
women, children, and members of minority groups.
Question. What can we do to preserve the rights and gains of Afghan
women and girls?
Answer. I believe continued high-level diplomatic engagement and
programmatic support by the United States and international community
is required to help maintain and build upon the gains made by Afghan
women and girls in the last 20 years. I am committed to using the full
force of our diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit to support
the Afghan people, particularly women and girls. U.S. and international
development and humanitarian assistance has been instrumental in
providing Afghan women and girls with access to the resources,
expertise, and tools necessary for achieving the gains of the last two
decades.
Question. Pakistan has been accused of numerous reported human
rights abuses, some of them even perpetrated by the Government.
Watchdog groups often rank Pakistan among the world's most dangerous
countries for journalists and women. How do we hold the Pakistani
Government accountable for human rights abuses?
Answer. In addition to documenting human rights abuses in Pakistan
through the Human Rights Report and International Religious Freedom
report, the Department regularly raises concerns about issues of human
rights and individual freedoms during engagements with Pakistani
officials, including at the senior-most levels. Such issues include
media freedom, the rights of women and girls, sexual and gender-based
violence, and protection of minority groups, among others. If
confirmed, I will strongly and consistently urge Pakistan to uphold the
rule of law and respect human rights and freedoms in accordance with
its constitution and international obligations. I will also encourage
the Pakistani Government to protect press and media freedoms for all
and will emphasize in engagements with Pakistani counterparts that a
vibrant press and informed citizenry are key for any free nation.
Question. How do we elevate the voices of targeted communities in
Pakistan, including journalists and others critical of the Government?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Pakistan engage
regularly to hear the concerns of civil society organizations,
activists, religious leaders, journalists, and businesses, including
those from underserved and at-risk communities. If confirmed, I will
maintain our robust engagement with these constituencies to continue
listening to their concerns and raising these issues with senior
Pakistani officials. These communities are also often represented by
civil society organizations that do important work to address these
concerns and advocate for change with the Pakistani Government, but
these organizations are often hampered by overly burdensome
restrictions on their operations. If confirmed, I will continue to
stress to the Pakistani Government the imperative of a vibrant civil
society to any democracy, and the value of allowing civil society
organizations to help deliver vital assistance to Pakistan's most
vulnerable communities, including women, children, and members of
religious minority groups.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon Donald Lu by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In your opinion, how will the U.S. withdrawal of troops
from Afghanistan impact future security in Central Asia?
Answer. Our Central Asian partners are deeply concerned about the
deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan. Each of the Central
Asian republics are taking steps to reinforce their border security. In
general, they share our counterterrorism and security priorities in
Afghanistan and are interested in enhancing cooperation. Per the
President's instructions, we are working to maintain significant
counterterrorism assets in the region. If confirmed, I will continue to
engage partners, allies, and key stakeholders in Central Asia on how
best to monitor and counter terrorist threats in the region.
Question. What effect might it [the U.S. withdrawal of troops from
Afghanistan] have on the longstanding U.S. policy goal of fostering
intraregional connectivity within Central Asia?
Answer. Connectivity remains a key element of United States policy
across Central and South Asia. My vision of regional connectivity
includes stable and secure infrastructure that meets the highest
international standards; open markets operating on a fair and
competitive playing field; and a sustainable and healthy environment.
It also includes Afghanistan's greater integration with its neighbors,
and realizing its potential as a regional transit, trade, and energy
hub. Regional connectivity is critical to long-term peace and stability
in Afghanistan and the region. Peace and regional integration are
mutually reinforcing.
We will continue to foster cooperation to build Central Asian
connectivity with Afghanistan through the C5+1 diplomatic platform,
bilateral dialogues, trilateral discussions with Afghanistan's Central
Asian neighbors, and a planned quadrilateral format including the
United States, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to encourage the
Central Asian states to work with the Afghan Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue strategic efforts to
encourage the Central Asian states to develop closer ties with the
Afghan Government across energy, economic, cultural, trade, and
security sectors, which directly contribute to regional stability. This
effort would include utilizing the C5+1 regional diplomatic platform
for the United States and the Central Asian states to expand security
cooperation and increase connectivity between Central Asia and
Afghanistan.
Question. The main logic behind the U.S. Government's negotiations
with the Taliban is that the promise of U.S. assistance to them is
enough incentive to change its policies or behavior. Do you believe
this, especially given recent reports of Taliban activity that suggest
otherwise?
Answer. I remain concerned about the Taliban's recent military
operations in Afghanistan. The group's public position remains to find
a solution to the conflict through a negotiated political settlement. I
understand the Taliban and Islamic Republic negotiating teams continue
to meet and discuss the parameters of a settlement, and I hope both
sides can accelerate those negotiations. The Taliban also have
routinely expressed their desire for diplomatic and economic relations
with the rest of the world, including the United States. I am committed
to using our full diplomatic, economic, and development toolkit, as
well as working alongside the international community and Afghanistan's
neighbors, to support efforts to establish peace and promote the future
that Afghans are seeking.
Question. What can you tell me of the Taliban's views on the
participation of women in the political system and the role of religion
in society? Have these views really moderated since 2001?
Answer. In public statements, Taliban leaders have emphasized their
commitment to upholding and guaranteeing all the rights afforded to
women under Islamic law, but they have not followed through on these
statements with visible reforms regarding the social and political
inclusion of women in the areas they control. In a joint declaration
released after the July 2019 Intra-Afghan Peace Conference in Doha, the
Taliban agreed to assure ``women rights in political, social, economic,
educational, cultural affairs within the Islamic framework of Islamic
values.'' Taliban leaders have also said that women can hold political
office, except as head of state or chief justice. However, women do not
play an active role within the Taliban's shadow administration or
structures, and Taliban officials sanction repressive behavior in
Taliban controlled or influenced communities. If confirmed, I will
promote women's full, meaningful, and equal inclusion in Afghan
society.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to step up
cooperation with India in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. The United States and India share a comprehensive, global
strategic partnership and a vision of a free, open, secure, and
prosperous Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will continue to expand
cooperation with the Indian Government bilaterally, regionally, and
multilaterally on the global recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic,
mutual prosperity, Quad engagement, climate change, defense and
security issues, and shared values.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to promote India's role in
the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, and more generally, to strengthen
this important platform?
Answer. The Quad aims to build relationships with partners that
share our values, perspectives, and approaches to regional and global
challenges on a range of political, economic, and security issues. If
confirmed, I will work with my counterparts in the Bureau of East Asian
and Pacific Affairs and the interagency to encourage Quad partners to
expand cooperation on maritime security, counterterrorism, COVID-19
vaccine production, democratic principles, and climate change, among
other priorities.
Question. If confirmed, what needs to happen to encourage India to
take a more constructive approach to its neighbors that China is
actively seeking to influence?
Answer. The United States welcomes India's emergence as a leading
global power and its role as a net security provider in the Indian
Ocean region, underpinned by our shared commitment to the rule of law,
freedom of navigation, democratic values, and regional connectivity. If
confirmed, I will encourage the Indian Government to continue its
important contributions toward capacity building, economic development
and connectivity, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and
numerous other areas of cooperation with its neighbors.
Question. How will you support South Asian states who have
territorial disputes with Beijing, such as India and Bhutan?
Answer. The United States strongly opposes unilateral attempts to
advance territorial claims by incursions or encroachments, military or
civilian. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to international
law and resolve differences through dialogue. If confirmed, I will
engage closely with the Indian Government to understand how the United
States can best support India including through defense technologies,
intelligence sharing, and diplomatic support. If confirmed, I will also
work to further advance our friendship with Bhutan and reaffirm our
support for its sovereignty.
Question. How do you plan to counter Chinese malign influence in
smaller South Asian states, such as Sri Lanka and Nepal?
Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China's
activities contrary to international norms of behavior, such as
promoting disinformation or excessive debt in South Asia. If confirmed,
I will seek to counter the PRC's application of economic pressure
through assistance and help countries manage existing debt loads,
evaluate contracts for transparency and equity, and combat corruption.
Economic pressure through assistance has been a key tool of
manipulation used by the PRC. We will also lead with our most powerful
tool--our values--which most clearly demonstrate the value of
democratic leadership in the region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with New Delhi to
coordinate and strengthen U.S. and Indian support of the Tibetans in
exile in India?
Answer. I commend India's hosting of Tibetan refugees over many
decades. India's continued support is crucial to ensuring that a large
part of the Tibetan diaspora can freely practice their language,
culture, and religion. If confirmed, I'll work with the Indian
Government to ensure that Tibetans in exile in India, including the
Dalai Lama, can continue to promote peace and understanding around the
world without external influence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Cory A. Booker
Question. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on Human
Rights and Practices for India notes, among other significant human
rights issues, the Government of India places ``restrictions on freedom
of expression and the press, including violence, threats of violence,
or unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, use of
criminal libel laws to prosecute social media speech, censorship, and
site blocking.'' If confirmed, what steps do you intend to take to
promote freedom of speech and freedom of expression in India?
Answer. Freedom of speech and freedom of expression are fundamental
rights enshrined in the Indian constitution and as fellow democracies,
the United States and India have a shared interest to engage on these
issues, as the Secretary did in his recent travel to New Delhi. If
confirmed, I intend to follow the Secretary's principled leadership on
the matter and work closely with U.S. Mission India and colleagues
across the Department to continue our robust engagement with Indian
journalists and media, to raise concerns with the Indian Government,
and to consult faithfully with Congress.
Question. The State Department's Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom expressed concern about the
implications of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) when it was passed
by the Indian parliament in 2019. Also citing the CAA and other
significant downward trends in religious freedom conditions, the U.S.
Commission on International Freedom (USCIRF) recommended in its 2020
Annual Report that the State Department designate India as a Country of
Particular Concern in its next annual report on International Religious
Freedom. What is the State Department's policy regarding the CAA?
Answer. Respect for religious freedom and equal treatment under the
law are fundamental principles of both the United States and India.
While the Indian Government has not yet actively implemented the
Citizenship Amendment Act, the Department continues to call on India to
protect the rights of its religious minorities in keeping with India's
constitution and history of diversity.
Question. How does the Department factor USCIRF recommendations
into its own deliberations when determining whether a country is
included as a Country of Particular Concern in the International
Religious Freedom report?
Answer. USCIRF is an independent commission established under the
1998 International Religious Freedom (IRF) Act to provide policy
recommendations to the President, Secretary of State, and Congress with
respect to matters involving international religious freedom. The
Secretary considers a wide variety of factors, including USCRIF
findings as required by the IRF Act, when making the annual religious
freedom designations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to hold frank conversations
with your counterparts in the Indian Government regarding its
obligation to commit to freedom, democratic principles, equal treatment
of all citizens, human rights, and the rule of law for all?
Answer. Yes.
Diplomatic Vision for Afghanistan After U.S. Troop Withdrawal
Question. U.S. policymakers and foreign policy experts had
initially expected the withdrawal of U.S. military forces to be
accompanied by a diplomatic surge. Yet the security situation in
Afghanistan may preclude the possibility of such a surge.
Given the security challenges in Afghanistan, what is your vision
for U.S. diplomatic engagement and presence in Afghanistan
after the U.S. troop withdrawal is complete?
If the State Department is unable to lead a diplomatic surge, how
can the United States best secure the gains that we have made
in human rights, education and empowerment of girls, and other
important issues in Afghanistan? In other words, how can the
United States best help the Afghan people and promote U.S.
interests in Afghanistan?
Answer. I understand all the agencies at our Embassy will continue
their important work, as long as security conditions permit, consistent
with the administration's commitment to stay fully engaged on behalf of
U.S. interests in Afghanistan. This will include our consular support
to U.S. citizens and fulfilling our commitment to Afghans who have
worked alongside us through adjudication of Special Immigrant Visas. I
will remain in frequent communication with our Embassy in Kabul and the
interagency to continuously evaluate information pertaining to the
security of U.S. citizens and U.S. Government personnel, facilities,
and interests in Afghanistan in order to mitigate any emerging threats.
I will also consult with stakeholders on creative approaches, such as
off-shoring, that can advance U.S. interests while keeping our mission
safe.
I am committed to using our full diplomatic, economic, and
development toolkit to support efforts to establish peace and promote
the future that Afghans are seeking. If confirmed, I will do everything
I can to sustain and further advance the gains achieved by Afghan
society, particularly those made by Afghan women, girls, and minorities
over the last 20 years. I am committed to using our diplomatic and
assistance resources to continue to advocate for women's rights,
support their meaningful participation in peace negotiations, work to
create quality educational opportunities, assist women to join the
workforce, combat gender-based violence, and expand access to quality
healthcare.
Question. In your testimony, you noted that for the past 20 years,
the U.S.-Pakistan relationship has been defined by the war in
Afghanistan and related U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the region.
With U.S. troops leaving Afghanistan, there is an opportunity to
redefine the U.S.-Pakistan relationship. Issues such as climate change,
strategic competition with China, economic development, and others may
be on the table.
Despite many shared interests and priorities, the U.S.-Pakistan
relationship has been beset by years of distrust and unaligned
policies. What will it take for the United States and Pakistan to move
beyond the persistent challenges in our bilateral relationship to
cooperate on our shared priorities?
Answer. The Department continues to make clear it seeks further
assistance from Pakistan for progress toward a political settlement in
Afghanistan and collaboration on regional stability efforts, including
against terrorist groups. Such actions would contribute importantly to
an expanded U.S.-Pakistan relationship. If confirmed, I will push for
more bilateral cooperation based on shared priorities, including
securing a responsible end to the conflict in Afghanistan, advancing
regional security and fighting terrorism, expanding both bilateral and
regional commercial and trade opportunities, promoting sustainable and
inclusive economic development, and ad
Chinese Territorial Aggression in Bhutan
Question. China reportedly claims as many as eight areas inside
Bhutan as being Chinese territory. In 2015, China announced that it had
built an entirely new village called Gyalaphug inside a 232-square-mile
area claimed by China since the early 1980s, but internationally
understood as part of Lhuntse district in northern Bhutan.
China's efforts to fortify the Tibetan borderlands, expand its
maritime control in the South China Sea, and conduct other provocative
measures are nothing new. Yet building a new village inside the
territory of another country is different. According to at least one
report, China does not need the land it is settling in Bhutan. Its aim,
rather, is to force the Bhutanese Government to cede territory that
China wants elsewhere in Bhutan to give Beijing a military advantage in
its struggle with New Delhi.
What is the Department's policy on Chinese efforts to expand its
borders by building towns and villages in disputed territories?
If confirmed, what efforts will you lead to protect Bhutan's
sovereignty and prevent it from becoming a pawn in China's
attempts to gain an advantage over India?
Answer. The Department is very concerned with the People's Republic
of China (PRC)'s construction of towns and villages in disputed
territories. Parties to territorial disputes must adhere to
international law and resolve differences through dialogue. If
confirmed, I will work to advance our friendship with Bhutan, reaffirm
our commitment to its sovereignty, and coordinate with our partners,
including India, to address the PRC's buildup in the Tibetan
borderlands and to support a free and open region capable of resolving
differences through dialogue. I also pledge to work closely with
Congress to address this concerning trend.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Donald Lu by Senator Todd Young
Question. What are the limits of cooperation that we can expect to
see from India given their history of non-alignment?
Answer. Over the last two decades, the United States and India have
made tremendous strides across all aspects of our strategic
partnership. Our cooperation encompasses a wide range of issues,
including regional cooperation in the Indo-Pacific; the Quad; trade and
investment; defense and security; climate change remediation; clean
energy; higher education and people-to-people; shared values, and
science and space. India has a unique foreign policy outlook given its
history, but given our growing strategic convergence the Indo-Pacific,
I am confident U.S.-India ties will continue to mature and deepen.
Question. China is aggressively pushing on India's border and is
now claiming areas in which they have never had a historic assertion.
Do you believe China is trying to find an ``off-ramp'' for this issue
or is it looking to escalate the dispute with India?
Answer. The United States is concerned by Beijing's pattern of
ongoing attempts to intimidate its neighbors, including India. We're
closely following updates of any troop disengagement, and we welcome
ongoing efforts to de-escalate the situation. We continue to monitor
closely as both sides work toward a peaceful resolution. We urge direct
dialogue and a peaceful resolution to border disputes.
Question. What message is China trying to send with its actions? Do
you believe it is pushing this issue specifically to discredit India
with regional allies?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned by a pattern of
territorial encroachment and failure to abide by the previous status
quo along China's disputed terrestrial and maritime borders. We will
stand with friends, partners, and allies in the face of the PRC's most
assertive policies and for the good of the region.
Question. Do you believe these escalations will push India into a
more robust and long-term security agreement with the U.S.?
Answer. India will seek partnerships based on its interests, but
our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific portends greater regional and
bilateral cooperation.
Question. India is the biggest donor to the Afghan National
Government and 5th globally. What are India's interests in Afghanistan?
Or is this more just another front in the long running competition with
their neighbor Pakistan?
Answer. The United States and India have a shared interest in a
stable and peaceful Afghanistan. India does not wish to see Afghanistan
turn into a terrorist safe haven that undermines its security. We
welcome India's support for the peace process and its long-running
development assistance program.
Question. What does India stand to lose if security situation in
Afghanistan worsens?
Answer. India has expressed concern about potential terrorist
attacks against Indian interests in Afghanistan, as well as the impact
on regional stability should the security situation deteriorate
further. In the immediate term, India is also concerned about the
threat to India's personnel and nationals working in Afghanistan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Robert Menendez
Cuba
Question. As part of USAID's work in defense of human rights, it is
my understanding that USAID carries out programming focused on
addressing the forced labor practices of Cuba's foreign medical
missions.
What is your assessment of these medical missions and, if
confirmed, will you continue USAID's current programs?
Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in
the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report,
represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the
Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their
contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened
medical professionals and their family members if participants left the
program.''
I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support
the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this
administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the
journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to
challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities, who maintain a tight
grip on all aspects of life on the island and are ruthless in seeking
to stifle dissent. If confirmed, I will continue to promote all types
of programming to support human rights and fundamental freedoms for the
Cuban population and look forward to consulting with you on this issue.
COVID-19 and Economic Recovery
Question. COVID-19 has had a particularly devastating impact on
Latin America and the Caribbean, claiming at least 1.2 million lives.
Today, only one in ten individuals in the region is fully vaccinated.
If confirmed, what strategies will you implement to increase access
to and distribution of vaccines in the region?
Answer. To date, I understand that the United States Government has
delivered over 33 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines to 15 countries in
Latin America and the Caribbean.
Furthermore, it is my understanding that USAID is also preparing
countries to safely and effectively distribute COVID-19 vaccines. To
date, I understand USAID has provided more than $75 million globally,
including $13.5 million for the Latin America and Caribbean region, to
assist countries to develop their national COVID-19 vaccine
distribution plans, address misinformation and vaccine hesitancy to
improve trust and confidence, strengthen supply chain and logistics to
distribute vaccines with speed, equity, and safety, train health
professionals to administer vaccines, and manage health information
systems for better data tracking. If confirmed, I commit to supporting
the Agency's efforts to increase access to vaccines in the region.
Question. How would you balance addressing the multiple
consequences of COVID-19 on public health, economies, social
development, and women and children in the region?
Answer. It is my understanding that USAID continues to monitor and
address the evolving and varied second-order impacts of the pandemic on
the region, and will leverage existing and new programs to address the
most critical challenges. COVID-19 has hurt economies throughout the
region, disproportionately impacting the poor and vulnerable. COVID-19
has also contributed to a humanitarian crisis in the region, increased
gender-based violence, and lack of access to income-generating
opportunities. The response today also needs to address the millions of
children not receiving routine vaccinations and the millions displaced
from school. To date, I understand that USAID has responded to such
impacts with programming to support microcredit and job training for
small businesses and entrepreneurs; the expansion of social protection,
psycho-social and educational support in vulnerable communities; job
opportunities for likely migrants; and the adoption of e-commerce
strategies and tools to respond to COVID-19 economic restrictions. If
confirmed, I will prioritize addressing the second-order impacts of the
COVID-19 pandemic in the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator James E. Risch
Central America
Question. Successive U.S. strategies have failed to make any
discernable progress in achieving or advancing the goal of reducing
mass illegal migration from Central America. If confirmed, what actions
would you recommend taking to build and maintain political will among
the political leadership in the countries of Northern Central America
to tackle the push factors of illegal migration? What specific reforms
should individual governments adopt to effectively reduce illegal
migration from the region?
Answer. If confirmed, my priorities in Central America will include
expeditiously strengthening programs that seek to improve conditions in
the region and tackle the major drivers of migration. While the
specific drivers of irregular migration cannot be generalized across
countries or even communities, they are generally tied to insecurity,
lack of economic opportunity, and the effects of poor governance and
corruption, and I will work with other U.S. Government agencies to
build the political will of partner nations to address these drivers.
COVID-19 has exacerbated these conditions, as have major natural
disasters (including hurricanes) recently hitting the region.
If confirmed, I will continue USAID's current approach of tailoring
and adapting programs to the unique needs of each country and
community. I will also continue the Agency's practice of using
migration data to focus resources geographically in response to
specific, local drivers of migration. USAID will work with a wide range
of stakeholders from civil society and the private sector to increase
the impact of our efforts. I will also commit to working closely with
our partners in the region. I understand that USAID works closely with
multiple stakeholders in the region both in the public and private
sectors as well as with civil society organizations and international
non-governmental organizations.And I look forward to further
consultations with Congress on how to further improve the effectiveness
of these programs.
Nicaragua
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize programs and
activities designed to improve the capacity of the democratic forces in
Nicaragua to be a credible political challenge to the Ortega regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID supports viable,
democratic processes, institutions and forces in Nicaragua. USAID is
focused on the November 2021 national elections in Nicaragua and on
restoring democratic processes and respect for human rights through
expanding opportunities for coalition building and supporting electoral
integrity and an active civil society.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to channel any humanitarian
assistance that USAID may provide in Nicaragua solely through
independent non-governmental organizations?
Answer. Yes, I commit to channeling any USAID-provided humanitarian
assistance solely through independent NGOs and Public International
Organizations (PIOs). U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided through
impartial international and local organizations and U.N. agencies, who
are on the ground working with vulnerable populations, for the sole
purpose of helping people in need.
Cuba
Question. The Government of Cuba maintains an estimated 50,000
medical personnel in more than 60 countries under conditions that meet
the definition of human trafficking. The United States, the United
Nations, independent media outlets, and non-governmental organizations
have all documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and
coercive practices toward doctors participating in its overseas medical
programs. Do you agree that the Cuban regime's overseas medical
missions amount to human trafficking? If confirmed, do you commit to
ensure USAID Missions in U.S. Embassies in countries that accept Cuban
medical missions help communicate the realities of the forced labor
practices employed by the Cuban regime?
Answer. I believe that Cuba's foreign medical missions, as noted in
the Department of State's 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report,
represent a form of labor trafficking. As noted by the TIP report, the
Cuban Government ``failed to inform participants of the terms of their
contracts, confiscated their documents and salaries, and threatened
medical professionals and their family members if participants left the
program.''
I understand that USAID has programs in place currently to support
the human rights of Cuban workers, including medical personnel.
Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of this
administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for the
journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists seeking to
challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities. If confirmed, I will
continue to promote programming to support human rights and fundamental
freedoms for the Cuban population and look forward to consulting with
you on this issue.
Question. Do you commit to maintain a robust USAID democracy
program focused on advancing respect for basic human rights in Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue USAID's work to support
democratic activists and human rights defenders in Cuba. The role of a
vibrant civil society continues to be essential to Cuban democracy. I
gather that USAID has a portfolio in place to continue supporting a
diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba who will push for
democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The Agency will also
continue providing basic needs assistance to political prisoners,
persecuted activists, and their families. NGOs are poised to continue
defending the human rights of those who are abused and even jailed for
their political beliefs.
Haiti
Question. Haiti is facing a complex and worsening crisis of
governance. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID plays an
effective role in promoting economic self-reliance and meaningful
dialogue among the different political forces? If confirmed, do you
commit to dedicate resources to strengthening Haiti's technical
capacity to hold elections?
Answer. The Haitian people deserve democracy and prosperity. Haiti
has been without a functioning government for too long, and in the
meantime, conditions continue to deteriorate. The political parties
need to come together to end the misery, corruption and insecurity
wreaking havoc for the Haitian people. While Haiti is facing a complex
emergency that USAID assistance alone cannot resolve, USAID does have
an important role to play in helping to promote democracy, human
rights, and governance. With respect to the upcoming legislative
elections, I understand that USAID's current activities aim to promote
credible elections, increase political party competition, and expand
civic participation in electoral processes to help end the ongoing
political crisis of rule by decree. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
strong whole-of-government and multi-donor approach for targeted
democracy, human rights, governance and humanitarian assistance to
promote democratic political reform, peace and stability.
Venezuela
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring USAID-supported
humanitarian efforts in Venezuela do not bring reputational benefits to
the Maduro regime and individuals or entities aligned with the regime?
Do you commit to ensuring USAID does not provide direct or indirect
support to a COVID vaccination campaign in Venezuela that uses vaccines
developed by the Cuban regime?
Answer. I understand that USAID has no plans at this time to
provide direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign
in Venezuela, where current vaccination efforts are non-transparent and
discriminatory. Venezuela is a self-financing participant in COVAX,
which means that it does not receive donor-supported vaccines or other
assistance. USAID would only provide COVID-19 vaccination support if
Venezuela established a credible, impartial, and transparent national
vaccination plan, implemented in partnership with, or under the
auspices of, international partners. In addition, it is my
understanding that USAID has not provided, and has no plans to provide,
direct or indirect support to a COVID-19 vaccination campaign in which
any Cuban vaccine is used. Cuba has not published its trial data for
its vaccines, nor has the vaccine received an emergency use listing or
authorization from the World Health Organization.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Addressing Corruption
Question. President Biden has taken an important step toward
enhancing the ability of the United States Government to combat
corruption and criminal actors worldwide with the release of the
National Security Study Memorandum on fighting corruption. Defining the
fight against corruption as a ``core U.S. national security interest''
sets a standard for how our government, our partners, and others can
work together to combat such illicit, corrosive activity. I've
reintroduced the Combating Global Corruption Act which is now in front
of the full Senate and has been introduced in the House. The bill
obliges the Executive to identify corruption in countries and rank them
in a public, tiered system with respect to levels of corruption in
their governments; establishes minimum standards for combating
corruption; and evaluates foreign persons engaged in grand corruption
for consideration under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act.
Will you commit to working with me to advance the Combating Global
Corruption Act and to raising the profile of efforts to fight
international corruption as a U.S. national security priority,
particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean?
Answer. I agree that fighting corruption is a U.S. national
security priority and I look forward to discussing the Combating Global
Corruption bill with you, if confirmed. I agree that anti-corruption
efforts must be a focus of our efforts in Latin America and the
Caribbean. The President has articulated a comprehensive $4 billion,
four-year plan to confront corruption, enhance security, and foster
prosperity to address the root causes of migration from Central
America. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to most
effectively implement President Biden's plan in Central America, and to
working with interagency colleagues to utilize all possible tools to
increase pressure on those not doing enough to confront corruption and
impunity across the region. I also will seek to deepen current
investments in democracy, human rights, and governance, including by
supporting civil society organizations and promoting independent media
and protection for journalists critical to combating corruption in the
region.
Question. Where do you see the biggest opportunities to make real
strides in eliminating corruption in the Americas over the next two or
three years?
Answer. I understand that the USAID institutes robust anti-
corruption programming by helping host countries to strengthen controls
and transparency in their procurement systems and enhance their
capacity to prosecute and adjudicate cases through the courts system.
Corruption is corrosive for many reasons, and in particular because it
undermines citizen's belief that government can deliver for them.
Corruption also contributes to weak democratic institutions and
widespread impunity in the Latin America and the Caribbean region. As a
result, crime and violence flourish, which is linked to people's
intentions to migrate. If confirmed, among my priorities for USAID's
Latin America and Caribbean Bureau will include helping institutions
deliver basic services with transparency and efficiency, and supporting
civil society organizations and independent journalists carrying out
oversight of government institutions. I also would seek to work with
interagency colleagues to ensure that all possible tools are used to
combat corruption in the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. As Assistant Administrator for Latin America and the
Caribbean at USAID, you will oversee 17 regional missions, 900+ people
and over $1 billion of development funds focused on promoting inclusive
growth, human rights, democracy and governance, and citizen security.
Your biography mentions that during your last tenure at USAID, you
focused on the administration's priorities, including: ``reinforced
U.S. support for Peace Colombia, established a long-term development
plan for Haiti, and prepared a proactive strategy to confront the
humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela.'' It says also that in
response to Congress' doubling of funding to Central America, you led
changes in strategy, organization and execution to combat root causes
of poverty and migration in the region.
Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps of your
strategy to confront the humanitarian and political crisis in
Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support Interim President Juan Guaido,
the democratically elected National Assembly, and the people of
Venezuela to determine their own future through free and fair
elections. I commit to working with non-governmental organizations and
civil society groups to advance democracy and a pathway to democratic
elections in Venezuela. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with
you about how we might strengthen those efforts, given the devastating
costs of Maduro's repression, and that of USAID's continued work to
provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to vulnerable Venezuelans
in Venezuela as well as Venezuelan migrants and refugees across the
region.
follow-up to senator rubio's initial question
Question. In your response to my question for the record
(``Can you provide the committee with the major concrete steps
of your strategy to confront the humanitarian and political
crisis in Venezuela?'') you responded with a description of the
steps you would take to address the crisis, if confirmed. While
we appreciate your wholehearted support for Interim President
Guaidoand the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people,
the intent of my question was to receive a summary of the
concrete steps you helped to develop to confront the crisis
during the Obama administration.
Please provide a description of your strategy to confront the
humanitarian and political crisis in Venezuela during your last
tenure at USAID, including the outcomes of those actions.
Answer. In 2016, in my capacity as Assistant Administrator of
the Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), I worked
with the Bureau and USAID and its partners to assess the
worsening humanitarian conditions in the country to understand
who the crisis was affecting most severely and in which parts
of the country. Our ongoing analysis led to the inclusion of
Venezuela in a watchlist at Democracy, Conflict, and
Humanitarian Assistance Bureau, the Bureau that was then in
charge of humanitarian response, stabilization, and democracy.
The political opposition controlled the National Assembly,
but the regime was blocking them from performing their
democratic functions. As a result of the ongoing situation on
the ground, USAID/LAC programming focused on monitoring and
reporting on human rights, electoral conditions, and living
conditions in the country. USAID also worked to support
independent media, and I supported providing robust assistance
to the National Assembly.
Under my direction, USAID/LAC assessed what possible outcomes
could evolve on the ground, and what response would be
adequate. This included continuing USAID programming to defend
and promote democratic rights, initiating delivery of socio-
economic relief and commodities, particularly medical supplies,
through local independent partners, and expanding humanitarian
assistance through local independent partners to avoid
politicization by the Maduro regime. We also anticipated
programming that would be needed should a political transition
to democracy transpire. This assessment process continued in an
iterative manner through the end of the administration.
Question. What is your understanding of the status of current USAID
programs in Haiti?
Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to working with the
Haitian people in their efforts to build a healthy, prosperous, and
peaceful Haiti. Given recent developments, it is a critical time to
learn from the past and smartly engage foreign assistance resources in
Haiti. If confirmed, I commit to supporting COVID relief, humanitarian
assistance, and resilience building in Haiti. While humanitarian
assistance will help alleviate some urgent humanitarian needs, it will
not and cannot address the root causes of the current economic and
political situation in Haiti, which will only be sustainably addressed
by engaging Haitian actors with the political will to take-on much
needed Haitian-driven reforms.
Question. Earlier this year, I re-introduced my bipartisan
legislation, the Central American Women and Children Protection Act.
This bill authorizes appropriations to provide assistance to El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras through bilateral compacts to
increase protection of women and children in their homes and
communities and reduce female homicides, domestic violence, and sexual
assault.
In your opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should
support?
Answer. Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and
children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I
wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support
gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for
programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle,
USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to
deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and
support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced
persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and
insecurity.
Question. In a recent letter to President Biden, I asked that the
United States to be prepared to provide COVID-19 vaccines, and other
humanitarian assistance, to the people of Cuba, but only if it is
delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and independent
international organizations. We must not allow the regime to take
possession of such relief and use it as a weapon to force the people of
Cuba into compliance with their demands.
Are you being briefed on any discussions with regard to providing
humanitarian assistance to Cuba?
What do you see as the priorities in this space?
Answer. While I am not privy to any internal U.S. Government
discussions, I have been following recent developments and the U.S.
Government's announcements to facilitate the shipment of humanitarian
assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID has been providing
assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene products to victims
of repression, including political prisoners, their family members, and
other individuals who are persecuted because of their political or
religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize support
for these populations, which remain under even greater threat following
the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do my utmost to ensure that
assistance is delivered to, and distributed by, trustworthy and
independent organizations.
Question. If confirmed, how will your actions to address the
current political and humanitarian crises in Venezuela differ from this
strategy you prepared during the Obama administration?
Answer. In 2016, the opportunity to work with an interim government
was not yet a possibility--this is a difference. If confirmed, I will
support Interim President Juan Guaido, the democratically elected
National Assembly, and the people of Venezuela to determine their own
future through free and fair elections. I commit to working with non-
governmental organizations and civil society organizations to advance
democracy and a pathway to democratic elections in Venezuela. This is
my priority.
USAID's engagement on health and food security also has the
potential to help alleviate the humanitarian crisis and contribute to
conditions for a democratic transition. With increasing access inside
Venezuela by USAID's implementing partners, I would pursue creative
solutions that bring respite to the Venezuelan people outside of the
Maduro regime's control and I commit to engaging with you and your
staff, if confirmed.
Question. Can you clarify your role in developing this strategy?
Did you personally author this strategy?
Answer. Given the ongoing humanitarian and political situation in
Venezuela, as previously stated, USAID/LAC engaged in assessing
possible outcomes under my direction while Assistant Administrator for
the Bureau. We analyzed the economic decline and its ramifications,
summarized FEWS NET food security assessments, the worsening of the
medical and security situation, and ways to circumvent the regime's
politicization of essential goods should the situation on the ground
shift. This iterative process was managed, in response to my direction
and under my guidance, by the Bureau for Latin America and the
Caribbean's Office of South American Affairs.
Question. In your response to my question for the record (``In your
opinion, is this legislation something that USAID should support?''),
you responded, ``Thank you for your commitment to protecting women and
children in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, a goal that I
wholeheartedly share. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
on this legislation and will ensure that USAID continues to support
gender-based violence (GBV) survivors and women at risk of GBV in El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and welcome continued support for
programming in this area. I understand that in the Northern Triangle,
USAID supports civil society and independent watchdog institutions to
deter human rights abuses, respond to human rights violations, and
support vulnerable populations. This includes forcibly displaced
persons, women, children, and youth affected by violence and
insecurity.''
The intent of this legislation is to authorize the United States to
enter into Women and Children Compacts with the countries of El
Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, modelled off of those the
United States has entered into with Ghana. The Philippines,
Peru and Jamaica. Do you believe that these compacts will
contribute to USAID's efforts to address support women and
children at risk of GBV?
Answer. When conditions on the ground are right, I believe compacts
with partner governments on important issues like countering GBV can be
extremely important. I understand that the Child Protection Compact
Partnerships the U.S. has developed jointly with governments, for
instance with Jamaica and Peru, have aimed to build on existing efforts
to prosecute and punish perpetrators of child trafficking, identify
child trafficking victims, coordinate and strengthen protective
services, and prevent child trafficking. If confirmed, I look forward
to working with the Committee on this legislation, and with the State
Department to establish such agreements, in appropriate countries.
To help create the conditions for such compacts, I will ensure that
USAID continues to prioritize efforts to counter GBV. The ``U.S.
Strategy for Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central
America'' and the ``Collaborative Migration Management Strategy,''
released on July 29, provide further details to guide USAID's strategic
efforts for the region, including protection efforts for at-risk groups
and addressing gender-based violence. Pillar V of the Root Causes
Strategy focuses on ``combating sexual, gender-based, and domestic
violence,'' with objectives including: governments and civil society
take steps to prevent sexual, gender-based, and domestic violence; hold
perpetrators accountable; and protect and provide services for victims.
I commit to working with your office to ensure that our mutual priority
of protecting vulnerable populations, most specifically women and girls
in Central America, is embedded in future programming.
Question. In your response to my question for the record on your
awareness of the administration's discussions regarding humanitarian
assistance to Cuba, you responded, ``While I am not privy to any
internal U.S. Government discussions, I have been following recent
developments and the U.S. Government's announcements to facilitate the
shipment of humanitarian assistance to Cuba. I understand that USAID
has been providing assistance, including food, medicine, and hygiene
products to victims of repression, including political prisoners, their
family members, and other individuals who are persecuted because of
their political or religious beliefs. If confirmed, I will continue to
prioritize support for these populations, which remain under even
greater threat following the July 11 protests. Accordingly, I will do
my utmost to ensure that assistance is delivered to, and distributed
by, trustworthy and independent organizations.''
If confirmed, please provide what steps and actions will you take
to ensure that humanitarian assistance is delivered to, and
distributed by, trustworthy independent organizations inside
Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I will verify that existing basic needs
assistance benefiting political prisoners, dissidents, and their
families, is implemented by U.S.-based or internationally recognized
independent NGOs. If confirmed, I will ensure that my team requires
that each of these organizations provide USAID with their delivery and
distribution protocols, and that they be verified and monitored
frequently to ensure assistance does not benefit members of the regime.
Question. Please be specific on how will you ensure that this
humanitarian assistance does not benefit members of the Castro/Diaz-
Canel Regime?
Answer. As USAID designs new solicitations for additional basic
needs assistance instruments, I will ensure that all necessary
safeguards are in place for such work to be carried out only by
independent organizations and to prevent the regime from benefiting
from them in any way.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to provide regular briefings
to my office, and other interested Senate offices, on USAID's provision
of humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to regular briefings with your
office and other interested Senate offices on USAID's provision of
humanitarian assistance to the people of Cuba.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Marcela Escobari by Senator Todd Young
China, COVID-19, and Economic Development
Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated the region, and
countries are struggling with record levels of debt and an anemic
economic recovery. Latin America faced the sharpest economic
contraction in 2020 of any region in the entire world. Unfortunately,
many of these countries were struggling even before the pandemic due to
weak rule of law, low investment, and poor governance.
Relatedly, I am worried by China's rising influence in the region.
In 2019, Chinese companies invested $12.8 billion in Latin America, up
16.5 percent from 2018, concentrating investments on regional
infrastructure such as ports, roads, dams and railways.
I'll note that China's investments are not just making a difference
in infrastructure but in the past four years, the Dominican Republic,
El Salvador and Panama have each switched their recognition from Taiwan
to China. Clearly, China is using this investment to achieve their
geopolitical goals as well.
If confirmed, how would you work through USAID to counter what
China is doing in the region to ensure that the United States
remains the partner of choice for our neighbors?
Answer. I understand that the administration's approach to
countering PRC's influence is to provide tangible support that promotes
sustainable opportunities for economic growth coupled with democratic
governance, transparency, and local ownership of development work. If
confirmed, I will work with the U.S International Development Finance
Corporation to provide countries with choices and opportunities, rather
than debt traps, digital surveillance, and development projects that
are often opaque, extractive and coercive. It is important to me to
work with allies and partners in the region to better leverage
resources and exert influence. I will be a visible advocate for
cooperative economic development and trade, human rights, democratic
governance, and environmental, social, and labor standards, if
confirmed.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, AUGUST 5, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m. in
Room SH-216, Hon. Chris Van Hollen presiding.
Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Young, and
Rounds.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Good morning, everybody. The
nominations hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
will come to order.
I want to welcome all of you here and thank my colleague,
Senator Rounds, who is the ranking member of the Africa
Subcommittee and the Subcommittee on Global Health Policy. I
look forward to continuing our work together.
I am very pleased to welcome our three nominees this
morning, Ambassador Michael Raynor to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Senegal and Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea-
Bissau, Mr. Marc Ostfield to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Paraguay, and Mr. Troy Fitrill to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Guinea.
Again, welcome all of you here. Congratulations on your
nominations and thank you for your ongoing service to the
country as members of the Foreign Service, and I also want to
thank and salute your family members who have joined with us
today.
Before we hear from our nominees, I would like to outline
several key topics of relevance for today's panel before
turning it over to the ranking member for his opening
statement.
Ambassador Raynor, I am pleased to welcome you back to the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee and glad that President
Biden has selected you to represent the United States in two
nations that hold great promise and great potential for
enhancing our diplomatic presence in West Africa, Senegal and
Guinea-Bissau.
As you know, Senegal has been a democratic stronghold in
the region and a long-standing friend of the United States, and
I hope that should you be confirmed you will work in
partnership with this committee and regional stakeholders in
Senegal to deepen the bonds that link our two nations.
In contrast, Guinea-Bissau has undergone significant
political upheaval in recent years, and those political
challenges are paired with serious development challenges.
The World Bank estimates that 70 percent of the population
in Guinea-Bissau lives on $1.90 per day or less, and that
hardship has only been compounded by the economic fallout from
the COVID-19 pandemic.
I look forward to discussing with you your potential
avenues and your ideas for engagement in Guinea-Bissau as we
work to promote development, both in that country and across
West Africa.
Mr. Fitrill, you have been selected by the president to
serve in Guinea, another country that presents many challenges
and also opportunities for engagement.
I was pleased to see the State Department's determination
from last year that Guinea has, quote, ``great potential,''
unquote, for the programs of the new International Development
Finance Corporation, especially in the areas of banking,
agriculture, IT, energy, and infrastructure.
In addition, the USAID Office of Transition Initiatives
recently launched a $15 million regional program seeking to
bolster stability in coastal West African nations, including
Guinea.
At the same time, we must be clear eyed about the
challenges we face in Guinea from last year's violent and
controversial reelection of President Conde. Also, to look at
the impact of China's deepening influence in the country.
I look forward to discussing measures the United States can
take to leverage the tools at our disposal for the benefit of
our interests and those of the people of Guinea.
We all recognize that Africa is not a monolith. It is
essential that we work with community partners and local
leaders to address specific challenges facing each of these
African nations, and as we work to strengthen our bilateral
relationships also to impact our broader effort to enlarge
prosperity that is mutually beneficial to African nations and
the United States in West Africa and throughout the continent.
That larger mission must include finding ways to broaden
our development efforts through initiatives like USAID and DFC,
and enhance trade by making full use of the African Growth and
Opportunity Act, AGOA, and other trade tools. We look forward
to discussing those ideas with you as well.
Finally, we come to Mr. Ostfield, who has been selected to
serve on the other side of the Atlantic, in Paraguay, which is
a long-time friend and partner to the United States, and I have
been pleased to see the Biden administration make a concerted
effort to strengthen our already warm relations with Paraguay.
On March 14th, Secretary Blinken spoke on the phone with
President Benitez and reiterated the United States support for
the Paraguayan people, and in June, Under Secretary of State
for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland, traveled to Paraguay to
participate in the second U.S.-Paraguay Strategic Partnership
Dialogue, a forum that has been vital in advancing discussions
between our countries on trade, security, democracy, and
collaboration.
Mr. Ostfield, we look forward to exploring with you the
current state of U.S.-Paraguay relations and looking at areas
where we can further strengthen that relationship.
Let me just end where I started by congratulating all of
you on your nominations. I look forward to our discussion
during this hearing.
And with that, let me turn it over to my colleague, Senator
Rounds.
STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, let me just begin by saying that I am very
pleased to see this well-qualified panel of nominees before us
today with one previously confirmed twice by this committee to
serve in two ambassadorial posts, as well as two other very
experienced State Department personnel with great records of
service. I want to thank you and your families for your service
to our country.
Ambassador Raynor, your background with Africa to include
two tours as an ambassador will serve you well if you are
confirmed to be our next ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau.
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how you will
apply lessons learned from your most recent tour in Ethiopia,
particularly regarding how the COVID-19 pandemic and recent
unrest in Senegal is affecting Senegal stability and economic
prospects.
I would also like to hear how you will approach our
relationship with Guinea-Bissau and your views on the prospects
for greater political stability under President Embal?.
Dr. Ostfield, if confirmed, your experience in global
health security and managing other global issues will make you
well placed to serve as our Ambassador to Paraguay.
I am interested in your thoughts on what additional
assistance from the U.S. or other international partners
Paraguay might need in order to overcome the health and
economic effects of the pandemic.
We would also welcome your ideas on improved governance and
rule of law, increasing security cooperation, and advancing
U.S. business interests.
Mr. Fitrill, if you are confirmed, I would be very pleased
that we would be sending a diplomat to Guinea who has held a
number of senior positions in the Bureau of African Affairs,
including most recently as director of the Office of West
African Affairs.
Now, this oversees the U.S. engagement with Guinea. I am
interested in your thoughts on how Guinea might overcome its
deep political divisions and recommit to regular democratic
transfers of power.
With that, Mr. Chairman, thank you, and it is back to you,
sir.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ranking Member Rounds.
I want to recognize that we have been joined by Senator
Kaine, who, among other things, oversees the Western
Hemisphere.
Welcome.
And before I turn it over to all of you for your testimony,
let me just expand a little bit on your backgrounds, and
Senator Rounds mentioned some of your experiences.
But I do think it is worth emphasizing the deep experience
that all of you have and I must say, as someone who grew up in
a Foreign Service family, I am grateful for your service and it
always serves our country's interests well when we nominate and
send people who have deep knowledge of the issue areas they are
jumping into.
Ambassador Michael Raynor, known affectionately by friends
and colleagues here and abroad as Ambassador Mike, is a long-
term member of the Foreign Service. Over the course of his
extensive career, Ambassador Raynor has worked in all African
sub-regions.
He most recently served as the U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia
and was previously our Ambassador to Benin. Earlier in his
career, Ambassador Raynor was director of the Office of Career
Development and Assignments in the State Department's Bureau of
Human Resources where he oversaw career development for over
14,000 members of the Foreign Service.
He has also served as the Africa Bureau's Executive
Director where he led management and crisis support efforts for
the Bureau's 53 U.S. embassies and consulates.
In addition, his previous service includes tours as
management officer at U.S. Embassies in Zimbabwe, Namibia,
Guinea, and Djibouti. He earned an MA in international affairs
from Columbia University and a BA from Lafayette College.
He is the recipient of numerous State Department awards,
including the Leamon R. Hunt Award for management excellence.
He is fluent in French and, as an extra bonus, at least for me,
he is a resident of the state of Maryland. Welcome.
Mr. Marc Ostfield is a career member of the Senior
Executive Service with over 40 years of experience in
international affairs and national security.
He is the current ombudsman of the United States State
Department, and also has served the department as Acting
Director of the Foreign Service Institute, Director of the
Office of Policy and Global Issues in the Bureau of European
and Eurasian Affairs, Senior Foreign Affairs officer at the
Office of Science and Technology Cooperation, and Senior
Advisor for Bioterrorism, Biodefense, and Health Security in
the Office of International Health and Biodefense.
Mr. Ostfield earned his BA, MS, and Ph.D. from the
University of Pennsylvania. He is the recipient of a
Presidential Rank Award, numerous Senior State Department
awards, and a range of other honors including a prestigious
diplomacy fellowship from the American Association for the
Advancement of Science. He speaks Spanish, Portuguese, French,
and Arabic. Welcome to you.
Mr. Troy Damian Fitrill is a career member of the Senior
Foreign Service and current Director of the Office of West
African Affairs at the State Department.
He has previously served as deputy chief of mission at U.S.
Embassies in Ethiopia and Mauritius, and as Deputy Director of
the Department's Office of Southern African Affairs.
In addition, he served as Senior Advisor to the United
States Special Envoy for the Great Lakes of Africa. Mr. Fitrill
has also spent time on Capitol Hill as a Pearson Fellow.
We will not hold it against you, you worked on the House
side instead of the Senate side. But you worked on the House
Foreign Affairs Committee where your portfolio included a suite
of issues relevant to Asia, the Pacific, and Africa.
I am also proud to know that Mr. Fitrill earned his BA in
my home state at the University of Maryland and an MS at the
National War College. He speaks French, Spanish, Portuguese,
Swedish, and Danish, and let me just welcome you as well.
So it is wonderful to have a group of three very qualified
nominees to be ambassadors to these important posts.
Now, let me turn it over to each of you for your opening
statements.
Let us begin with Ambassador Raynor.
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHAEL RAYNOR OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL, AND TO
SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA-BISSAU
Ambassador Raynor. Thank you very much.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of
Senegal and to the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.
I am grateful to the president and Secretary Blinken for
their trust and confidence in me, and I am deeply indebted to
my wife, Kate, my son, Bradley, and my daughter, Emma, for
their sacrifices and support throughout my Foreign Service
career.
During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service officer, I
have developed substantial policy and managerial experience and
a record of inclusive leadership fostering interagency
collaboration, strong performance by diverse teams, and high
morale in challenging environments.
As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral
priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's
transition toward democratic governance and free market
economics, launching new programs to bolster human rights and
counter ethnic strife, strengthening peacekeeping and
counterterrorism efforts, and facilitating major growth in U.S.
commercial investments. I am devastated by the current
situation there.
As Ambassador to Benin, I elicited strong security
cooperation, helped improve the country's business climate and
U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the country's
democratic trajectory.
As Assistant Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led some of
the United States' largest foreign assistance and justice
sector programs, as well as the embassy's large and complex
management, consular, and security operations, while regularly
engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns.
As Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I
led the State Department's management and crisis support for
more than 50 posts in Africa.
If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and to
Guinea-Bissau, my highest priority will be the welfare
interests and security of American citizens, whether ensuring
responsive consular services, advocating for U.S. businesses,
or strengthening partnerships to confront regional instability.
This priority will guide every embassy objective and
activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything I can to
ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S.
embassy are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity for
success.
Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years
and is rooted in our shared values of democracy and human
rights, peace and security, economic opportunity, and
prosperity.
Senegal's long democratic tradition of peaceful transitions
of power, free and fair elections, a robust private press, and
a strong civil society is unique in West Africa and serves as a
model for the region.
Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth
while creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the
pandemic has hampered this progress and worsened the economic
strains felt by Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public
and private investments can play a key role in reigniting the
country's growth.
Embassy Dakar and Washington counterparts are pursuing a
number of possibilities for U.S. investment to strengthen
Senegal's economy and its long-term security and democratic
governance.
Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a
critical ally in the United States' efforts to promote
stability and counter violent extremism. It is a major
contributor to peacekeeping missions across Africa and
regularly hosts regional military exercises in partnership with
the United States and France.
If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States'
essential democratic, commercial development, and security
partnerships with Senegal.
In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its
programs in partnership despite pandemic-related challenges,
and there is scope to expand the bilateral relationship further
in the days ahead.
If confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries'
shared interests in bolstering democracy and human rights,
promoting stable and responsive civilian governance, advancing
development and economic opportunity, and countering drug
trafficking.
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with
extraordinary histories and extraordinary potential. I am
honored by your consideration of me to serve in such an
important posting.
If confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and
your staff on any aspect of the United States' multifaceted
relationships with Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to welcome you and
your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, and to keep you up to
date on the activities of the U.S. embassy in Dakar.
Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look
forward to answering any questions you may have.
[Prepared statement of Ambassador Raynor follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Michael Raynor
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee, I
am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to
serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic of
Guinea-Bissau. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for
their trust and confidence in me, and am deeply indebted to my wife
Kate, my son Bradley, and my daughter Emma for their sacrifices and
support throughout my Foreign Service career.
During more than 31 years as a Foreign Service Officer, I have
developed substantial policy and managerial experience and a record of
inclusive leadership fostering interagency collaboration, strong
performance by diverse teams, and high morale in challenging
environments. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I advanced our bilateral
priorities at the time, which included supporting the country's
transition toward democratic governance and free-market economics,
launching new programs to bolster human rights and counter ethnic
strife, strengthening peacekeeping and counter-terrorism efforts, and
facilitating major growth in U.S. commercial investments. I am
devastated by the current situation there. As Ambassador to Benin, I
elicited strong security cooperation, helped improve the country's
business climate and U.S. commercial prospects, and strengthened the
country's democratic trajectory. As Assistant Chief of Mission in
Afghanistan, I led some of the United States' largest foreign
assistance and justice sector programs as well as the embassy's large
and complex management and security operations, while regularly
engaging Afghan leaders on governance and security concerns. As
Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I led the State
Department's management and crisis support for more than 50 African
posts.
If confirmed as the next U.S. Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau, my highest priority will be the interests, welfare, and
security of American citizens. Whether ensuring responsive consular
services, advocating for U.S. businesses, or strengthening partnerships
to confront regional instability, this priority will guide every
Embassy objective and activity. If confirmed, I will also do everything
I can to ensure that the dedicated women and men serving at the U.S.
Embassy in Dakar are secure, healthy, and provided every opportunity
for success.
Our close partnership with Senegal spans more than 60 years and is
rooted in our shared values of democracy and human rights; peace and
security; and economic opportunity and prosperity. Senegal's long
democratic tradition of peaceful transitions of power, free and fair
elections, a robust private press, and a strong civil society is unique
in West Africa and serves as a model for the region.
Senegal's dynamic economy has achieved impressive growth while
creating new opportunities for U.S. investment. While the pandemic has
hampered this progress and worsened the economic strains felt by
Senegal's large youth population, U.S. public and private investments
can play a key role in reigniting the country's growth. Embassy Dakar
and Washington counterparts are pursuing a number of possibilities for
U.S. investment that will strengthen Senegal's economy and its long-
term democratic governance and security.
Senegal is a key security partner in West Africa and a critical
ally in the United States' efforts to promote stability and counter
violent extremism. It is a major contributor to peacekeeping missions
across Africa and regularly hosts regional military exercises in
partnership with the United States and France.
If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the United States'
essential democratic, commercial, developmental, and security
partnerships with Senegal.
In Guinea-Bissau, the United States has sustained its programs and
partnership despite pandemic-related challenges, and there is scope to
expand our bilateral relationship further in the days ahead. If
confirmed, I will seek to advance our two countries' shared interests
in bolstering democracy, promoting stable and responsive civilian
governance, advancing development and economic opportunity, and
countering drug trafficking.
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau are dynamic nations with extraordinary
histories and extraordinary potential. I am honored by your
consideration of me to serve in such an important posting. If
confirmed, I will welcome advice and input from you and your staff on
any aspect of the United States' multi-faceted relationships with
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. I will also be pleased, if confirmed, to
welcome you and your staff in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau and to keep you
up to date on the activities of the U.S. Embassy in Dakar.
Thank you for the opportunity to address you today. I look forward
to answering any questions you may have.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
Mr. Ostfield?
STATEMENT OF MARC OSTFIELD OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF PARAGUAY
Mr. Ostfield. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
president's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Paraguay.
I am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden
and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. I appear today with
the support of my husband of 32 years, Michael, who has
encouraged me throughout my career of public service.
Over the course of the past 35 years, my work has always
been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and
more equitable place.
Whether on the frontlines of AIDS prevention, developing
global health campaigns in Latin America and worldwide, or in
the Department of State shaping policy on issues ranging from
bioterrorism to human rights to human trafficking to anti-
corruption, my professional experience has demonstrated the
power of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve and
the ability to build coalitions in challenging environments.
My experience as a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the
importance of mutual aid and decision making in high-pressure
situations. If confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to
advance U.S. goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen
governance, increase security, and promote U.S. business
interests.
Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner
and ardent defender of democracy in the region, calling for an
end to undemocratic practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and
supporting Cubans' right to peaceful protest.
Paraguay's steadfast support for Taiwan is another
indicator of its commitment to democracy. Like all democracies,
Paraguay has its challenges, particularly the need for stronger
rule of law and democratic governance.
Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions
Index ranks Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom
for Latin America.
In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and
foster greater economic opportunities with the U.S., Paraguay
must continue its efforts to root out corruption and impunity,
increase transparency, and repair judicial integrity.
If confirmed, I will prioritize anti-corruption and
leverage tools such as Section 7031(c) of the 2019
Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and Pompeo have
used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay,
with the world's highest daily per capita death rate in June of
this year. The U.S. proudly donated 2 million vaccine doses to
Paraguay in July, which promptly began its mass vaccination
campaign.
Additional U.S. support this year will bring U.S. funding
for vaccine assistance to over $9 million since the start of
the pandemic.
Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic
partner Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the
People's Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching
diplomatic relations to Beijing.
If confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic
and political sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan.
U.S. security goals center on helping Paraguay counter
illicit networks, which threaten the safety of U.S. citizens
and the region through money laundering, counterfeiting, drug
trafficking, trafficking in persons, and links to terrorist
organizations.
If confirmed, I will prioritize helping Paraguayan regional
partners strengthen border security and address transnational
crime.
The United States is Paraguay's number-one investor and
U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American
jobs. To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities, I will
engage Paraguayan authorities on investment disputes,
procurement tenders, and intellectual property rights.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
if confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for
the safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan
people.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today
and I look forward to your questions.
[Prepared statement of Mr. Ostfield follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marc Ostfield
It is an honor to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay. I
am grateful for the trust and confidence President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have placed in me.
I appear before you today with the support of my husband of 32
years, Michael, who has encouraged me throughout my career of public
service.
Over the course of a career spanning 35 years, my work has always
been about making the world a healthier, safer, more just, and more
equitable place. I spent 15 years on the front lines of HIV/AIDS
prevention, developing global health campaigns in Latin America and
worldwide. For the past almost 20 years, I've been honored to serve in
the Department of State--creating initiatives to combat bioterrorism;
shaping policy on issues ranging from human rights to human trafficking
to anti-corruption and the environment; leading the Foreign Service
Institute in delivering essential training for the U.S. diplomatic
workforce; and supporting that workforce to address conflict as
Ombudsman. My experience as a professional has demonstrated the power
of diverse teams that reflect the country we serve, and the ability to
build coalitions in the most challenging environments. My experience as
a volunteer firefighter has reinforced the importance of mutual aid,
and the ability to make decisions in high pressure situations. If
confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to advance U.S. foreign
policy goals in Paraguay by working to strengthen governance, increase
security, and promote U.S. business interests.
Mr. Chairman, Paraguay has proven to be a reliable partner and
ardent defender of democracy in the Western Hemisphere, voting
consistently in multilateral fora to call for an end to undemocratic
practices in Venezuela and Nicaragua, and supporting Cuban citizens'
right to freedom of expression and peaceful protest. Paraguay's
steadfast support for Taiwan is another indicator of its commitment to
democracy.
Like all democracies, Paraguay's has its challenges--particularly
the need for stronger rule of law and democratic governance.
Transparency International's 2020 Corruption Perceptions Index ranks
Paraguay 137 out of 180 countries, near the bottom for Latin America.
In order to deliver prosperity for all its citizens and foster greater
economic opportunities with the United States, Paraguay must continue
its efforts to root out corruption and impunity, increase transparency,
and repair judicial integrity. The United States is supporting these
goals with $44 million in USAID funding over five years. If confirmed,
I will prioritize anti-corruption and leverage tools such as Section
7031(c) of the 2019 Appropriations Act, which Secretaries Blinken and
Pompeo have used to designate corrupt Paraguayan officials.
The global pandemic created outsized risks for Paraguay which has
endured one of the world's deadliest - surges, with the world's highest
daily, per-capita death rate in June 2021. The United States proudly
donated two million vaccine doses to Paraguay, which promptly began an
effective mass vaccination campaign. Additional U.S. support this year
will bring U.S. funding for non-vaccine assistance--including technical
assistance, medicines, respirators, oxygen, and field hospitals--to
over $9 million since the start of the pandemic.
Paraguay's long-standing bond with like-minded democratic partner
Taiwan has made it a target of pressure tactics by the People's
Republic of China to push Paraguay into switching diplomatic relations
to Beijing, including through quid pro quo vaccine diplomacy. If
confirmed, I will work to support Paraguay's economic and political
sovereignty and its commitment to Taiwan. U.S. security goals center on
helping Paraguay counter illicit networks, which threaten the safety of
U.S. citizens and the region. Paraguay's Tri-Border Area (TBA) with
Argentina and Brazil is one of the principal routes for multi-billion-
dollar money laundering, counterfeiting, drug trafficking, trafficking
in persons, and other smuggling operations. Some TBA criminal
organizations have known or suspected links to terrorist organizations.
To address these threats, U.S. programs build Paraguayan capacity to
combat money laundering, financing of terrorism, and criminal gangs--
along with programs to strengthen judicial and prosecutorial capacity.
U.S. military assistance to Paraguay correspondingly strengthens
cooperative crisis response capabilities. If confirmed, I will
prioritize helping the TBA countries reinvigorate the Regional Security
Mechanism, which coordinates efforts to enhance border security,
dismantle transnational criminal organizations, and prevent money
laundering and the financing of terrorism. The United States is
Paraguay's number one investor, and the Department of Commerce reports
that U.S. exports to Paraguay support an estimated 7,000 American jobs.
To protect and expand U.S. business opportunities in Paraguay, I will
continue to ensure our Embassy engages Paraguayan authorities on
investment disputes, procurement tenders, and Intellectual Property
Rights.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, if
confirmed, I will consult with this committee as we work for the
safety, freedom, and prosperity of the U.S. and Paraguayan people.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ostfield.
Now we will turn to Mr. Fitrill.
STATEMENT OF TROY DAMIAN FITRILL OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF GUINEA
Mr. Fitrill. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today
and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea.
I am proud to have my family here today, my wife, Kathryn,
a fellow Foreign Service officer, and my children, Madeleine
and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the Foreign
Service themselves.
Although my career has taken us all to several continents,
we are drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan
Africa, where we have spent the majority of our assignments.
My last assignment as Director for West African Affairs
was, like everyone's, shaken up by the pandemic. But the one
and only trip I was able to take before the pandemic struck
began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling up
country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw,
whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a
signal honor, if confirmed, to try to build upon his work.
The relationship between the United States and Guinea has
passed through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of
independence.
But we have always extended our hand in partnership through
support for nascent democratic institutions, productive
economic initiatives, and supporting the Guinean people
directly through effective education and health programs,
including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014.
Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in
health systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the
ravages of COVID-19.
In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly
head again earlier this year, and those American-supported
institutions reacted swiftly and effectively, halting it this
time in a matter of months and with minimal loss of life.
Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated,
sustained mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and
agriculture. U.S. companies have been in Guinea since the days
of independence and more are joining them every year.
Recent investments in energy infrastructure, mining, and
banking show that when given a fair chance, the United States
is the preferred partner.
I do not minimize the challenges. There are opportunities
in infrastructure precisely because so little infrastructure
exists. The challenges to doing business in Guinea are well
documented, and recent political tensions only increase the
level of difficulty.
As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for
fundamental freedoms, we advocate for open political
participation, and we advocate for justice and dignity.
Guinea was born a nation of peace and leadership, and the
citizens of that country, the region, and the world need a
Guinea that builds upon that history.
Right now, Guineans rightfully express concern about peace
and security both at home and in the region. If confirmed, I
will encourage dialogue among the parties to strengthen
political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if all
sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome.
We support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions
with capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection,
rule of law, and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed
well in Mali, the most dangerous peacekeeping mission on Earth,
and we recognize Guinea for that contribution.
If confirmed as the twenty-third U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Guinea, I will support and encourage the ongoing
democratic process, I will promote economic development,
including advocacy for U.S. exports, support for U.S.
investment and helping diversify Guinea's economy, and I will
work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's
efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our
security partnership.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the
committee for the opportunity to address you today. My wife and
I are both former Hill staffers, and so I would also like to
thank your staffs for all they do to support you and your
constituents every day.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you in
representing the interests of the American people in Guinea,
and I hope very much to welcome you there on a visit one day
soon.
And with that, I am happy to answer any questions you may
have.
Thank you.
[Prepared statement of Mr. Fitrill follows:]
Prepared Statement of Troy Damian Fitrell
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today, and grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea. I am proud to have my family here
today: my wife Kathryn, a fellow Foreign Service Officer, and my
children Madeleine and Sam, who have spent their lives immersed in the
Foreign Service themselves.
Although my career has taken us all to several continents, we are
drawn to and always thrilled to be in sub-Saharan Africa, where we have
spent the majority of our assignments. My last assignment, as Director
for West African Affairs was, like everyone's, shaken up by the
pandemic, but the one and only trip I was able to take before the
pandemic struck began in Guinea, where I had the pleasure of traveling
up-country with my friend and colleague, Ambassador Simon Henshaw,
whose passing was a shock to all who knew him. It would be a signal
honor, if confirmed, to try to build on his work.
The relationship between the United States and Guinea has passed
through various stages during Guinea's 63 years of independence, but we
have always extended our hand in partnership, through support for
nascent democratic institutions, productive economic initiatives, and
supporting the Guinean people directly through effective education and
health programs, including in response to the Ebola epidemic in 2014.
Indeed, in this current pandemic, American investments in health
systems paid off as Guinea sought to mitigate the ravages of COVID-19.
In the midst of this crisis, however, Ebola raised its ugly head again
earlier this year, and those American-supported institutions reacted
swiftly and effectively, halting it this time in a matter of months and
with minimal deaths.
Economically, Guinea is growing faster than anticipated, sustained
mostly by strong mining activity, construction, and agriculture. U.S.
companies have been in Guinea since the days of independence, and more
are joining them every year. Recent investments in energy,
infrastructure, mining, and banking show that when given a fair chance,
the United States is the preferred partner. I do not minimize the
challenges; there are opportunities in infrastructure precisely because
so little infrastructure exists. The challenges to doing business in
Guinea are well-documented and recent political tensions only increase
the level of difficulty.
As we partner with the Guinean people, we advocate for fundamental
freedoms, we advocate for open political participation, and we advocate
for justice and dignity. Guinea was born a nation of peace and
leadership and the citizens of that country, the region, and the world
need a Guinea that builds upon that history. Right now, Guineans
rightfully express concern about peace and security both at home and in
the region. If confirmed, I will encourage dialogue among the parties
to strengthen political pluralism. Such dialogue can only succeed if
all sides feel confident that there can be a positive outcome. We
support efforts to reform Guinea's security institutions, with
capacity-building efforts to bolster civilian protection, rule of law,
and accountability. Guinea's troops have performed well in Mali, the
most dangerous peacekeeping mission on earth, and we recognize Guinea
for that contribution.
If confirmed as the 23rd U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea,
I will support and encourage the ongoing democratic process. I will
promote economic development, including advocacy for U.S. exports,
support for U.S. investment, and helping diversify Guinea's economy.
And I will work to improve public health institutions, enhance Guinea's
efforts against trafficking in persons, and strengthen our security
partnership.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for the
opportunity to address you today. My wife and I are both former Hill
staffers and so I would also like to thank your staffs for all they do
to support you and your constituents every day. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with you in representing the interests of the
American people in Guinea and I hope very much to welcome you there on
a visit one day soon. I am happy to answer any questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Fitrill, and I thank all
of you again, and welcome to all the family members who are
with us, and I want to reinforce your statement of appreciation
for all our staffs as well.
Ambassador Raynor, if you were to pick the top challenge
that you will face in each of the two countries that you would
go to, if confirmed, can you just identify those very quickly?
Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator. Absolutely.
In Guinea-Bissau, the top challenge is to create a sense of
partnership that reflects shared values of democracy and
governance, and creates opportunity to bring U.S. influence to
bear on the development of that country, the economic
opportunities of that country, and the political opportunities
for the people of that country so that it can build its
governance, it can reinforce its stability, and it can become
more integrated into regional and international community of
nations.
Senegal, if I may, I will give a one-part question, a
three-part answer. Politically, it is a, as we both have noted,
sir, a very long-standing democracy.
But all democracies incur strains, and paying attention to
maintaining political space to respecting citizens' rights and
opportunities of expression and participation remains important
for all of our democracies, and I would very much want to
reinforce our partnership with Senegal in that regard.
Senegal plays an enormously important security role, both
as a bulwark against terrorism in the Sahel and its
peacekeeping mission.
I would very much want to reinforce its capacity to play
both of those roles while also continuing to support its
efforts to inculcate its security and military institutions
with a high respect for democratic norms.
Economically, enormous potential for U.S. firms. I would
very much want to support and broaden those opportunities and
bring deals to fruition while also, through private sector and
public engagement, building up Senegal's economy, its capacity
to create jobs for its large youth population both to create
economic opportunity for all of us but also to contribute to
Senegal's ongoing stability and democracy as well.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
And just staying with West Africa for now, Mr. Fitrill, we
talked about the relative democratic stability in Senegal. We
have a different situation, of course, in Guinea.
How concerned are you about political space and democracy
in Guinea, and what can the United States do to strengthen
democratic norms there?
Mr. Fitrill. I am, indeed, concerned about these issues.
Right now, the levels of political tension in the aftermath of
the violence and conflict of last year's election season still
echoes.
The number of detainees currently held in custody in Guinea
are worrying. Our focus is on the process. If there is
wrongdoing, they should be charged.
If they have been charged, they should have a fair trial,
and while detained, they should be given humane treatment. That
is on the immediate sense of some of the issues in the country.
But, more broadly, the ability for people to exercise those
fundamental rights of freedom of expression, freedom of
assembly, these are under some threat in Guinea.
I think the United States can keep its efforts on
overarching democratic processes in the country and we could
use our messaging both, public and private, to be able to
encourage a greater advance towards political dialogue in that
country.
At the moment, the tensions are such that there is very
little dialogue occurring. People are talking past one another.
And I believe the United States, we can use our good offices of
the embassy and of officials in Washington to help encourage a
greater dynamic of political dialogue in the country in order
to achieve a future in which more regular democratic
transitions can take place.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and in my remaining 50
seconds, if you could assess China's influence in Guinea,
because we know that Guinea has been a major recipient of Belt
and Road support.
China, of course, does not adhere to the same standards
with respect to rule of law and democratic norms that we aspire
to.
Can you talk a little bit about the influence of China in
Guinea and how that impacts U.S.-Guinea relations?
Mr. Fitrill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
They are the largest trading partner that Guinea has. That
is a challenge for Guinea and for the rest of the world.
The emphasis is on a level playing field, and we know that
that is not always the case with China. But our focus on the
broader macroeconomic policies of the country have led to real
competition and that is why U.S. investors have been successful
in the country as well as investors from other parts of the
world.
But keeping that attention on transparency, on the
applicability of the rule of law, these are the areas in which
we need to remain focused so that we can have full, even, and
fair competition.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
Senator Rounds?
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me begin
just simply, once again, by thanking all of you and your
families for your service to our country.
Ambassador Raynor, in your previous assignment in Ethiopia,
you engaged with the Ethiopian Government on several complex
issues for the United States, including the war in Tigray and
the historic transition under Prime Minister Abiy.
Senator Inhofe, Senator Bozeman, and I were there earlier
this spring and we had the opportunity to visit with President
Abiy at that time, and seemed to me that there were some real
challenges there that we tried to work through with the Prime
Minister.
You, clearly, have some insights with regard to what had
occurred in Ethiopia. Now, as you move forward with coming to
Senegal, you find yourself in a unique situation once again.
If confirmed, what lessons would you draw from your time in
Ethiopia and how would you apply them in Senegal?
Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
I guess I would note at the outset that the while there
would, certainly, be much commonality in my engagement in
Senegal, if confirmed, as there was in Ethiopia, the starting
point is pretty different.
Ethiopia was just launching during my time there a very new
and ambitious effort to create a democracy and a free market
economy, preceded by, frankly, millennia of repression and
closed ways of doing business. Senegal, of course, has a long
and strong democratic tradition.
But I think one of the lessons I learned from Ethiopia is
that democracy can never be taken for granted, that you have to
deal forthrightly with your counterparts in the country, make
sure they are aware of what you can do to support our shared
interests but also make sure they are aware when you have
concerns about what they are doing that you feel is getting in
the way of those shared interests.
That is something I have done throughout my career and
throughout my two ambassadorships and we, certainly, anticipate
doing in Senegal as well.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir. I am going to stick with
Africa on my discussions.
And Dr. Ostfield, I see that Senator Kaine is here, and I
am sure that he is going to provide ample opportunity for
discussions with regard to Paraguay.
So if I could, I would like to turn to Mr. Fitrill, and
just curious, as the former Director of the Office of West
African Affairs you have had a unique perspective on
developments in the West Africa region.
How would you assess the democratic, economic, and security
landscape in the region, and how does Guinea fit into these
regional trends?
Mr. Fitrill. Thank you. It has been a challenging two
years, no question. I would say that all of those aspects that
you mentioned are linked.
One of the problems is the advancement of violent extremist
organizations has not occurred in a vacuum. It did not occur
just because the organizations chose to enter the space.
They have achieved the success that they have had because
they found a ground that was available for that kind of
activity.
The local grievances, the backsliding of democracy,
widespread corruption have all been problematic in the region,
and the current attention needs to focus on all the drivers of
extremism and not just the extremists themselves.
Our efforts to address the extremists themselves has to be
done in a way in which it is not actually counterproductive.
All of these issues, frankly, pay no attention to national
borders, and I know that the Government of Guinea itself is
deeply concerned about its eastern and northeastern borders and
considers these issues to be existential for their country.
And so the attempt to address those drivers of extremism
across the Sahel, across West Africa, are absolutely critical
for any way of addressing sustainably the concerns that these
governments have right now.
Senator Rounds. If you could provide advice to us today
with regard to Chinese influence and how to offset it; if there
were, perhaps, one or two specific areas where we could be more
precise, more exacting, more on target with the type of
programs that we should support, what would you recommend to us
in terms of the right tools for use?
Mr. Fitrill. Bingo, Senator. You put it right in your own
words. The programs that you gave us with the International
Development Finance Corporation is probably the biggest step
forward for us to be able to compete on a level playing field.
We can keep shining a light on the playing field. We can
keep lobbying and persuading to make sure that international
norms are respected.
But if we do not have the financing behind our
expeditionary commercial efforts, then we are always going to
be fighting for second place, and we have already seen
tremendous successes with OPIC and with its successor
organization, the DFC.
We are looking forward to some tremendous successes in the
region. But having that finance behind was probably the biggest
step forward.
Senator Rounds. Very good. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Chairman, and Senator Rounds is
right. I am really here to really focus on Paraguay. So Mr.
Ostfield, welcome.
Just a quick story and then a question, and it is about
U.S. vaccines in Paraguay and, really, throughout the region.
Just returned from a CODEL, six of us, three Democrats and
three Republicans. We went to Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, and
Colombia, and there were many issues. But what we heard again
and again was just this deep appreciation for the U.S. donation
of vaccines.
And if I had read a memo about it, I would have sort of
understood it, but I really had to go and hear it because the
story we heard again and again is the U.S. is donating vaccines
to us. China and Russia are willing to sell us vaccines.
We really feel good about the quality of the U.S. vaccines.
We are not 100 percent sure about the quality of the China and
Russia vaccines, and when we make a contract with China and
Russia to get vaccines, they may or may not come through.
Paraguay has had a very difficult time during COVID. It has
one of the lowest vaccination rates in the Americas. It has got
a population of 7 million.
They did a contract with China to sell them a million
vaccines through Sinopharm and China just unilaterally
cancelled the contract because Paraguay is one of the 15
countries in the world that recognizes Taiwan.
This is a huge political issue in Paraguay. President
Benitez's handling of the pandemic and the challenges they have
had led the congress there to consider impeaching him just a
couple of months ago. They averted that, but China likely saw
that as an opportunity and so just last month canceled the
vaccines.
On the other hand, the United States has delivered a
million vaccines, donated a million vaccines to Paraguay, and
with the announcement of President Biden the other day, there
is a chance that we may donate more.
Other nations in the Americas--El Salvador, the Dominican
Republic--as soon as they stopped recognizing Taiwan, China
gave them vaccines.
Often, in the last few years what we have heard from
leaders in the region is that the U.S.--we would much rather
deal with the U.S. than China, much rather--we are culturally
so connected. But you are not around and China is, and if China
is around we are going to deal with them.
The vaccine delivery and donations by the United States
gives us such a massive opportunity to rebuild goodwill and,
really, kind of accelerate our goodwill ahead of China's in the
region if we do it right.
So I will ask you, Mr. Ostfield, should you be confirmed,
how might you use the fact that the U.S. is being a great
global donor, including to countries in the Americas, including
Paraguay, to build our standing and deepen the relationship
between the United States and Paraguay?
Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Kaine. It is great to hear
about your experience on the recent CODEL to the region.
If confirmed, I would look forward to building on the
recent U.S. donation of 2 million doses of vaccine. The first
tranche of a million arrived July 9th. The last tranche, I
believe, arrived last week.
If you ever look at any press reports, they arrived on
planes with Star Wars logos. So quite a media story, in
addition to the vaccine itself arriving in Paraguay.
By all reports, Paraguay has already implemented a fairly
effective mass vaccination campaign. Reports I saw just this
week there is now people receiving their second dose. So they
have been that efficient, that effective, at getting vaccines
out there.
And it is true that the China-Taiwan relationship or the
China-Taiwan issue complicates things for Paraguay. They do not
have access to the Chinese resources.
If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the
Government of Paraguay to strengthen Paraguay's commitment to
Taiwan. It was encouraging to note that during Under Secretary
for Political Affairs Nuland's recent trip to Paraguay the
President of Paraguay made a statement affirming Paraguay's
long-standing connection to Taiwan. They are like-minded
democratic partners.
The U.S. Embassy in Asuncion in May of this year hosted the
first virtual forum for U.S. and Taiwanese entrepreneurs,
looking at investment opportunities in Paraguay specific to
things like renewable energy and electric vehicle
manufacturing.
If confirmed, one of the calls I look forward to making in
Asuncion is to the Taiwanese Ambassador there to identify ways
that the U.S. and Taiwan can partner.
The U.S.-Taiwan connection is good for the United States,
it is good for Taiwan, and it is good for Paraguay. And so ways
that we can work together to help them are in our interests and
I look forward to furthering those, if confirmed.
Senator Kaine. Well, just to kind of underline and
exclamation point something, so the U.S. has donated 2 million
vaccines in a country of 7 million.
I mean, that is a big deal in terms of the percentage of
the population that U.S. donations are now able to cover.
We visited Ecuador. Just for my colleagues, Ecuador has had
a tradition of an anti-U.S. Government for about 30 years.
They had an election in the spring and they not only
elected a pro-American president, but they also elected a
parliament where 80 percent of the members are brand new, and
one of the reasons they did that is because the 30-year closer
and closer to China, what has it gotten them?
It has got them oil drilling in the Amazon by Chinese
companies that are causing huge environmental challenges,
slipshod infrastructure projects, including dams that are
causing waterfalls and rivers to dry up, Chinese fishing fleets
vacuuming up fish around the Galapagos, which is part of
Ecuador.
And many people view the election in Ecuador and this very
dramatic turn toward a pro-U.S. posture as a revulsion at what
happens when you get too close to China and the debt that comes
along with that, and the slipshod quality of some of the work
caused the public to want to do something else.
We have a real opportunity and the innovation of American
firms, Operation Warp Speed, the Biden administration's
decision to deploy in a very generous way, is something that in
Africa, in the Americas, all around the world, it is a great
opportunity for us to deepen ties.
Mr. Ostfield, I look forward to working with you, should be
confirmed, and I think this is going to give you a really good
ability to do good work there.
Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and I think
Paraguay is a really good example, as you said, of where the
U.S. donation of 2 million vaccines has had a huge impact.
Hopefully, it will be a model for how we approach others in the
region and around the world.
Senator Young, I am told, may be joining us now via WebEx.
Okay. He is no longer available.
So I just have one last question because I did not have a
chance to ask you one, Mr. Ostfield, and it relates to the
environmental situation in Paraguay, and my colleagues will
have another round, of course, for other members who are
interested in asking additional question.
So, you know, last October, Paraguay endured one of its
worst wildfire seasons and it is currently suffering from a
drought that has depleted the Paraguay River, which is the
country's main waterway and trade corridor that has gone to
record lows.
This has led to environmental degradation and worsened
economic hardship during the pandemic. It has also led Paraguay
to ask Brazil, which is suffering from its own severe drought,
to release water from the low-capacity Itaipu Dam.
So what is your assessment of the environmental and
economic impact of the drought and how has this impacted
Paraguay's relationship with neighboring Brazil?
Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
If confirmed, I would look forward to working with the
Government of Paraguay on strengthening their ability to
respond to the kind of environmental threats you described.
Paraguay has taken some meaningful actions in this step,
already participated in the Ministerial Roundtable in April
with Special Envoy for Climate Change Kerry, committed to
achieving zero net emissions by the year 2050, and with USAID
support has been working on improving sustainable livestock
processes and forest fire management, recognizing the great
threat they have experienced and that they face.
At the same time, the threats that Paraguay faces that are
environmental in nature are linked to some of the issues that I
described in my opening statement, particularly, rule of law,
corruption, and impunity in the country. For Paraguay to
effectively address these environmental challenges, which it
needs to do, it is going to need to ensure that it has a system
where there is an ability to enforce laws that are passed to
achieve compliance with standards that the Government may
assess and that U.S. assistance in these areas in
investigation, prosecution, and so forth will actually be an
asset for Paraguay in addressing the environmental challenges
that it and its neighbors in the region are facing.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I will turn it over to the
ranking member.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have one question but I would direct it to both
Ambassador Raynor and to Dr. Ostfield, and it follows along the
same line as I had earlier for Mr. Fitrill.
And that is with regard to the programs that we have
available to us to provide and to promote goodwill and to
improve our economic activity between the different countries,
I also serve on the Armed Services Committee and in there we
talk about ways in which we can promote with our allies and our
friends the ability to coordinate activities and to have them
learn our way of military activity.
But time and again, as we speak with these military
officers, they talk about the need for the engagement by the
Department of State and the different programs that can be
very, very helpful and very efficient in maintaining good
relationships with these countries and can be done at a very
low cost, really, for the amount of impact that we provide.
I would ask, beginning with Ambassador Raynor, if there
were particular programs that you have found to be beneficial,
could you share that with us?
And then, Dr. Ostfield, if you could as well give us your
thoughts.
Ambassador Raynor. Thank you, Senator.
I think I would mention three things in response to that.
First, I would note that our traditional development work
is important. It meets human needs. It shows that we are in
partnership with the country where we are engaged and not there
to pursue our own narrow interests, and elevating the
visibility of that impact is something that I have always
sought to do at the embassies I have served at.
I think that is an important piece of it because we need to
persuade not only the governments but the people of these
countries where their true friends and partners are.
Secondly, I would note that leadership development programs
in the United States, our programs--you mentioned the military
ones, the War College, that sort of thing--world class. No one
comes close to the quality.
But what we lack is scale. China does not do it as well as
we do but they do it for hundreds of thousands of times more
people than we do.
So if there were a way that we could increase the scale of
some of these programs--bring them to the United States. It is
not the same to do the work in the country because when they
come to the United States they understand America in a way that
they will never understand if they are not physically there,
absorbing everything that we are.
The third thing I would mention is, as important as I think
training and development programs are, I think the way that the
United States, ultimately, will be transformational is through
the private sector through high-quality private sector
engagement with countries.
We have enormous interest in Senegal and in every country I
have served at in the quality of U.S. private sector
engagement, sharing information, high-quality labor standards,
and environmental standards. We do it right. However, where we
suffer is on the competitive cost side of that.
So you mentioned DFC, and I got to say that is a very
exciting reinvention of that program from where I sit based on
what we did before. The scale of it is more in keeping with
what we need to be doing. Its construct can and should make it
more nimble, because what we do is run out of time. We have
processes, and China and others come with financing built in.
So we need to streamline and make more scaled and impactful
the financing piece of the support we provide to our own
private sector engagement.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Dr. Ostfield?
Mr. Ostfield. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
I would focus on three areas in terms of where the U.S. can
better help Paraguay develop and become more of an even
stronger and more viable partner for us and for the region it
works in.
The first of those is addressing governance and rule of law
and U.S. training and technical support and financial support
to help Paraguay root out corruption.
To strengthen the integrity of their judicial system, which
has a reputation of being weak and corrupt, is an essential
element of ensuring that Paraguay has the kind of thriving
democracy that the Paraguayan people deserve and that we also
want to see for Paraguay.
Secondly, U.S. assistance in improving security in the
region. That includes things like money laundering, links to
terrorism financing, narcotics trafficking, and counterfeiting.
U.S. assistance has helped in areas related to asset
forfeiture, improved investigatory techniques, and better case
building mechanisms strengthened prosecution across the board.
Not only do we do that on the civilian side, U.S. military
has been assisting the Paraguayan military in things like
crisis response to help address the security situation in the
tri-border area, which is the area where Paraguay borders
Brazil and Argentina, but also more broadly.
And then finally, if Paraguay wants to, indeed, be an
attractive destination for U.S. businesses, for U.S. businesses
to further investment there, Paraguay is going to have to
address these issues.
U.S. assistance is already working with Paraguay, for
example, on improving the transparency of its solicitations and
its procurement tenders, which have a tendency to be opaque, to
help the Government of Paraguay better understand the risks
with untrusted vendors, and to dissuade Paraguay's business
community from the investment disputes and frivolous lawsuits
in violation of intellectual property rights, which,
ultimately, act as a deterrent for many U.S. businesses to
invest in Paraguay.
Senator Rounds. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
And I do not know if you have any closing remarks.
Senator Rounds. I would just simply say thank you to our
panelists before us today, our nominees. Clearly, as I said
earlier, you are a qualified group of individuals, and I thank
you and your families for your service.
Senator Van Hollen. Let me second that and just say I think
this is a very important moment for American diplomacy around
the world, and in my judgment, all of you will help our country
meet that moment in the countries you have been nominated to be
our ambassador in, and I look forward to supporting your
nominations.
For any members wishing to submit questions for the record,
the hearing record will remain open until the close of business
tomorrow, Friday, August 6th.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:55 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Michael Raynor by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What is the risk of terrorist activity in Senegal? From
where do the threats emanate? On what areas will you focus U.S. efforts
to support Senegal's counterterrorism efforts if confirmed?
Answer. Senegal's internal security situation is stable and
generally peaceful, and its professional and capable police and
gendarmerie forces operate throughout the country. I am concerned,
however, by increasing instability and violence in the region. Our
military and civilian security cooperation is focused on preparing
Senegalese military and civilian forces to address terrorist and other
threats. The United States is a key security partner to Senegal, and
Senegal regularly hosts large scale AFRICOM military exercises in the
region. Pre-COVID, the United States planned 45 joint defense
engagements with Senegal. I understand most of our planned defense
cooperation events were cancelled in 2020, but that the United States
has since rescheduled several of our mission-critical bilateral
engagements. Senegal is a recipient of U.S. security assistance under
the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP). Through the
TSCTP, the United States works to increase Senegal's immediate and
long-term capabilities to address terrorist threats and prevent the
spread of violent extremism. Senegal maintains a strong will to counter
violent extremism and seeks to deepen our already close
counterterrorism partnership to further develop its capacity in this
regard. If confirmed, security cooperation will remain a key priority
of mine.
Question. Senegal remained on the Trafficking in Persons Tier 2
Watch List for the second consecutive year. According to the report,
the Government ``did not investigate or prosecute traffickers
exploiting children in forced begging consistent with the 2005 anti-
trafficking law and did not take action against officials who refused
to investigate such cases. . . . Officials did not consistently use the
2005 anti-trafficking law to prosecute alleged traffickers and
continued to apply penalties inconsistent with the law.'' If confirmed,
how will you encourage accountability for officials who refuse to
investigate forced begging? What steps will you take to encourage the
Government to apply penalties for trafficking consistent with the law?
Answer. Per the 2021 TIP Report, the Government of Senegal does not
fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but
is making significant efforts to do so. I understand that cooperation
on anti-trafficking efforts with the Senegalese Government remains a
top priority for Mission Dakar. Senegalese Government efforts this past
year included implementing the third phase of its program to remove
vulnerable children, including trafficking victims, from the streets;
increasing investigations, prosecutions, and convictions; and adopting
a new national action plan. The Government identified and referred to
services 6,187 vulnerable children, including potential child
trafficking victims, during the reporting period, a significant
increase compared to the 1,358 children identified during the previous
reporting period.
If confirmed, I will work to expand on this progress and to address
with the Senegalese Government the prioritized recommendations in the
2021 TIP Report. These include increasing efforts to actively
investigate and criminally prosecute trafficking offenses, punishing
convicted traffickers with significant prison terms consistent with the
2005 anti-trafficking law, and establishing a system to automatically
trigger investigations of alleged traffickers when potential
trafficking victims are identified, including potential child forced
begging victims. I will also continue to support the Department's
project to combat sex trafficking under the Program to End Modern
Slavery.
Question. Two prominent would-be candidates in the 2019
Presidential elections-Karim Wade, son of the former president, and
Khalifa Sall, the former mayor of Dakar-were barred from running due to
corruption convictions which some critics viewed as politically
selective, particularly in the case of Khalifa Sall whom President Sall
pardoned months after the vote. Local activist groups also came under
increased state regulatory pressure during the electoral period. And
Ousmane Sonko, an anticorruption activist who challenged President
Macky Sall in the 2019 elections was arrested on charges of rape and
disturbing public order in March 2021, prompting protests in Dakar and
elsewhere. What accounts for the legal troubles of opposition figures?
Are the charges politically motivated? What is the trajectory of
democracy in Senegal--is space expanding or shrinking? What will you do
if confirmed to help preserve political space in Senegal?
Answer. Although the official investigation into sexual assault
charges against opposition leader Ousmane Sonko is ongoing, he and his
supporters claim the accusations are a political conspiracy by
President Sall to sabotage Sonko's 2024 presidential aspirations,
comparing the charges to previous criminal cases orchestrated against
Khalifa Sall and Karim Wade to disqualify them from the 2019
presidential election. Sonko's subsequent arrest in early March
triggered several days of intense political protests that spiraled into
widespread riots and looting, the worst Senegal had seen in decades.
The unrest resulted in at least fourteen deaths, hundreds of injuries,
and significant damage to private businesses across the country. It has
also shifted the country's political landscape in ways that remain to
be seen fully, including exerting additional pressure on President Sall
to clarify his position on whether he will seek a third term in 2024.
If confirmed, I will continue to call on the Government of Senegal,
both publicly and privately, to respect democratic norms and
constitutional requirements, including term limits and regular
democratic transitions of power. I will also engage like-minded
missions, civil society, and other relevant stakeholders to speak in a
unified voice on issues of democracy and preserving political space in
Senegal.
Question. A regional court with jurisdiction in Senegal determined
that a controversial election law enacted in 2018 which requires
citizen endorsements for presidential candidates violated civil
liberties and directed Senegal's Government to annul it. Has the law
been annulled? If not, why not, and is failure to annul it an indicator
of a deterioration of the rule of law in your view?
Answer. The Government of Senegal annulled this law on July 8,
2021.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As Ambassador to Ethiopia, I launched major new programs to
support democratization, human rights, opposition political parties,
independent media, civil society, and relevant national institutions,
including the creation of a credible human rights commission and
electoral board. I led the design and implementation of new USAID
programs in economic empowerment, political participation, education,
and health to promote greater participation by women in political and
economic life.
As Ambassador to Benin, I worked closely with the then-president
and other elements of the Beninese Government to ensure respect for
constitutional term limits, resulting in a democratic and peaceful
transition of presidential power. I established new programs to counter
corruption and boost government accountability and transparency, as
well as significant new initiatives to foster interreligious tolerance
and cooperation. As Acting Chief of Mission in Afghanistan, I led major
development and justice sector programs to promote the well-being,
human rights, education, rule of law, security, and economic prospects
of Afghans and, in particular, Afghan women.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Senegal? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region
with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of
power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human
rights, values which the United States shares. I was deeply concerned,
however, by the March unrest, which led to the tragic loss of life of
fourteen individuals who were killed during the protests. A significant
contributing factor to the unrest was political dissatisfaction related
to perceived government oppression of critics, as well as concerns over
youth unemployment and economic anxiety exacerbated by government-
mandated Covid-19 restrictions. The Government took other deeply
concerning actions during the unrest, such as suspending transmission
of two opposition-friendly television channels broadcasting news and
commentary on the protests. While Senegalese media have traditionally
operated freely, and many international press outlets have offices in
Senegal, press freedom is an area of increasing concern as government
pressure on opposition voices has increased in the past year.
If confirmed, I will use my unique platform and voice as the U.S.
Ambassador, both publicly in my interactions with the Senegalese people
and privately with Senegalese officials, to elevate issues of
democracy, democratic norms and constitutional requirements, press
freedom, respect for human rights, and the need for citizen-responsive
governance. I will continue to urge all parties to exercise restraint,
to avoid future violence and destruction of property, and to work
toward peaceful and inclusive dialogue to resolve complicated problems,
which will require cooperation by all Senegalese to make meaningful
progress.
Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support
democracy in Senegal? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Senegal has long served as a democratic model in the region
with a strong history of democratic values and peaceful transitions of
power, respect for the rule of law, tolerance, and respect for human
rights -- values which the United States shares. The Senegalese people
understand how important democracy is, and they overwhelmingly support
having a say in how they are governed and by whom, as evidenced by the
March protests over concerns about the economic situation and youth
unemployment, as well as political dissatisfaction related to perceived
government oppression of critics. If confirmed, I will ensure that in
our diplomatic engagements with the Senegalese Government we pay close
attention to access to justice, respect for democratic norms and
constitutional requirements, free and fair elections, media freedom,
the health of civil society, and government transparency and
accountability. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen
the capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices,
encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for
the betterment of the Senegalese people, and ensure coordination of
effort with like-minded missions and other key stakeholders.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. Supporting democracy and good governance are key U.S.
priorities in Senegal. I understand that U.S. public diplomacy and
outreach in Senegal support Mission and Department goals on promotion
of democracy and good governance through press outreach, small grants,
American Center-based programs, digital video conferences, visiting
speakers, exchange programs, and social media engagement. For example,
USAID provides support to the Government of Senegal to meet its own
governance targets to decentralize management and fiscal authority by
delegating decision-making to regional and local governments, improve
transparency and accountability at the national level, and consolidate
and improve the quality of democracy in Senegal. USAID's work seeks to
increase citizen engagement in government processes, strengthen
effective local governance, improve transparency and accountability,
and promote peacebuilding efforts in Casamance. If confirmed, I will
prioritize these key efforts as Ambassador.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Senegal? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S., and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Senegal. Organizations promoting human rights, civil
society, and good governance are critical to any functioning democracy.
If confirmed, I will continue and strengthen the relationships built by
Mission Dakar and the Department of State more broadly with civil
society members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations
in the United States, and Senegalese human rights NGOs, and other
members of civil society in Senegal. I will continue to advance
opportunities to strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations
and amplify their voices, encourage the Government to collaborate with
these organizations for the betterment of Senegal, and ensure that we
coordinate our efforts with like-minded missions and other key
stakeholders to address our concerns with a unified voice.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue strengthening the
relationships Mission Dakar has built across the political spectrum,
including by engaging with both ruling and opposition parties and
leaders. I will work with both the Government and opposition parties to
develop a more inclusive political environment and will urge the
Government to ensure the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly
for all political actors, even those who do not agree with the
Government. Through public statements, development projects, small
grants, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a political
environment that is inclusive of Senegalese women, youth, and
minorities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Senegal on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Senegal?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on press
freedom issues. Senegalese media has traditionally operated freely, and
many international press outlets have offices in Senegal. Press freedom
is an area of increasing concern, however, as government pressure on
opposition voices has increased in the past year. During the March 2021
unrest, the Government suspended transmission by two opposition-
friendly television channels broadcasting news and commentary on the
protests. I will also call on the Government to prevent and stop the
harassment of journalists and media outlets whose reporting is critical
of the Senegalese Government's policies. Such actions have a negative
impact on press freedom and underscore the need for the Government to
be transparent, as doing so would make independent media outlets better
positioned to share accurate information with ordinary Senegalese. We
will continue to prioritize providing training and other capacity
building opportunities for journalists. If confirmed, I will commit to
meet regularly with independent, local press in Senegal.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue and, as appropriate, expand
upon the Embassy's ongoing engagements with civil society and
government counterparts to promote the importance of countering
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in Senegal.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Senegal on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Senegal on the
right of workers and labor groups to organize, including to form
independent trade unions, and I will call out incidents when this right
to associate is restricted.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Senegal, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a
priority for our mission in Senegal. If confirmed, I will use all
diplomatic tools at my disposal to defend the human rights and dignity
of all individuals in Senegal, no matter their sexual orientation or
gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Senegal?
Answer. In a country that otherwise largely respects human rights,
the struggle for LGBTQI+ individuals in Senegal is ongoing. The
situation of Senegal's LGBTQI+ community remains dire, and members of
the community continue to be subject to arbitrary arrests and to
convictions for consensual same-sex activity. Incidents include the
arrest and beatings of suspected LGBTQI+ individuals by religious
police in Touba and arrests of LGBTQI+ individuals in Dakar for holding
a birthday party. The Covid-19 pandemic has created additional
difficulties for LGBTQI+ organizations and their mission to serve their
communities. In February, following President Biden's message to the
African Union, comments from Senegalese citizens overall were positive
and generally appreciative of U.S. re-engagement in Africa, but 10% of
the comments criticized its references to LGBTQI+ inclusion. Several
warned against warming up to the United States too quickly and advised
caution regarding mentions of the LGBTQI+ community. Likewise,
Senegalese are widely critical of calls to respect the human rights of
LGBTQI+ persons.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Senegal?
Answer. Promoting the human rights of LGBTQI+ people is a
challenging endeavor in a society as conservative as Senegal. It is
also a priority of the Biden administration around the world, and, if
confirmed, I commit to carrying out the President's mandate. It is
critically important, in doing so, to consult with LGBTQI+ individuals
and organizations in Senegal to take account of the local context and
ensure we do not exacerbate the problem. For instance, it may not
always be appropriate to issue public statements in response to
specific anti-LGBTQI+ incidents, but to engage in quiet, closed-door
diplomacy that minimizes additional risks to LGBTQI+ people. Embassy
Dakar has relaunched an interagency Human Rights Working Group to
identify ways to assist human rights defenders, including LGBTQI+
activists, in addressing harassment and violence. Discretion and
strategic engagement with the international community are the only
avenues for LGBTQI+ activists to operate within the current social
environment. LGBTQI+ activists and individuals will continue to face a
difficult road as long as Senegal remains intolerant of LGBTQI+
persons. In gauging how, when, and whether to engage on this topic, it
is invaluable to understand the sense of the local LGBTQI+ community,
and I commit that, if confirmed, the Embassy team and I will continue
engaging with the LGBTQI+ Senegalese and their allies.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Senegal?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to accommodate promptly all
appropriate requests for briefings. As someone whose professional
career began as a staff member of a Senate Select Committee, I have a
strong appreciation and respect for Congress' key oversight role and
will fully cooperate in accommodating that role.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Troy Damian Fitrill by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How much democracy and governance related assistance has
the United States provided for programs and activities in Guinea over
the last four fiscal years and in what areas? If confirmed, in what
areas would you recommend assistance be channeled?
Answer. From FY 2017 to FY 2020, the State Department and USAID
allocated $12 million in bilateral foreign assistance to Guinea to
support good governance; political competition and consensus building;
and independent media and free flow of information.
If confirmed, I would recommend that we continue these programs,
and also that we prioritize additional democracy and governance areas
including rule of law, strengthening political parties, and
transparency in elections.
Question. There were multiple reports that security forces killed
civilians related to the March 2020 referendum and legislative
elections, and the October 2020 Presidential elections. What is the
status of the investigations into elections related violence in Guinea?
If confirmed, how will you support accountability related to electoral
violence?
Answer. I understand that there has been no progress on
investigations into violence surrounding the 2020 elections and
referendum. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to
investigate thoroughly and transparently, and to hold accountable those
responsible for human rights violations and abuses, including those
associated with the alleged unlawful killings in 2019-2020 in the lead
up to and aftermath of the legislative elections, constitutional
referendum, and presidential election.
Question. Human rights organizations claim that 300 to 400 people
were arrested in the wake of the October elections. Opposition figures
were targeted for arrest the following month. Were these arrests
politically motivated? What is the status of those detained? What
specific actions will you take, if confirmed, to address politically
motivated detention, harassment and intimidation of opposition and
civil society?
Answer. Authorities reportedly arrested an estimated 400 people
during the March 2020 legislative and October 2020 presidential
election periods. Arrested individuals include opposition leaders,
civil society members, and journalists. Many of these arrests appear to
be politically motivated. The Government of Guinea has released an
unknown number of detainees since November 2020 and recently released
eight high-profile opposition leaders, but arrests continue. At least
two detainees have died in detention, while others continue to suffer
from lack of access to adequate health care, prison overcrowding, and
life-threatening prison conditions.
If confirmed, I will press the Government of Guinea to ensure that
detained members of the political opposition receive all applicable
procedural protections and fair trial guarantees for those who have
been charged, and that those detained are treated humanely to help
Guinea establish a more representative, democratic, and transparent
government. I will press for the release of those who have been
unjustly detained, who have not been charged, and whose detention
appears politically driven.
Question. Are media freedoms respected in Guinea? Are journalists
free to be critical of the Government without fear of reprisal? A
recent legislative change calls for the High Authority of Communication
to be appointed by presidential decree as opposed to being elected by a
group of peer commissioners. How will that impact media freedoms? What
steps will you take if confirmed to support free media?
Answer. I understand that press freedom in Guinea is significantly
constrained due to government action. Journalists have been subjected
to harassment and intimidation after publishing reports critical of the
Government. Guinean journalists have been detained by security forces,
and foreign journalists have been forced to leave the country.
Government officials attempt to censor the media on spurious legal and
administrative grounds. The July 2020 law allowing the president to
appoint the chair of the High Authority of Communication and raising
the number of presidentially chosen members is just another example of
the Government's efforts to constrain press freedom.
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging across the spectrum on
the importance of press freedom and to meeting regularly with press
outlets. I will call on the Government of Guinea to respect press
freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the
Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the
development of free press and journalists through training and capacity
building programs for journalists.
Question. According to the State Department Country Report on human
rights, Guinean law ``criminalizes rape and domestic violence, but both
occurred frequently, and authorities rarely prosecuted perpetrators.''
What assistance is the U.S. providing to law enforcement to address
rape and sexual violence in Guinea?
Answer. The State Department, through the Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), has provided $400,000 for
FY20. U.S. Government support provides mentoring and training to
Guinean law enforcement officers to improve their understanding and
support of internationally recognized human rights, fight trafficking
in persons, and address sexual and gender-based violence. I understand
that this training also strengthens Guinean law enforcement's capacity
to identify and investigate rape and domestic violence cases.
Question. Guinea is on the Tier 2 Watch List for the second year in
a row, according to the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report. The report
indicates that the Government does not ``provide sufficient funding to
the Office for the Protection of Gender, Children, and Morals.'' What
efforts will you undertake, if confirmed, to encourage the Government
to dedicate resources to that office? What other efforts will you
engage in if confirmed to ensure the Government adequately addresses
trafficking in persons?
Answer. I understand that Guinea remains on the Tier 2 Watch List
in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report because the Government did
not demonstrate overall increasing efforts to address trafficking in
persons compared to the previous reporting period, even considering the
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-trafficking capacity.
If confirmed, I will work to raise awareness and enlist the support
of communities and local government to address the human trafficking
issue. I will press the Government to fully fund and support government
officials and entities that work to support and protect trafficking
victims. We will continue to work together with the Government of
Guinea to strengthen Guinean capacity to improve its trafficking in
persons record, and with NGOs and the international community to
provide assistance and training to Guinean law enforcement and the
judicial system to ensure that traffickers face justice. I will also
continue to support the Department's project to combat child
trafficking under the Program to End Modern Slavery, as well as the
Department's bilateral project to identify and provide services to
victims of trafficking.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Almost every position in my career has had a focus on
promoting respect for human rights. As Labor Attache in Guatemala, I
counseled nascent factory unions in achieving formal recognition and
lobbied government officials to allow unions to make use of arbitration
proceedings. The former increased the number of recognized unions and
the latter increased access to legal redress in the face of labor
rights abuses. As Charge d'Affaires in Mauritius, I led my Embassy team
to organize and execute a three-day skills camp to train women to run
for elected office. After Constitutional changes took place, the number
of women in elected positions increased four-fold. If confirmed, I
commit to keeping respect for human rights at the forefront of U.S.
engagement in Guinea.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Guinea? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the number of members of the
political opposition in Guinea who remain imprisoned and the limiting
of political space for opposition parties and groups by the Guinean
Government. All Guineans must be free to express opposing views. Abuses
by law enforcement and security forces must be investigated and those
responsible must face justice. The press must be free to report
critically. If confirmed, I will call upon the Government of Guinea to
resolve the detainee issue and make other positive overtures to the
opposition to ease political tension. I will press for an investigation
into violence and killings around the 2020 elections. I will push for
greater freedom of the press and greater protections for journalists.
Question. What steps will you take - if confirmed - to support
democracy in Guinea? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise concerns publicly
and privately about lack of accountability for alleged human rights
violations and abuses by security forces and the continued pretrial
detention of opposition supporters, civil society members, and
journalists. Potential impediments include the lack of transparency and
accountability within the justice system, slow bureaucratic processes,
and a lack of resources.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. The United States Government implements projects in Guinea
supporting local governance, civil society, and media to consolidate
good governance across the country. If confirmed, I will prioritize
implementation of security sector reform projects and training to help
prevent future human rights violations and abuses and instruct on the
role of security services in sustaining and supporting democratic
processes and institutions. We will work to build capacity of civil
society organizations to promote respect for democracy and human rights
and accountability in the democratic process.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Guinea? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Promotion of respect for human rights in Guinea is one of
the most important priorities for the United States. If confirmed, I
commit to meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
governmental organizations in the United States and with local human
rights NGOs, and other members of civil society in Guinea. I will
ensure our Embassy continues to build and strengthen its relationships
with a broad spectrum of civil society both in the United States and in
Guinea. I will work with our diplomatic and international partners to
encourage the Government to cooperate with civil society to create a
safer, freer, and more democratic Guinea.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our existing
relationships and build new ones across the political spectrum and will
engage with democratically oriented political figures and parties. I
will work with both the Government and opposition parties to develop a
more inclusive political environment which respects human rights and
democratic norms. Through engagement, programs, and grants I will
advocate for greater participation by women, minorities, and youth in
politics.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Guinea on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Guinea?
Answer. A free press is vital in any democracy to hold leaders to
account, as well as exposing and fighting corruption. If confirmed, I
commit to engaging across the spectrum on the importance of press
freedom and to meeting regularly with independent, local press in
Guinea. I will call on the Government of Guinea publicly to respect
press freedom and to prevent harassment of journalists critical of the
Government. If confirmed, I will seek to continue support for the
development of free press and journalists through training and capacity
building programs for journalists.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. The corrosive effects of disinformation and propaganda on
democracy are particularly troubling in countries still working toward
enshrining democratic principles and respect for fundamental freedoms
in their political cultures. If confirmed, I will continue current
engagement and promote new engagement with government, the press, and
civil society organizations to counter disinformation and propaganda
disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in Guinea, including
through the Embassy social media platforms.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. My tour as Labor Attache in Guatemala taught me the
importance of engaging with labor groups, including unions, to protect
and promote the welfare of workers. If confirmed, my team and I will
actively engage with the Government of Guinea on the right for workers,
labor groups, and independent trade unions to form and join
organizations of their own choice, and I will publicly call out abuses
or restrictions of this right of freedom of association.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Guinea, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Promotion of human rights in Guinea will be one of my top
priorities if I am confirmed. I commit to using all the tools at my
disposal to promote and defend the human rights and dignity of all
Guineans, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Guinea?
Answer. The confluence of traditional local cultures with Islamic
tenants has created an environment in Guinea where consensual same-sex
sexual conduct and recognition of the LGBTQI+ community is a strict
taboo. The legal environment does not allow same-sex relationships or
marriages, and Guinean law does not consider LGBTQI+ individuals a
protected class. Anti-discrimination laws to protect LGBTQI+ persons do
not exist. I am unaware of any prominent individuals that champion the
cause of equal societal treatment for the LGBTQI+ community. In
addition, the traditional nature and outlook of the majority of
Guineans would be a natural obstacle to holding a frank public
discussion about LGBTQI+ issues.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Guinea?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use my office to highlight the
strengths of diversity and acceptance of all people for who they are.
The United States is rightfully proud of the strides we have made, and
continue to make, in living up to our founding principle that everyone
is equal under the eyes of the law. I believe that if confirmed, I can
use the persuasive power of the Embassy to help Guineans begin to
address this important issue.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief members of congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Guinea?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work together with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs to respond promptly to all
appropriate requests for information and briefings for members of
Congress and their staff, and to offer such briefings whenever I am in
Washington.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (a.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:36 a.m. in
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, and Cruz.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We appreciate the patience of both members and the nominees
of conferring with the ranking member on the question of
nomination.
We are here today to consider nominations for four very
important positions: Ambassador Julieta Valls Noyes to be
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Population,
Refugees, and Migration, Ambassador Barbara Leaf to be the
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, Ms.
Julianne Smith to be Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, NATO, and Ambassador Denise Bauer to be the
Ambassador to France and Monaco.
Congratulations on all your nominations. The four of you
have a distinguished history of public service. We appreciate
your willingness to continue to serve our country.
We also appreciate your families because it is a sacrifice
to families as well who are engaged in the service by their
support and sometimes travel abroad. We thank them.
Before I continue, I understand that the distinguished
Senator from Virginia is privileged to make three
introductions. I do not get three introductions from New Jersey
and I am the chairman.
In any event, Senator Kaine we'll recognize you now.
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member
Risch, for scheduling this hearing for such wonderfully
qualified nominees.
It is my pleasure to introduce three of the nominees, two
from Virginia, one from California, who is a very close friend:
Denise Campbell Bauer, to be ambassador to France and Monaco,
Julieta Noyes to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Population, Refugees, and Migration, and Barbara Leaf to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs.
I previously introduced Ambassador Bauer to this committee
in 2013 when she was nominated to be ambassador to Belgium. I
have had a chance to know Denise and her family now for about
15 years.
She had a distinguished career in journalism, nonprofits,
and domestic and international politics. But in particular, in
her service in Belgium, she served at a most challenging time.
In March of 2016, Belgium was subject to coordinated
terrorist attacks at the same time as France also underwent
those attacks. And at that point, Ambassador Bauer, she will
describe, worked very hard to keep Americans safe, to work with
our ally, Belgium, and even coordinate some activities between
Belgium and France.
As Ambassador to Belgium, she was unanimously confirmed by
the Senate. She worked very, very hard on that transatlantic
relationship and to advance U.S. policy goals in Europe.
And as you know, the U.S. presence in Belgium also includes
the NATO and EU missions, and so the Belgian Ambassador has a
lot of important work in those multilateral efforts.
Her on-the-ground experience in the region leading the
implementation of U.S. foreign policy at a challenging time has
demonstrated her ability and would make her very, very fit to
serve as our Ambassador in France and Monaco.
Ambassador Noyes exemplifies the dedication of career
Foreign Service officers and their families, many of whom call
Virginia home when they are not serving overseas.
I have had a chance to see Ambassador Noyes' work up close
and personal. I met her in several occasions when she was
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Europe from 2013 to 2015
and, again, in Spain when I had the honor, as did the chair of
this committee, to serve as honorary chair of the U.S. Spain
Council.
Ambassador Noyes has served the country with great skill
while raising three children together with her husband, who is
also a Foreign Service alum, now a retired officer with 29
years of service.
Two of her children, wisely, attended Virginia
universities, University of Virginia and Christopher Newport
University.
And I would note in particular, Mr. Chair, that in this
position, working on important issues of population, refugees,
and migration, Julieta has a powerful family experience. She is
the daughter of Cuban refugees and would bring that personal
passion to the important work of State in this area.
Finally, I want to introduce Ambassador Barbara Leaf,
another Virginian. I noticed that she is a proud alumni of
William and Mary and the University of Virginia, but she is
wearing only a William and Mary brooch today and not the UVA
brooch. She probably had hoped I would not point that out.
But she is a very well qualified nominee for the position
of Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. She
comes to the committee with a deep background in Near Eastern
Middle East politics.
She was a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East
Policy and previously served as our ambassador to the UAE and
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Arabian Peninsula
in the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.
This struck me. All of these State Department career folks
are wonderful in foreign language proficiencies but listen to
this.
Ambassador Leaf speaks Arabic, French, Italian, and Serbo-
Croatian. She will lead the bureau with integrity and
enthusiasm, and I am proud to introduce this great Virginian to
the committee.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that
introduction of all of our distinguished nominees.
I know that Senator Shaheen is very happy to see four
incredibly talented women before the committee. Let me continue
now.
Briefly, I had a conversation with the ranking member, and
I appreciate his attention to the seriousness of the situation
we have on nominees in the committee.
We have over 70 nominees pending before the committee and
we have over 50 completed files. I look forward to working with
the ranking member so that we can continue to expedite those
nominees in the days ahead.
Okay. I am now being told that Senator Shaheen has also got
an introduction to make.
Senator Shaheen?
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
Risch.
I am very honored to be able to join Senator Kaine in doing
introductions this morning, particularly to be able to
introduce Julie Smith, President Biden's nominee to be
Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
As chair of the Subcommittee on Europe and Regional
Security Cooperation and co-chair of the Senate NATO Observer
Group, like other members of this committee, I understand very
clearly the importance of Ms. Smith's experience and expertise
in what she will bring to this role.
Julie's resume and background is a testament to her
commitment to the transatlantic alliance. Her career has
spanned 25 years crossing the Pond to work on transatlantic
security issues both in and out of government.
She has worked at both the Pentagon and the White House and
has worked at some of America's most esteemed think tanks,
including the Center for Strategic and International Studies,
the German Marshall Fund, and the Center for a New American
Security.
And Julie, of course, is no stranger to this committee. She
testified in 2017 here on the U.S.-Russia bilateral
relationship, and her expertise drawn from many years
researching transatlantic relations has benefited those in and
out of government.
She has spent the last three years researching and writing
on Europe's evolving attitudes and vulnerabilities as they
relate to China, a subject that we all know very well on this
committee.
Julie has also worked to bring foreign policy to audiences
outside the Beltway, most recently launching a program called
``Across the Pond, In the Field'' to bring Europeans to 12 U.S.
cities to talk to Americans about foreign policy.
Her accolades and accomplishments alone make her worthy of
confirmation, but I also want to highlight Julie's leadership
as a mentor to women in the national security space.
And yes, Mr. Chairman, I was very excited to see four women
on the dais this morning who have been nominated to be
ambassadors, and Julie has been involved for a long time in
mentoring women.
She co-founded the Leadership Council for Women in National
Security to provide a support network for women in a
predominantly male space. And because of her leadership, there
are a number of women in Washington who proudly call themselves
mentees of Julie.
And I am also pleased to recognize Julie's husband, David,
who is here with her this morning and I think it is her older
son, Liam, who is also here.
As a mother, her family has kept her on her toes, and I can
appreciate that because I know that as a working mom you have
to juggle a lot of things, which is really important to the
world of diplomacy.
For all of these reasons, I am very happy to have Julie's
nomination before this committee. I am sure that my colleagues
will appreciate her responses and I hope, Mr. Chairman, that we
do have an agreement to move forward these nominees.
It is critical to ensure that American foreign policy can
continue. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
Let me just briefly reference the positions that these
nominees are being nominated for.
Ambassador Valls Noyes, congratulations on your nomination.
You bring a distinguished record of diplomatic and management
experience to the role, including your most recent assignments
leading the Foreign Service Institute and serving as U.S.
Ambassador to Croatia.
As you know, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration is responsible for addressing some of the most
pressing global challenges we have today.
According to the United Nations, at the beginning of the
year there will be more than 82 million forcibly-displaced
people in the world, of whom 26.4 million are refugees. No
doubt that number has only grown and will continue to grow.
From the global forced migration crisis to the humanitarian
emergencies in Venezuela, Ethiopia, Syria, and Afghanistan, the
United States must lead in addressing the acute needs that
exist today and the long-term drivers of these crises.
The task before you is immense, and I recommend if you are
confirmed that you develop strong consultative relationships
with the many refugee and resettlement organizations that have
deep expertise in this area, and I am confident they would
welcome your engagement.
Let me say a few words specifically about Afghanistan and
the dire humanitarian crisis there. Nearly half of the entire
population, more than 18 million people, need humanitarian
assistance right now.
More than 4 million Afghans are internally displaced and
the outgoing instability and violence may very well produce
large flows of refugees into neighboring countries in the
coming months, which would create a great deal of instability.
The PRM bureau will be at the helm of the U.S. response to
this crisis and your leadership will be essential to ensuring
that our response meets the moment.
Ambassador Leaf, welcome back to the committee. I am
pleased that you stopped by our office to get a little bit of a
tour of the region. I am hopeful that we can get you quickly in
place so the bureau and the whole department can benefit from
your decades of experience.
Despite repeated efforts from multiple administrations to
pivot to great power competition, the Middle East and North
Africa remain central focal points of challenges and, I
believe, some opportunities for the United States.
As you know, Iran has continued to advance its nuclear
program, and I believe the United States must pursue all
options to find a negotiated deal that addresses not just
Iran's nuclear program but also its support for terrorism and
its ballistic missile activity.
Lebanon is on the brink of collapse. Tunisia, once a
bastion of hope for people all over the region, is experiencing
a troubling back slide on the democratic reforms, and I have
yet to understand exactly what the administration's plan is
with Syria.
As Iraq heads towards elections, we have an opportunity to
engage with leadership and Iraqis who want a brighter future,
and I am hopeful that more countries across the region will
build on the historic diplomatic relations between Israel, the
United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain in the Abraham Accords.
Overall, I believe we need to reinvigorate our diplomatic
presence and outreach in the region in which our policy has
slowly become more and more militarized, and I trust that you
are up to that task.
Ms. Smith, we welcome your nomination. Glad that the
president selected you for this critical post. During his
administration, President Trump repeatedly attacked NATO and
our allies. This, unfortunately, drew criticism from both sides
of the aisle in the Senate, evidence that bipartisan support
for the Alliance is strong.
President Biden's visit to NATO earlier this year helped to
repair ties. But work remains to be done to ensure that our
allies understand that the United States is steadfast in its
support for the Alliance.
You have an exemplary background, experience, intellect,
and judgment to represent the United States at NATO, and I hope
that we can get you out there as soon as possible.
There are many important conversations happening in
Brussels right now about the future of NATO, what its mission
will be in the new world in which we live, and we need an
ambassador there as soon as possible.
Ambassador Bauer, I am pleased to see you again before the
committee. I appreciated your leadership of the embassy team in
Belgium, especially during the 2016 Brussels terrorist attack
in which Americans were killed and injured.
It is critical that the United States has an experienced
ambassador in Paris where we have so many issues to advance
with their government, from counterterrorism in the Sahel to
support for allied democracies in the eastern Mediterranean.
France is also critical to our policy objectives in Iran
and Russia, and I have appreciated the French foreign minister
and ambassadors engaging with the Senate on these issues. We
look forward to hearing your goals of how we can deepen our
oldest diplomatic relationship even further.
Let me close with saying that the four of you have immense
challenges ahead. I am confident that your experience can serve
our country well as you take on new responsibilities, if
confirmed, and we look forward to each of your testimonies.
Let me turn to the distinguished ranking member, Senator
Risch, for his opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, regarding the nominees, I appreciate the
conversation. We will continue that. I committed to you and I
continue to commit to you that I will work in good faith to get
these people in place.
I was a governor. I understand that you cannot operate
unless you have your team in place. You and I have worked hard
to get them to the floor and, as we both know, that that is a
special problem that neither you nor I have control over. I get
a lot of complaints that you and I cannot deal with because it
is a floor problem.
But I will continue to work in good faith and see if we
cannot move these forward.
I thank all of you for taking the opportunity and
undertaking the privilege of serving the United States in these
important positions, and your families. As the chairman
mentioned, this is a sacrifice that is borne equally by the
families.
I want to talk briefly about each of these.
First of all, for the Assistant Secretary of State for the
Near Eastern Affairs, the Middle East region remains shaped by
seemingly intractable problems, including Arab-Israeli
tensions, continued export of Iranian terrorism, the
humanitarian crisis in Syria and Yemen, and growing Chinese and
Russian encroachment.
I am concerned that the current administration's approach
to these dilemmas appears to not strike the appropriate balance
and runs the risk of ceding the region to other malevolent
powers, and I think everyone knows of what I speak there.
The administration's precipitous withdrawal from
Afghanistan has been a strategic unforced error, as both the
chairman and I focused on yesterday.
Additionally, its diplomatic embrace of the Iranian regime
is hard to understand. The lack of focus on the Abraham Accords
is befuddling, to say the least.
Increased barriers to conventional arms transfers and the
chilling of relations with our traditional Middle Eastern
partners will send a message of American disengagement, which I
do not believe that we want to do.
The Abraham Accords especially need to be embraced. They
need to be enhanced. They need to be further moved forward.
And I know that as I watch the administration, I think
there is a lot of reluctance simply because it was an action by
the previous administration. But that was a tremendous success
and we should celebrate it and exploit it as best we can.
Like the chairman, I do not understand what Syria policy is
today. We need to understand that. I hear rumors and they are,
hopefully, not true about the administration's thoughts
regarding Assad and his rehabilitation or remaining in place.
That is a wrongheaded approach. But in any event, we do need an
approach that everyone understands.
Now is the time for the United States to reinforce that we
stand with our partners and are up to the challenge. I expect
to hear how you plan to improve our engagement in the region
and address the serious risks ahead of us.
Next, we have the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State
for Population, Refugees, and Migration. The administration's
botched evacuation from Afghanistan has resulted in thousands
of refugees and internally-displaced people inside the country.
Taken with the ongoing refugee crisis endured by Syrians,
Venezuelans, and the Rohingya, we now face the world's largest
refugee and migration numbers ever.
Through the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
the U.S. Government provides significant assistance to
humanitarian partners, including the United Nations.
It is crucial that we ensure all of this assistance meets
U.S. national security needs and receives proper oversight.
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these issues. I
also remain deeply concerned with the Biden administration's
decision to restart funding to UNRWA. This organization has a
history of using textbooks which incite violence against
Israelis as well as has employees with ties to Hamas. We should
secure true reforms before giving another dime to this
organization.
Moving on to the nominee for U.S. ambassador to NATO, NATO
is the world's most successful political and military alliance
in the history of the planet. But it is 72 years old and must
be flexible to meet new challenges.
NATO will need to continue to deal with Russia and
aggression on its southern border. It must also be aware of
China's growing direct threat of alliance. The balance of power
in the world today is incredibly different than it was 72 years
ago.
Last year's NATO 2030 report attempted to address some of
these emerging issues and recommended that NATO's Strategic
Concept be updated to address China-related issues as well as
ways that allies can improve political coordination. I hope to
see these recommendations followed.
NATO is also a nuclear alliance. Membership in the Nuclear
Ban Treaty is incompatible with being a U.S. ally and NATO
member. We must push back strongly on any efforts by NATO
members to lend credibility to that treaty or to weaken our
nuclear-sharing arrangements.
Lastly, I am worried by the disregard we showed our NATO
allies in our hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan. This
administration has repeatedly emphasized the importance of our
allies. Yet, the way we went about this evacuation has sent our
partners the exact opposite message.
Our allies deserve better, especially after invoking
Article 5 following the 9/11 attacks and fighting alongside our
troops for more than 20 years. They are livid. I think everyone
in this room knows that and it will be our job, your job, to
fix that.
Finally, we have a nominee for ambassador to France and
Monaco. The United States has long enjoyed close relations with
France and it remains one of our closest allies.
In Africa, I look forward to continued engagement with our
French partners on important challenges, including in the
Sahel, Cameroon, the DRC, and the Central African Republic to
ensure we pursue mutually beneficial approaches.
France's ambassador here in the United States is an
excellent friend and ally, and I have seen and experienced
France's desire for a stronger alliance firsthand.
Now is a critical time for us to make real progress in the
relationship. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this.
With that, thank you, Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
We will turn to our nominees now. I ask that you summarize
your statement in about five minutes or so because the
committee will want to ask you questions. Your full statements
will be included in the record, without objection.
And if you have family members who could be with you today,
please do not hesitate to introduce them.
And with that, we will start with Ambassador Noyes and then
work our way down the aisle.
STATEMENT OF HON. JULIETA VALLS NOYES OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (POPULATION,
REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION)
Ambassador Noyes. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking
Member Risch. It is an honor to appear before you as President
Biden's nominee as Assistant Secretary of State for Population,
Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him and to Secretary
Blinken for their confidence in me.
I am the first person ever nominated for this position from
a refugee background. My parents and members of my extended
family entered the United States as refugees from Cuba 61 years
ago and later became proud American citizens.
Our family is profoundly aware of the debt we owe to this
great nation and, indeed, I joined the State Department in part
to repay that debt.
When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants
can become valued contributors to the countries that receive
them. My hard-working family members happily give back to this
country as taxpayers and engaged citizens.
I am honored to introduce you to one of them today, my
mother, Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family, my mom
worked in international development for years, presenting the
best of America to people in other nations.
And, Senators, I want to thank you for scheduling this
hearing today so I can wish her a happy birthday on the
Congressional Record.
I am also joined by my wonderful husband, Nick, a retired
Foreign Service officer whose mother also immigrated to
America. Our children, Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew, are
watching online. My family support has enabled me to serve our
country I love, and I thank them.
In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to
advance human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple
positions outside of PRM.
As ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final stages
of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a
regional conference on refugees.
My mission also ran regional training programs for police,
prosecutors, and justice officials on topics that included
supporting the rights of migrants.
As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I
managed relations with 11 Western European countries and the
European Union, some of our key partners, in supporting at-risk
populations around the world.
As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the Vatican, I
worked with church leaders, religious communities, and Catholic
aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
While director for multilateral and global affairs in the
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau, I oversaw
international negotiations on human rights resolutions at the
United Nations and conducted human rights consultations with
multiple partners.
I was a member of the high-level delegations that reported
to the U.N. on U.S. compliance with two major international
treaties, the Convention against Torture and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human rights,
and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere. I would bring
these experiences to bear as PRM assistant secretary and, if
confirmed, would seek to strengthen America's leadership on
global, humanitarian, and migration issues.
One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the
vulnerable people of Afghanistan wherever they may be. Sadly,
there are also millions of other vulnerable populations
worldwide.
Working with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-
saving humanitarian assistance and protections for people from
Syria, Burma, South Sudan, Venezuela, and beyond.
I also would advance support for maternal health in
humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based violence,
upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
If confirmed, I would ramp up engagement with other
countries to pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead
people to flee their countries, including in our own
hemisphere.
Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program as directed by the president. If confirmed,
I would collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security
and Health and Human Services, and work with Congress to ensure
the program's success.
It is a testament to the generosity of Americans that the
United States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the
world, but we cannot meet all global needs alone. If confirmed,
I would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable
PRM's work and urge other nations to share this responsibility
more equitably.
I am eager to work with PRM's exceptional partners in
international and nongovernmental organizations, Senate
willing, to carry out PRM's mission, and if confirmed, it would
above all be a privilege to learn from and lead the hard-
working passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is
inspirational.
Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee,
my nomination as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest
professional honor of my life.
If confirmed, I would give my all to lead PRM in supporting
persecuted and vulnerable people around the world in keeping
with our nation's centuries-long history of compassion and
generosity.
As the daughter of refugees, I understand that history and
that responsibility acutely. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Noyes follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes
Thank you, Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch. It is an
honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee for Assistant
Secretary for Population, Refugees, and Migration. I am grateful to him
and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
I am the first person ever nominated for this position from a
refugee background. My parents and members of my extended family
entered the United States as refugees from Cuba sixty years ago and
later became proud American citizens. Our family is profoundly aware of
the debt we owe this great nation. Indeed, I decided to join the State
Department to help repay that debt.
When given an opportunity, refugees and vulnerable migrants can
become valued contributors to the countries that receive them. My
hardworking family members happily give back to this country as
taxpayers and engaged citizens. I'm honored to introduce you to one of
them today, my mother Julieta Valls. In addition to raising a family,
my mom worked in international development for years, presenting the
best of America to people in other nations. I am proud to be her
daughter. I am also joined by my husband Nick, a retired Foreign
Service Officer whose mother also emigrated to America. Our children,
Alexandra, Nicholas, and Matthew are watching online. My family's
support has enabled me to serve our country; I love and thank them.
In over 35 years as an American diplomat, I have worked to advance
human rights, refugee, and migration issues in multiple positions
outside of PRM. As Ambassador to Croatia, I presided over the final
stages of a U.S.-funded refugee resettlement program and hosted a
regional conference on refugees. My mission also ran regional training
programs for police, prosecutors, and justice officials, on topics that
included supporting the human rights of migrants.
As a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the European Bureau, I managed
relations with eleven Western European countries and the European
Union, some of our key partners in supporting at-risk populations
around the world. As Deputy Chief of Mission at our Embassy to the
Vatican, I worked with Church leaders, religious communities, and
Catholic aid organizations on issues like combating human trafficking.
While Director for Multilateral and Global Affairs in the
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Bureau, I oversaw international
negotiations on human rights resolutions at the United Nations and
conducted human rights consultations with many partners. I was a member
of the high-level delegations that reported to the United Nations on
U.S. compliance with two international human rights treaties: the
Convention Against Torture and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights. Earlier in my career, I worked on democracy, human
rights, and foreign aid issues in the Western Hemisphere.
I would bring these experiences to bear as PRM Assistant Secretary,
and if confirmed, would seek to restore America's leadership on global
humanitarian and migration issues.
One of my most urgent priorities would be to help the vulnerable
and displaced people of Afghanistan--wherever they may be. Sadly, there
are also millions of other vulnerable populations worldwide. Working
with partners like USAID, I would prioritize life-saving U.S.
humanitarian assistance and protections for people from Syria, Burma,
South Sudan, and beyond. I also would advance programs that support
maternal health in humanitarian crises and respond to gender-based
violence, upholding the administration's commitment to women's health.
If confirmed I would ramp up engagement with other countries to
pursue durable solutions to the problems that lead people to flee their
homes, including in our own hemisphere.
Another key PRM priority is to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions
Program, as directed by the President. If confirmed, I would
collaborate with the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and
Human Services and work with Congress to ensure the program's success.
It is a testament to the generosity of America that the United
States is the largest humanitarian aid donor in the world, but we
cannot meet all needs of at-risk populations alone. If confirmed, I
would carefully manage the U.S. taxpayer funds that enable PRM's work
and urge other nations to share this responsibility more equitably.
I am eager to work closely with PRM's exceptional partners in
international and non-governmental organizations, Senate willing, to
carry out PRM's mission.
If confirmed, it would above all be a privilege to learn from and
lead the hard-working, passionate employees of PRM. Their dedication is
inspirational.
Senator Menendez, Senator Risch, members of this committee, my
nomination to serve as PRM Assistant Secretary is the greatest
professional honor of my life. If confirmed, I would give my all to
lead PRM in supporting persecuted and vulnerable people around the
world, in keeping with our nation's centuries-long history of
compassion and generosity. As the daughter of refugees, I understand
that history and responsibility acutely.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
[Speaks in Spanish.]
The Chairman. I would sing my famous birthday song but it
would take too long for the committee's consideration.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. So maybe after the fact.
Ambassador Bauer?
STATEMENT OF HON. DENISE CAMPBELL BAUER OF CALIFORNIA,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, AND TO
SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF MONACO
Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very
kind introduction.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today.
It is my great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be
United States Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply
grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me, and, of course, I am
thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years, Steven, our
wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie, my extended family,
and everyone who has supported me over the years.
If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and
the Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing
U.S. interests in Monaco and France.
I would be proud to join the talented dedicated State
Department and interagency teams hard at work pursuing those
goals. I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams
provide U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S.
ambassador to Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
On March 22nd of 2016, my daughter, Natalie, was already on
the bus on her way to school when Brussels was attacked by
terrorists. I raced into the office as our team rallied to
coordinate with and support our Belgian colleagues, to help
victims, and guard against follow-on attacks.
This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies
matter. Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians, and
they were there for our fellow Americans so that they were not
alone far from home during perhaps the worst time in their
lives.
It would be my great honor to again serve the American
people, now as ambassador to France. I would like to highlight
a few of the pillars of our partnership that I would bolster as
ambassador.
France, as you have noted, is among our most capable and
reliable military allies. As NATO allies, France and the United
States have built and sustained the post-war global order,
promoting freedom and prosperity.
France is the second largest global footprint after the
United States and is the second largest troop contributor to
the D-ISIS coalition. France has reached its NATO goal of 2
percent of GDP on defense spending and contributes to NATO
missions and exercises.
The United States and France exchange information and share
best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and
France leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel where it has
eliminated leaders of ISIS, al-Qaeda, and their affiliates.
If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation
continues but will look for ways to strengthen that important
partnership.
France welcomes the United States return to the Paris
Agreement and is eager to engage in close cooperation and
strategic alignment on climate issues, particularly climate
finance, clean energy, green recovery, and using trade and
financial flows to further Paris Agreement objectives.
The United States and France share a deep economic
relationship. France and the United States traded $99 billion
of goods and services in 2020, making France one of our largest
trading partners in the EU.
France works on coordination with the United States and
other partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their
destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations
of international norms.
France has played a significant role in shaping EU policy
towards the PRC and supports the U.S.-EU dialogue on China
where we seek a values-driven approach.
If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the French
Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions
and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its
international commitments and obligations, including the Minsk
agreements.
And finally, the United States shares many of the same
goals with France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq,
Afghanistan, and Libya. On all the challenges facing those
countries, France seeks deeper cooperation with the United
States.
If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our
relationship with the Principality of Monaco and working
together with his Serene Highness, Prince Albert II, and his
Government to further our joint goals.
Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the embassy
community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look
forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Bauer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer
Thank you, Senator Kaine, for that very kind introduction.
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for this opportunity to testify today. It is my
great honor to be President Biden's nominee to be the United States
Ambassador to France and Monaco. I am deeply grateful to President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
And of course, I am thankful for my husband of nearly 30 years,
Steven; our wonderful daughters, Katherine and Natalie; my extended
family; and everyone who has supported me through the years.
If confirmed, I will work closely with this committee and the
Congress as I dedicate myself to protecting and advancing U.S.
interests in France and Monaco. I would be proud to join the talented,
dedicated State Department and interagency teams hard at work pursing
those goals.
I saw firsthand the superb commitment our embassy teams provide
U.S. citizens and businesses when I served as U.S. Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Belgium from 2013 to 2017.
On March 22, 2016, my daughter Natalie was already on the bus on
her way to school when Brussels was attacked by terrorists. I raced
into the office as our team rallied to coordinate with and support our
Belgian colleagues to help victims and guard against follow-on attacks.
This challenging time left no doubt why American embassies matter.
Our team worked hand in glove with the Belgians. And we were there for
our fellow Americans--so that they weren't alone, far from home, during
perhaps the worst time in their lives.
It would be my great honor to again serve the American people as
Ambassador to France. I'd like to highlight just a few of the pillars
of our partnership that I would bolster as Ambassador.
France is among our most capable and reliable military Allies. As
NATO Allies, France and the United States have built and sustained the
post-war global order, promoting freedom and prosperity. France has the
second-largest global troop footprint after the United States and is
the second-largest troop contributor to the D-ISIS Coalition. France
has reached the NATO goal of 2 percent of GDP on defense spending and
contributes to NATO missions and exercises.
The United States and France exchange information and share best
practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on
countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated leaders of
ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates.
If confirmed, I will not only ensure our cooperation continues, but
will look for ways to strengthen that partnership.
France welcomed the United States' return to the Paris Agreement
and is eager to engage in closer cooperation and strategic alignment on
climate issues, particularly climate finance, clean energy, green
recovery, and using trade and financial flows to further Paris
Agreement objectives.
The United States and France share a deep economic relationship.
France and the United States traded $99 billion of goods and services
in 2020, making France the United States' third-largest trading partner
in Europe.
France works in coordination with the United States and other
partners to hold Russia and China accountable for their destabilizing
activities, human rights abuses, and violations of international norms.
France has played a significant role in shaping the EU's policy towards
the PRC, and supports the U.S.-E.U. Dialogue on China, where we seek a
values-driven approach. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly with the
French Government that we must hold Russia accountable for its actions,
and maintain pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international
commitments and obligations, including the Minsk agreements.
And finally, the United States shares many of the same goals with
France when it comes to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, and
Libya. On all the challenges facing these countries, France seeks
deeper collaboration with the United States.
If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our relationship
with the Principality of Monaco and working together with His Serene
Highness Prince Albert II and his Government to further our joint
goals.
Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to
answering your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ms. Smith?
STATEMENT OF JULIANNE SMITH OF MICHIGAN, NOMINATED TO BE UNITED
STATES PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH
ATLANTIC TREATY ORGANIZATION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
Ms. Smith. Good morning, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and members of the committee.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
It is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent
Representative of the United States to NATO.
I want to extend my thanks to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical
position.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the president's
pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances. I also
want to thank Senator Shaheen for her kind words and leadership
in the NATO Observers Group.
Let me start today by thanking my family, my husband,
David, and our two sons, Liam and Dylan, for their love and
support. David and Liam are with us here today. My son, Dylan,
is tucked away in second grade at school.
I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national
security. But my greatest joy comes from my family.
I also want to thank my parents, who are watching in my
home state of Michigan, and my sister for their guidance and
encouragement.
I have worked on a wide range of national security
challenges over the years but Europe has always been my
passion. Ever since I received a scholarship to spend a year at
the Sorbonne as an undergraduate, I have been fascinated by
America's long-standing relationship with our closest allies
across the Atlantic.
From my first job at a small think tank here in Washington,
D.C., to my positions in the Pentagon, at the White House, and
now the State Department, I have worked to strengthen our
relationship with Europe, navigate our differences, and
identify innovative ways to address our shared challenges.
No institution has played a bigger role in the history of
the transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since
its creation in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of
transatlantic security, protecting our shared values, and
safeguarding each of its members against outside aggression.
NATO's story is a remarkable one of unity and solidarity.
After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of
adaptation. Over the last 30 years, NATO has added 14 new
members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and
Asia, agreed to operate a new warfighting domain such as cyber,
and acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of
emerging challenges, from terrorism to disruptive technologies
to climate change.
Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2014, the Alliance
has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture, including
through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its
eastern flank.
Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO
has repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly
when it counts. It swiftly invoked Article 5 in the wake of the
9/11 attacks, for which the United States will always remain
deeply grateful.
While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful
military alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years
old, does have its share of challenges. Some allies are still
struggling to meet their commitments to increase defense
spending.
Decision-making remains slow, and the weakening of
democratic values in some member states is tearing at Alliance
cohesion. Allies are also making slow progress in the hard work
of improving their military capabilities, especially in new
domains like cyber and space.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO
allies and partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the
Alliance to face future challenges.
I will also look forward to working with allies on the
important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, which was
last updated 10 long years ago.
That document must reflect the changing security
environment of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we
face in cyberspace, and the People's Republic of China's malign
activities across the Euro-Atlantic region.
I will work to ensure that none of those new challenges
detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong
deterrence and defense for all its members.
I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong
bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among
the American public.
I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome that the
Secretary General, Jens Stoltenberg, received when he addressed
Congress in 2019.
If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support
continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional
delegations to Brussels. It would be my great honor to
represent the United States at NATO.
I believe in this alliance, I believe in the important role
it plays in America's own defense, and I believe in our
critical leadership role inside it.
I look forward to your questions and thank you for your
consideration.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Smith follows:]
Prepared Statement of Julianne Smith
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It
is an honor to be nominated to be the Permanent Representative of the
United States to NATO. I want to extend my thanks to President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for placing their trust in me for this critical
position. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the President's
pledge to revitalize and strengthen America's alliances.
I would like to start by thanking my family--my husband David and
our two sons, Liam and Dylan--for their never-ending love and support.
I am proud to be a woman working in the field of national security but
my greatest joy comes from my family. I also want to thank my parents
(who are watching from my home state of Michigan) and my sister for
their guidance and encouragement.
I have worked on a wide range of national security challenges
throughout my career but Europe has always been my passion. Ever since
I received a scholarship to spend a year at the Sorbonne as an
undergraduate, I have been fascinated by America's longstanding
relationship with its closest Allies across the Atlantic. From my first
job at a small think tank in Washington to my positions in the Pentagon
and at the White House, I have worked to strengthen our relationship
with Europe, navigate our differences, and identify innovative ways to
address our shared challenges.
No institution has played a bigger role in the history of the
Transatlantic relationship than the NATO Alliance. Since its creation
in 1949, it has served as the bedrock of Transatlantic security,
protecting our shared values and safeguarding each of its members
against outside aggression. NATO's story is a remarkable one of
solidarity and unity.
After the end of the Cold War, NATO's story became one of
adaptation to a changing world. Over the last 30 years, NATO added 14
new members, developed new partnerships in the Middle East and Asia,
agreed to operate in new warfighting domains such as cyber, and
acquired new capabilities to respond to an array of emerging
challenges, ranging from terrorism to emerging and disruptive
technologies to climate change. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in
2014, the Alliance has bolstered its deterrence and defense posture,
including through the deployment of multinational battle groups on its
eastern flank.
Despite the fact that it makes decisions by consensus, NATO has
repeatedly showcased its ability to take action quickly when it counts.
It swiftly invoked Article 5--the collective defense clause of the
Washington Treaty--in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, for which the
United States will always remain deeply grateful.
While NATO is rightly heralded as the most successful military
alliance in history, the Alliance, now almost 75 years old, does have
its share of challenges. Some Allies are still struggling to meet their
commitments to increase defense spending, which they made after Russia
invaded Ukraine in 2014. Decision making remains too slow, and the
weakening of democratic values in some member states is tearing at
Alliance cohesion, causing some members to question whether all Allies
share the same values. Allies also are making slow progress in the hard
and expensive work of improving their military capabilities, especially
in new domains like cyber, space, and other emerging technologies.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with our NATO Allies and
partners to address such shortfalls and prepare the Alliance to face
future challenges. I will also look forward to working with Allies on
the important task of drafting a new Strategic Concept, the roadmap
that lays out NATO's future direction, which was last updated ten long
years ago. That document must reflect the changing security environment
of today, especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace,
and the People's Republic of China's malign activities across the Euro-
Atlantic region. I will work to ensure that none of those new
challenges detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong
deterrence and defense for all its members.
I believe that part of NATO's success rests with the strong
bipartisan support one finds both here in Congress and among the
American public. I was heartened to see the enthusiastic welcome
Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg received when he addressed Congress
in April of 2019. If confirmed, I will ensure that bipartisan support
continues and would look forward to welcoming congressional delegations
to NATO Headquarters.
It would be my great honor to represent the United States at NATO.
I believe in this Alliance, the important role it plays in America's
own defense, and in our critical leadership role in NATO.
I look forward to your questions and thank you for your
consideration.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Leaf?
STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA A. LEAF OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS)
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking
Member Risch, and distinguished members of this committee. It
is an honor to be here as President Biden's nominee for
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Near Eastern
Affairs.
If confirmed, this would be the culmination of a lifetime
of work on behalf of the U.S. in the Middle East and North
Africa.
My story is like that of many Americans called to public
service, inspired by multiple generations of family members who
served. My family has had someone serving in the U.S. military
continuously for almost 80 years.
Much of my wider family were also called upon to support
those who served, making their own sacrifices. My mother
managed to raise six children on a tobacco farm in southern
Maryland during the years my father, an Air Force pilot, served
in far-off places.
I remember on an early assignment in the Foreign Service I
met up with my oldest brother, Tim Leaf, here behind me who is
representing the whole Leaf clan. I met up with him as a
deployed Marine officer in the streets of newly-liberated
Kuwait. My youngest brother deployed repeatedly to Iraq and
Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family.
My younger sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving
in southern Africa, far from family and friends.
My husband, Chris Querin, had a distinguished career in the
Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my
career. He and our two daughters, Maro and Asja, provided the
unstinting loving support that enabled me to shoulder what was
asked of me, even when that meant being apart from them when I
served a year in Iraq.
Service is a theme in my family and service has more
relevance today for Americans than ever before. In the Middle
East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a roadmap and
a set of principles for our engagements based on rebuilding
long-term relationships in the region.
If confirmed, I will work to reinforce those partnerships
around an affirmative agenda, focused on building shared
prosperity but also confronting shared problems: fighting
COVID-19, developing an international health infrastructure to
prevent future pandemics, building a new energy economy around
renewables to arrest the drivers of climate change, addressing
desertification and growing water shortages, combating
transnational repression while promoting respect for
fundamental freedoms and open societies, and sustaining the
core institutions of the international order that have provided
security and stability for over 70 years.
If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American
values and will make it clear that relationships with the U.S.
are stronger when human rights principles are respected.
The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability
for over the past two decades, but many of our partners have
turned towards deescalation and to working with the U.S. to
quell the region's conflicts.
Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this trend. Tehran
continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including through
its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its
support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights
record and long-standing practice of using wrongfully detained
U.S. citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon
would pose an even greater threat.
As part of the administration's renewed multilateral
engagement, if confirmed, I will work in tandem with regional
partners and allies to advance U.N. peace processes in Libya,
Syria, and Yemen.
The president's vision for a collaborative relationship
with the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider
context of a growing global challenge to our values of open
societies and open economies.
This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic
of China and Russia. Both pursue influence in the region in a
zero-sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank
conversations with our partners about the challenges posed by
certain Russian and Chinese actions.
And if confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this
ambitious agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service
officers, civil servants, contractors, and family members
employed here and in the region.
I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our
people overseas as a paramount priority, supporting the
professional development of our employees and the principles of
diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility in the bureau
and our posts around the region.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as
we reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's
engagement with the Middle East, building a better future for
the American people and the people of the region.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Leaf follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador Barbara A. Leaf
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of this committee. It is an honor to be here as
President Biden's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. If confirmed, this would be the
culmination of a lifetime of work on behalf of the United States in the
Middle East and North Africa. I cannot express how much this
opportunity to serve my country and the American people means to me.
My story is like that of many Americans called to public service,
inspired by multiple generations of family members who served in one
capacity or another. My family has had someone serving in the military,
continuously, for the past 80 years. So much of my wider family were
also called upon to support those who served, making their own
sacrifices along the way. My ever-entrepreneurial mother managed to
raise six children on a tobacco farm during years my father, an air
force pilot, served in far-off places. On an early assignment in the
Foreign Service, I met up with my oldest brother, a deployed Marine
officer, in the streets of newly-liberated Kuwait. My little brother
deployed repeatedly during America's two longest wars, to Iraq and
Afghanistan, with great costs borne by his young family. My younger
sister is a Foreign Service officer, now serving in southern Africa,
far from family and friends. My husband had a distinguished career in
the Marine Corps, taking him to Jerusalem, where we met early in my
career. He, like our two daughters, provided the unstinting loving
support that helped me shoulder what was asked of me, even when that
meant being apart for a year while I served in Iraq.
Service is a theme in my family, and it has more relevance today
for Americans than ever before, given the multiplying challenges abroad
and at home that require re-investment in ourselves, re-commitment to
partnerships, and U.S. leadership globally.
In the Middle East, President Biden's strategic vision provides a
roadmap and a set of principles for our engagement, based on re-
building long-term relationships in the region to meet the manifold,
emerging new challenges. But the President's vision demands the
evolution of our partnerships beyond the conventional security realm
that has defined our approach to the region for well over 30 years. If
confirmed, I would work to reinforce those partnerships around an
affirmative agenda focused on building shared prosperity and
confronting shared problems: fighting COVID-19 and developing an
international health infrastructure to prevent future pandemics;
building a new energy economy around renewables to arrest the drivers
of climate change; addressing desertification and growing water
shortages; combatting transnational repression, while promoting respect
for fundamental freedoms and open societies; and sustaining the core
institutions of the international order that have provided security and
stability for over 70 years.
If confirmed, I pledge to represent the best of American values,
and will make it clear that relationships with the United States are
stronger when human rights principles are respected.
The region has been convulsed by conflict and instability for the
past two decades, but many of our partners have turned in recent months
towards de-escalation and to working with the United States to quell
the region's conflicts. Iran, of course, has been the outlier to this
trend. Tehran continues to pursue destabilizing policies, including
through its support for terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its
subversive support for violent groups, and its abhorrent human rights
record and longstanding practice of using wrongfully detained U.S.
citizens as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose
an even greater threat.
As part of the administration's renewed multilateral engagement, if
confirmed I will work in tandem with partners and allies to advance
U.N. peace processes in Libya, Syria, and Yemen.
The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with the
countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a growing
global challenge to our values of open societies and open economies,
values that have underpinned the institutions of the international
order. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of
China (PRC) and Russia; both pursue influence in the region in a zero-
sum fashion. If confirmed, I expect to have frank conversations with
our partners about the challenges posed by certain Russian and PRC
actions.
If confirmed, I will not be able to accomplish this ambitious
agenda without the outstanding Foreign Service Officers, Civil
Servants, Contractors, and family members employed here and in the
region. I am committed to promoting the safety and security of our
people overseas, the professional development of our employees, and the
principles of Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility in the
Bureau and our posts around the region.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you as we
reshape, rebuild, and reenergize the U.S. Government's engagement with
the Middle East, building a better future for the American people and
the people of the region. Thank you, and I look forward to your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you all very much.
Before I start my questions, let me start a series of
questions that we ask every nominee that comes before the
committee, and they are on behalf of the full committee and I
just simply ask you for a verbal yes or no answer.
These are questions that speak to the importance that the
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch and we expect and would be seeking from you.
I will ask each of you to provide just a yes or no answer
to the following.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Did I get four yeses there?
Ambassador Leaf. Yes.
Ms. Smith. Yes.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Okay. Do you commit to engaging in a
meaningful consultation while policies are being developed, not
just providing notification after the fact?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. All right. Thank you all for that. For the
record, all four nominees answered yes to all the questions.
Let me start a series of five-minute rounds.
Ambassador Noyes, how can the department and the PRM in
particular help ensure that thousands of Afghans allies who
were left behind when the last U.S. military plane departed on
August 30th have equal access to evacuations?
This will be one of the most critical immediate challenges
that you will have. Give me a sense of how you envision your
department's participation in that.
Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for the question.
I think I speak for all of my colleagues at the State
Department to say how proud we were to see how many people we
were able to get out of Afghanistan and how heartbroken we were
to see that we could not get out everyone that we wanted to.
The president, the Secretary, have made clear their
intention to uphold the commitment that we had to the people
who worked for us, to the people who qualify for Special
Immigrant Visas, and we will continue to work to process their
cases and get them out.
We have also made available consideration for referral
under refugee programs, the P-2 refugee referrals, and other
ways of getting access to resettlement in the United States.
We also would commit to working with international
organizations like the High Commissioner for Refugees to seek
resettlement for people at risk in other countries, not just in
the United States.
Our commitment to uphold the human rights and to protect
the vulnerable people of Afghanistan through resettlement, if
that is what is needed, is a firm one, and if confirmed as
Assistant Secretary, I would work with colleagues throughout
the department and other agencies to uphold that commitment.
The Chairman. Today is the beginning of Hispanic Heritage
Month, and many of us held a call with national leadership, and
one of the questions that came up is that it seems that we
treat refugees from the southern border below differently than
we treat refugees from other people in the world.
Seems to me that a refugee, if they meet the definition
under the law, is a refugee, regardless of where they come
from. Do you share that view?
Ambassador Noyes. Yes, Senator. Anyone who qualifies as a
refugee should be given the same treatment and the same
consideration.
The Chairman. Ambassador Leaf, I could spend the whole
hearing with you, but I will not because we had a good session
yesterday. But I will put some questions for the record just so
that we can have the record sustained. But I do want to broach
one or two of them with you.
Over the weekend, Iran and the IAEA reached what seems to
be a subpar last-minute agreement to prevent the IAEA from
formally censuring Iran.
I remain deeply concerned about the details of this
agreement, specifically because my understanding is that while
the IAEA will have access to the information it needs, it will
not be able to see that access. It will not be able to see the
actual information in real time.
It will not be able to see the information that was taken
out or that will be taken out from the storage chips of what
was going on since Iran broke off inspections, and it will not
be able to see the new information that will be placed in the
new storage chips to do the video recording of what is going
on.
Therefore, while there will be, quote/unquote,
``monitoring'' taking place, there will be no review of the
monitoring. Therefore, we will have no information about the
status of Iran's program. If there is something called a
Pyrrhic victory, that is the ultimate definition of it.
Secretary Blinken has responded to that report by warning
that Iran is running out of time to reap any benefits of a
compliance agreement with the JCPOA.
I, honestly, believe that returning to the JCPOA just as it
was does not realize the tremendous change in circumstances we
have today as well as the fact that Iran's nefarious activities
in ballistic missiles, destabilization of the region, arms
trafficking, and a whole host of other things are equally or as
important.
Let me ask you, how much time and diplomatic space do you
think is left to get to a longer and stronger nuclear deal that
also addresses these regional transgressions and attacks by
proxies against not only U.S. partners and allies but also U.S.
personnel and facilities in the region?
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for those questions
and those comments.
I would not want to get into in a hypothetical answer to
the question of how much time. Secretary Blinken laid down a
warning marker with that remark and it is a valid one.
We have been waiting now, for two months to go back into a
set of discussions, which are quite urgent, and as you said,
the discussion on the JCPOA, a mutual compliance-for-compliance
return to that agreement is only a starting point.
What I would say to your concerns about these other issues,
including a supplemental agreement, longer, stronger, but also
the ongoing nefarious activities, those are my concerns, too.
The administration, in fact, does not view this as a sequential
matter in terms of addressing those regional activities.
There are ongoing discussions with our most important ally
in the region, Israel, as well as other concerned parties, and
we work to synchronize and use a set of tools--economic
sanctions, pressure, occasionally military and other diplomatic
tools with them--to confront and constrain Iran in these
activities.
The Chairman. Is it fair to say that we really do not know
where Iran is at in its nuclear program right now?
Ambassador Leaf. I am not sure I would want to characterize
it that way, Senator, and, obviously, there are intelligence
estimates to that effect.
The Chairman. I get real concerned when I see Mr. Albright
suggest that we are one month away. He is a pretty independent
verifier. I get concerned when we are heralding the IAEA
agreement that, basically, says, well, we will keep the
monitoring but we cannot see anything that is happening and we
do not know what has happened in between.
That is not creating a safeguard for anybody. We need to be
a lot more robust with the IAEA. This committee will be seeking
the IAEA's briefing, which it has not given to date, because we
got to know what we are seeing and what we are not seeing and
be honest with ourselves at the end of the day.
I have many other questions for some of the other nominees.
But, in fairness, to our colleagues, Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Obviously, I share a lot of those concerns also.
And Ambassador Leaf, I can tell you, I told Secretary
Blinken this when we met, and you can take it for what it is
worth, but having been through this thing with Iran for so
long, this business of saying now that you are going to try to
get back into the old JCPOA and then there will be add-on
negotiations and agreements in the future, with all due
respect, I think that thinking is just delusional.
There is no way that Iran is going to continue to negotiate
and do an add-on agreement if, indeed, they are able to get the
JCPOA back where it was and get our sanctions off.
That is my two cents' worth, and I understand we have a
basic disagreement in that regard. But nonetheless, I will be
shocked if you can get that done.
Secondly, you heard the discussion from both myself and
from the chairman regarding a Syria policy, and we need that.
I am not expecting you to opine on that today because I
think you have got your work ahead of you before you can get
there. But we need something that we can articulate and move
forward on, and we do not have that on Syria.
Ms. Noyes, I want to talk about UNRWA for just a minute. I
introduced the UNRWA Accountability and Transparency Act with
11 of my Senate colleagues, and we share real concerns on
UNRWA.
What are your thoughts on UNRWA?
Ambassador Noyes. Senator, I share the concerns that you
expressed in that legislation about the efficiency, the
effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA. The administration
agrees, with the premise behind the legislation.
That said, it is my understanding that UNRWA is a force for
stability in the region by providing vital services to
Palestinians in need--education for school children, health
care for people, and the only viable alternative to UNRWA in
those areas would be Hamas.
Therefore, while we, certainly, would agree with the intent
of the legislation and the framework agreement that the PRM
bureau entered into with UNRWA accounts for the need to make
changes and to redouble efforts to ensure the efficiency, the
effectiveness, and the neutrality of UNRWA.
Senator Risch. I appreciate your thoughts. I do not think
simply because there is an alternative that is worse we should
take this--in my judgment, a very bad agency and try to make
that work.
I think we should try to make that work. But I think that
if it does not work, we should not say, well, the only other
alternative is Hamas. I do not subscribe to that theory.
But in any event, I think most everyone who has dealt with
UNRWA and seen, for instance, the textbooks they print for use
in their schools is just disgusted that U.S. taxpayer money is
going down the drain in that regard.
I hope you will focus on that. I hope you can get them in a
better direction, and it is going to take a considerable change
in direction for me to embrace what they are doing.
Thank you for your efforts in that regard.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
My understanding is Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I do want to thank all of our nominees for their
willingness to serve our nation during these extremely
challenging times. We thank you. We thank your families.
Ambassador Leaf, I want to follow up on some of the
comments that have already been made. We see some positive
developments in the Middle East with the Abraham Accords, and
Congress has passed that and the Senate Finance Committee has
passed S. 1601, which would build on that to have the United
States active in trying to get more of the countries in the
Middle East to sign on to the Abraham Accords.
On the other side of the ledger, we see activities in the
United Nations General Assembly that is very much trying to
compromise Israel's sovereignty.
Just share with me your strategies in dealing with the
countries in the region to get more to move towards the Abraham
Accord approach with Israel rather than trying to isolate
Israel in the United Nations.
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that set of
questions and comments, and I could not agree more on both
counts.
First, with respect to the Abraham Accords, it is a truly
exciting set of developments in a region that for so long has
really not had a lot of good news, and I, if confirmed, very
much look forward to seizing the opportunities opened with
those nascent relationships and deepening, expanding them while
really expanding the circle beyond the four countries.
I think there is a lot of opportunity. I would say the UAE
and Bahrain and Morocco probably represented the sort of most
forward leaning of the countries in that regard.
But, nonetheless, and this has been a subject of discussion
with the Israeli Government, there are other opportunities out
there, and I think it self-evidently should be a priority for
my work, if confirmed, and it would thread into the work of
every U.S. ambassador in the region so that it was a very
concerted and coordinated effort.
I also agree with you in terms of the anti-Israel bias that
we see repeatedly come up, whether in the UNGA or in U.N.
bodies, and, if confirmed, I would absolutely work in lockstep
with other members of the administration, with our mission to
the U.N., and others to push back on that vigorously.
Senator Cardin. I would just point out I think the Abraham
Accords is a positive incentive for countries to normalize
their relationship with Israel. The actions in the United
Nations and its bodies require us to make it clear that there
is a price to pay when we see this type of activity take place
that is very much against the sovereignty of our closest ally
in the Middle East.
I would hope you would also be aggressive in activities to
make it clear that the United States will act on behalf of
Israel in regards to the United Nations.
Ambassador Noyes, I want to ask you a question on
immigration. I agree with Chairman Menendez's point in regards
to Afghanistan, and that is going to, certainly, be a major
focus of all of our work in the next several months in order to
relocate those at risk.
But I want to get closer to our own hemisphere, and Senator
Menendez raised these issues. We show international leadership
by our actions here in America. Yes, we will show it in regards
to the Afghan refugees.
But in regards to refugees coming out of our own
hemisphere, we, certainly, have a lot of individuals who have
left Venezuela. We have the Central American migration that we
know about.
Can you just share with me the strategy of exercising
leadership in our own hemisphere to show that we have the right
global policies in regards to migration that can help us not
only in dealing with the challenges we have in the Western
Hemisphere but also our leadership globally?
Ambassador Noyes. Thank you for that question, Senator
Cardin.
Certainly, this hemisphere is not alone in having issues
with refugees and migration. One of the administration's major
efforts with regard to how to deal with these issues is for
Central America. There is a root cause's strategy to get to the
causes that lead people to leave their nations.
But insofar as PRM is concerned, the administration has
also put forward a comprehensive migration management strategy,
which is an effort, a whole-of-government effort, to work with
U.S. Government agencies but also with the governments of the
region in trying to address the issues that lead to migration
and to come up with collaborative approaches for dealing with
those issues, whether it is providing access to temporary work
permits, providing protection, humanitarian assistance in
countries where they are needed, dealing with issues of
corruption, rule of law.
And that is a model, Senator, that I believe could be very
useful and very effective in dealing with migration questions
and refugee challenges elsewhere in the world.
If confirmed, I really would like to do more in the area of
humanitarian diplomacy, working closely with our partners and
with other governments around the world to address these issues
before they become so severe that they lead people to leave
their countries, and also to address issues that have led
people to leave their countries such that they can find ways to
return safely, humanely, and voluntarily to their home
countries.
I think there is a lot to be done in the area of
humanitarian diplomacy. I think the approach the United States
is taking in Central America and in Mexico with this holistic
whole-of-government and collaborative approach with regional
governments is, again, a model for these issues around the
world.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. We will be judged by our actions.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
My understanding is that there are presently no Republican
colleagues seeking recognition so I will move to Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, thank you. And again,
congratulations to the nominees.
Ambassador Bauer, one of the wonderful opportunities in the
U.S. relationship with France is that France has significant
equities all over the globe in areas where the U.S. shares
interest, and we work in tandem in Southeast Asia. We work in
tandem in the Sahel. I want to ask a question about one of the
countries you mentioned, Lebanon.
The U.S.-Lebanese relationship, especially with the
Lebanese military, has been a strong one. Lebanon is very
strategically important.
But right now in Lebanon there has just been a set of
catastrophes, one after the next, and the current political
situation in Lebanon poses grave risk both to the health and
satisfaction and quality of life of everyday Lebanese but also
the surrounding communities.
The French Government under President Macron has been very
involved in trying to promote a better chapter for Lebanon.
Should you be confirmed, what might we be able to do, the
United States and France together, to figure out ways to help
Lebanon to a better place?
Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question, Senator
Kaine.
Yes, indeed, it is a very challenging situation, and it is
my understanding that we are working closely with the French
and that the French take it very seriously and will be good
allies, going forward.
It is certainly something I would engage on right away
should I be confirmed, and would also welcome the opportunity
to consult with you and other members of this committee to
develop a best plan for going forward.
Senator Kaine. Excellent. I almost asked that question as a
proxy for Senator Murphy, who is the chair of the Subcommittee
of Foreign Relations that oversees that relationship, and he
just was in Lebanon with other members of the committee.
I think it is an increasingly destabilized Lebanon is a
real problem for a lot of nations, including the United States,
and we can work together with France on that.
Ambassador Leaf, I am concerned about a number of things in
the relationship between the United States and Egypt. There are
some positive developments. President el-Sisi met with Prime
Minister Bennett in Sharm El Sheikh recently, which was the
first meeting between leaders of Egypt and Israel in a decade.
That is positive.
But I am really worried about human rights issues in Egypt
and they affect a lot of Virginians. There was reporting in the
last few months about the involvement of Egyptian intelligence
in the murder of Virginia resident Washington Post journalist
Jamal Khashoggi.
I wrote a letter to the Secretary of State last month
asking the Department of State to dig into these allegations
and then render some judgment on the potential applicability of
7013(c) visa restrictions.
You are not yet at State. That letter had not come to you.
But these are very serious allegations of the involvement of
the Egypt secret police and intel officials in the murder of a
Virginian, a journalist.
Now, I will say the Egyptian Government has denied these
allegations. We spoke directly about it with the head of
Egyptian intelligence on the committee. But there is an answer
to the question of whether or not they are involved, and if
they were there has got to be some consequences.
Should you be confirmed, will you take this kind of a
request of the Department of State to make an assessment about
what occurred and then whether there should be accountability?
Will you take this matter with the utmost seriousness?
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and
it is an extraordinarily serious issue that you have raised.
Within the context more broadly, and I will say straight
up, of course, I will take my responsibilities absolutely
seriously, if confirmed, under both U.S. law and U.S. policy on
human rights.
I would just offer another couple of comments on this
broader issue that you raised, how human rights feature in the
relationship with Egypt, and you will have seen this week that
Secretary Blinken decided on the issue of $300 million of the
$1.3 billion of foreign military financing for Egypt.
It was a very methodical and carefully thought through set
of decisions to signal, to reaffirm, really, that as with
countries around the world, human rights do feature at the
center point of relations with Egypt.
Now, we have long-standing national security interests in
that relationship. Egypt has been a strategic partner of
enormous importance for the U.S. but also for the region and
for Israel, in particular.
And as you said, this was a remarkable thing. For the first
time in a decade you had the two leaders meet publicly. The
fact that leaders have met before, but they could not do it
publicly in front of their publics speaks to how unsteady that
relationship was.
I will just pledge to you that, if confirmed, I will
absolutely keep my focus on these human rights issues and the
case that you cite, in particular.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Leaf, if confirmed, you are going to inherit a region
that has been transformed in remarkable ways in recent years,
most significantly by the Abraham Accords.
The Abraham Accords were historic peace agreements, the
first in decades achieved in the region. They were achieved, I
believe, because the prior administration abandoned the long-
standing U.S. policy of deliberate ambiguity between Israel and
the Palestinians and, rather, pursued a policy that America
unequivocally stands with our friend and ally, the nation of
Israel.
That clarity produced the Abraham Accords, I believe. That
clarity was manifested in multiple ways, including moving our
embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, including withdrawing from the
disastrous Obama Iran nuclear deal.
The Biden administration seems bound and determined to
unwind all of the positive progress made in the Middle East, to
run away from the peace deal, to embrace the strategic
ambiguity that for decades failed, and the Biden administration
seems to want to go back to that failure.
When it comes to the Abraham Accords, the Biden
administration, frankly, has been almost comical, going so far
as quite literally putting out a guidance at the U.S. State
Department not to utter the words Abraham Accords, in writing
officials in the Biden State Department saying, ``We do not use
those words here.'' Instead, they are to be referred to as
normalization agreements.
And I will say that was not simply a written guidance but,
sadly, it is a guidance that seems to be followed. Just
yesterday, the U.S. ambassador of the United Nations, Linda
Thomas-Greenfield, gave a speech on the anniversary of the
Abraham Accords in which she refused to utter the words Abraham
Accords. The entire thing seems like a Monty Python skit.
I understand that the Biden administration is not a fan of
Donald Trump. But throwing away historic Middle East peace
agreements because the administration does not like their
predecessor is extraordinarily foolish, it is harmful to the
United States, and it is harmful to our friends and allies.
Can you tell this committee, in your judgment, what is the
importance of the Abraham Accords and should they be maintained
and strengthened or should they be undermined and weakened?
Ambassador Leaf. Senator, I agree with you, those are
historic Accords. The Abraham Accords changed and brought a new
dynamic to a region that has really had very little in the way
of good news in recent years.
There is no question in my mind that they have already
contributed and will contribute still more to peaceful
coexistence and to economic integration, and that last piece
has been very much missing across this region.
I can assure you that, if confirmed, I will make it a top
priority not just to help foster the deepening of the roots of
those relationships, and each of them has different dynamics
according to their own societies and cultures, but I will work
with those governments and with the Israeli Government to
strengthen and deepen those Accords and then widen the circle,
absolutely.
There are more opportunities out there. They are not quite
as in a state of readiness, perhaps, as the UAE was. But there
are prospects there.
They start with some very significant moves on people-to-
people contacts and that is one of the things that really, I
think, was most striking in the case of the UAE and Bahrain.
Those governments had begun a very subtle process of
beginning to warm their public up to the idea, and that is the
sort of thing that, frankly, the U.S. has to push on with other
governments and I am ready to do it.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
Ms. Smith, as you know, I am deeply concerned about the
Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I think that President Biden made an
enormous and, indeed, a generational geopolitical mistake by
effectively giving that pipeline to Vladimir Putin.
In your judgment, what will be the national security harms,
the economic harms, to Europe and to the United States if and
when that pipeline goes online and is operational?
Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I agree with the president. I agree with you that the
pipeline is a bad deal. It is a geopolitical project, as you
yourself have noted many times.
It is a project that undermines the safety and security of
our friends in Europe, particularly in Ukraine. I do not feel
that this deal, this pipeline, in particular, will be something
that will bring added security to Europe. Quite the contrary.
I look forward, though, if confirmed, to working with our
allies, our partners, on the repercussions of this pipeline as
I get to Brussels.
Senator Cruz. I feel obliged to note the president does not
believe that, because the only reason the pipeline is being
completed is because Joe Biden waived the sanctions that were
passed by an overwhelming bipartisan majority of Congress.
We had stopped the pipeline for over a year, and the Biden
administration decided, because they wanted to make nice with
Germany, they would give Putin a generational multi-billion-
dollar gift and they turned an incredible foreign policy
victory into a foreign policy failure.
The Chairman. The time of the senator has expired.
I would just note for the record an hour ago the State
Department spokesman, Ned Price, was heralding the Abraham
Accords and called it as such, and the United Arab Emirates
promoted it as part of their Foreign Service movement.
The administration has used and I am sure will continue to
use the term Abraham Accords.
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch.
And, Chairman Menendez, thank you for setting the record
straight about both the bipartisan support for the Abraham
Accords here and the ways in which the State Department
continues to advocate for their full implementation.
To the nominees before us, thank you for your willingness
to serve. Let me thank your families and those who have helped
support you in your careers and service so far and will support
you should you be confirmed.
Let me just ask a few quick questions. I have less than
five minutes but I am delighted to have a chance to ask each of
you a question or two.
Ms. Bauer, if I might, what lessons did you learn from your
time as Ambassador to Belgium about working with the Foreign
Service? And you have said to me when we had a chance to talk
before this hearing that one of the most important jobs an
ambassador faces is protecting State Department employees and
other American citizens abroad.
How do you intend to help contribute to that sacred
challenge, that obligation, that opportunity, that our
diplomats have abroad?
Ambassador Bauer. Thank you, Senator Coons.
Indeed, working with the team at the State Department and
the interagency team in Brussels was an incredible privilege.
It is a skilled and dedicated group of people and it is part of
what made me so excited about the opportunity to potentially
serve again was to think of working with the same extraordinary
team.
On the security front, I think it is a matter of having
really close communication, no silos, working as a team, making
sure everyone trusts each other and we are having really
regular communications not only within the team in France,
should I be confirmed, but throughout Europe and, of course,
consulting with the Senate and other important partners.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I did not mean to skip over Ms.
Noyes.
If I might, your role is going to be absolutely critical,
and as the daughter of Cuban refugees, I think you bring an
important and unique perspective to this vital role.
If you would just share with me, briefly, what lessons from
your service as ambassador to Croatia would you bring to PRM,
and how should the State Department address the visa backlog
and how will you work to increase international cooperation on
difficult and urgent issues like resettlement of refugees and
humanitarian assistance?
Ambassador Noyes. Senator, thank you for that question.
I think I have learned lessons from throughout my career in
a variety of different positions, not just as ambassador but
even as the Acting Director of FSI, lessons about management,
about teamwork, about how I would pick up part of Denise's
answer about working with the team and making sure that
everyone makes a contribution.
One of my biggest priorities, if confirmed, would be to
help rebuild the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration,
which is badly understaffed at this point at a time when it is
really being stretched to carry out a lot of functions.
A big priority would be rebuilding that bureau, and in
rebuilding that bureau working to rebuild the U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program, which is critical for America's
humanitarian leadership around the world, and working with
partners in the State Department and in the interagency on
helping to resettle the Afghan refugees.
In so far as the visa backlog question, Senator, the Bureau
of Population, Refugees, and Migration does not play a specific
role on that issue. But I know that my colleagues at the
Department of State are working very, very hard to process the
remaining Special Immigrant Visas for Afghans and to do
whatever is possible to help people at risk in Afghanistan.
Thank you.
Senator Coons. I think that is urgent work and I look
forward to working with the chairman to ensure that the
resources for that are available.
Might I ask two more quick questions or are we----
The Chairman. Since the senator is the chairman of the
Foreign Ops Subcommittee and Appropriations, definitely go
ahead.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
If I might, Ms. Smith, NATO has just concluded one of its
most important longest missions and it is now, I think, facing
a different range of threats, challenges, and adversaries.
China has expanded its influence not just in the Indo-
Pacific but in Europe, investing in infrastructure, heightening
its emphasis on the Arctic, targeting countries in Eastern,
Central, and Western Europe with disinformation campaigns.
And in June, the NATO heads of state issued a statement
that Beijing presents systemic challenges. What risk do you
think China currently poses to the NATO Alliance and European
stability, and how would you, if confirmed, work with NATO to
counter China's malign influence?
Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I do worry about the dangers posed by China in the Euro-
Atlantic area. I think about the investments that China is
making in critical infrastructure across the continent.
I think about their own investments in disruptive
technology, the lessons they are learning from Russia on
utilizing disinformation, their evolving maritime presence,
what they are doing in the Arctic. I really could go on.
The good news, as you noted yourself, Senator, is that the
Alliance now has conducted its first China review in 2019. The
Alliance just recently stated at its summit this past June that
it is a systemic challenge to the liberal world order.
Going forward, if confirmed, I would look forward to
working with the allies as we draft the next Strategic Concept
to make sure that the challenges posed by China to the wider
Euro-Atlantic region are featured prominently in the Strategic
Concept.
I would also look forward to working with them on acquiring
better tools to counter some of the malign activities that
China is pursuing.
Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you to all of you. And
thank you for your indulgence, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you all for being here today. This is an important
hearing. I hope that you move quickly to the floor.
But then you are destined to sit in limbo because we have
two members of the Senate, a list that is growing, that have
decided to hold up all national security nominees.
This is a growing danger to the national security of this
country and I would hope that my Republican colleagues on this
committee would help us address this very quickly, because
every single day that we do not have ambassadors, every single
day that we do not have assistant secretaries, is a day that
America is not representing its interests around the world.
A few questions for the panel, and thank you all for your
tremendous service to the country. We are so grateful for your
willingness to continue it.
Ambassador Leaf, I admit to getting a little confused when
I hear the administration talk about the strategy, moving
forward, on the JCPOA. Obviously, Senator Menendez and I have
slightly different views on this issue.
But what I understand to be the administration's policy is
that while we absolutely believe that at the same time we can
work on addressing Iran's nuclear program and its support for
terrorist groups and its other malevolent behaviors in the
region, our belief continues to be that a compliance-for-
compliance deal on the JCPOA is meritorious on its own and that
if we can get back into the JCPOA then that makes it a lot
easier to confront many of their other behaviors around the
region.
I just want to confirm that that continues to be the
position of the administration, that understanding how
difficult it is to figure out how to get back into the
agreement that we still believe that it is a priority to get
back into the agreement and we are not conditioning the restart
of the JCPOA on an additional set of agreements on a whole host
of nonnuclear behaviors by the Iranian regime.
Ambassador Leaf. Senator, the only word I would disagree
with in that set of statements and that question was whether it
would be easier following reentry into JCPOA to deal with all
those other problems.
But no, to be serious, the administration is committed to a
methodical diplomatic effort to rejoin the JCPOA based on
mutual compliance. That is an overriding national security
imperative because, at this point, Iran's nuclear program is
untrammeled.
The priority is getting it back into a box. But
notwithstanding those diplomatic efforts in Vienna, the
administration continues in parallel, in tandem, to, on a
constant basis, address the regional dimension of Iran's
destabilizing behavior.
There is an objective on the part of the administration to
then build upon in nuclear terms a longer stronger deal. But
the ongoing work is ongoing. It will continue apart.
Senator Murphy. I am going to submit a question to the
record on Lebanon. I will not ask a question to you now.
But Hezbollah is spinning up a very effective narrative
there right now about the United States blockade of energy
resources into the country and they are offering ships of their
own through Iran.
We have got to solve for this very quickly. The narrative
is pervasive, and there are ways in which we can creatively try
to address the fuel shortage, the crisis in Lebanon right now.
But we have to do it very, very quickly.
And so I will submit a question to the record because I
wanted to ask one final question here to you, Ms. Smith. I
think one of the biggest scams going is the way that we assess
NATO contributions to the Alliance.
Despite the fact that the adversaries to the United States
and our NATO partners are using all sorts of means other than
conventional military pressure to try to undermine the
democracies of NATO, we continue to assess whether or not you
are a full member in good standing by the amount of your
defense spending, even though Russia is delighting in
asymmetric warfare that is defensed in ways other than aircraft
carriers and ships and brigades.
Is there a better way, moving forward, that we can assess
whether members of the NATO Alliance are in good standing other
than the simple amount of their GDP that they are spending on
hard traditional conventional defense spending?
Ms. Smith. Senator, thank you for that question.
Traditionally, NATO's deterrence and defense posture has
been based on three legs of a stool, so conventional
capabilities, nuclear capabilities, and missile defense
capabilities. And so we always measured allies' contributions
in a very conventional framing.
But in recent years, as you noted, increasingly, the NATO
Alliance is defining its posture, deterrence, and defense
posture in other ways. It is looking at cybersecurity,
increasingly working that into operational planning. It is
looking at those gray zone threats, the hybrid threats:
disinformation, coercion, and other forms of gray zone tactics.
And so, going forward, on this question of burden sharing,
there is a lot to do. First and foremost, we have to keep a
laser like focus on 2 percent. Allies all made that commitment
to get to 2 percent in 2014. Many have gotten there or will get
there by 2024. But we have to continue to apply pressure on
those that will not yet meet that target by 2024.
Increasingly, I think we have to have conversations with
our allies about other aspects: readiness, force generation,
capability gaps, broadly defined.
And so, if confirmed, I would look forward to working with
our allies on this broader definition of NATO's deterrence and
defense posture and the question of burden sharing.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Van Hollen is
with us virtually.
Senator Van Hollen. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Let me join my colleagues in congratulating all of you on
your nominations, and I am impressed with the great depth and
breadth of foreign policy experience represented on this panel.
I also want to associate myself with the comments of both
the chairman and Senator Murphy that the ever longer line of
nominations being held up on the Senate floor hurts our
national security and undermines our capacities.
Ambassador Noyes, you have got a huge amount of challenges
in the portfolio you have been nominated to oversee, including
recent developments in Afghanistan, and I am going to be
submitting some questions to the record for you.
Ambassador Leaf, I just returned from a trip to Lebanon,
Israel, and the West Bank with Senator Murphy and others, and I
have a couple questions related to that trip, starting with
Lebanon.
We were pleased to see that after over a year of no
government, last Friday we finally have a government in
Lebanon. As you know, that is just the first step. They have
got to address the economic crisis, bring more accountability
and transparency to a system that is rife with political
corruption, and keep elections on track for next year.
But the one institution in the country that is almost
universally respected is the nonsectarian Lebanese Armed
Forces. And my question to you, and it is a simple question, is
do you agree it is in our national interests to continue to
support that effort?
And I will add one of the things that was highlighted
during our visit was that because of the economic crisis, pay
for members of the Lebanese Armed Forces has just collapsed.
In fact, there is a story today the Lebanese Armed Forces
is providing helicopter rides for tourists in order to raise
money, and the pay of the Lebanese Armed Forces is now way
below what Hezbollah pays its militias.
A question. So you agree that continued U.S. support for
the Lebanese Armed Forces is in our interest of providing some
measure of stability respect to interfaith communities, inter-
communal stability, and national stability? Just yes or no.
Ambassador Leaf. Yes, absolutely. If you would like, I can
offer a few other thoughts on this.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Let me get on the
other questions. If I have time in the end----
Ambassador Leaf. Please.
Senator Van Hollen:--I will circle back.
We also, as I said, went to Israel and the West Bank. In
Israel, we affirmed our support for the replenishment of the
Iron Dome and our support for the Abraham Accords.
We also discussed both in Israel and the West Bank
President Biden's plan to reopen the consulate in Jerusalem
that had been in existence for over a hundred years before the
previous administration terminated it.
My question is does the president plan to continue with
that commitment to open the consulate and what would be the
timetable?
Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator, that is the President's
commitment, and he believes, and Secretary Blinken spoke to
this issue over the last couple months that reopening the
consulate provides a critical platform for diplomatic
engagement with both the Palestinian leadership and the
Palestinian people.
I am not privy to the plans in the State Department in
terms of timing of that. But, if confirmed, of course, I will
work to execute the President's commitment.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. In my remaining time, let me
now circle back to Lebanon, and in addition to elaborating on
the Lebanese Armed Forces just follow up with the issue that
Senator Murphy raised, which is, as you know, Iran right now is
sending tankers with fuel to Hezbollah via a port in Syria to
be transported over land.
Our really great ambassador there, Ambassador Shea, has
expressed her strong opposition to that but also proposed an
alternative, a much more sustainable plan, a real plan that
involves bringing electricity from Egypt through Jordan to
Lebanon but would have to transit Syria.
There are issues of whether or not that is compliant with
the Caesar Act or whether a waiver would be required. Can you
just offer your thoughts on that, in addition to the Lebanese
Armed Forces?
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for
calling out Ambassador Shea for her great efforts there on the
ground with her team.
Yeah, it is interesting, the issue of this acute energy
crisis. It is side by side with the general disintegration of
the economy, which is, as you and Senator Murphy saw, is having
a terrible deleterious effect across society and is crumbling
the foundations of the LAF itself. I mean, the currency has
lost 90 percent of its value in the last two years. Imagine
what a soldier makes.
On this issue of an energy solution, side by side with
this, frankly, PR stunt by Hezbollah, this is a regionally
produced solution or proposed solution, which, as you say, it
is our partners, Egypt and Jordan, who have teamed together to
look at the issue of excess electricity and natural gas to get
it across Syria into Lebanon.
This is a project that, as I understand it, is endorsed by
the World Bank. So, the State Department is looking at it
carefully within the framework of U.S. law and sanctions
policy.
But it shows some promise on the face of it and, of course,
the Department will consult thoroughly with Treasury on the way
forward. But it, certainly, offers the prospect of a cheaper,
cleaner, and defensible solution, a short-term fix to what is a
larger terrible problem in Lebanon.
And the first step, of course, is that they have finally,
after 13 months, put together a government, which is only the
first step. Important economic reforms must follow after.
And I will just say, finally, on the LAF, support for the
LAF as the true cross confessional institution of public trust
and capability in the country will remain a priority for this
administration.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Let me follow up on one point that
Senator Van Hollen made.
And I look forward to hearing back from the department. I
helped write the Caesar Act and I do not want to give relief to
the Assad regime.
However, in this particular case for these particular
circumstances, if the department makes the determination that
that is the only impediment towards an agreement for energy
flow into Lebanon, I have asked them to come to me because I
think it is important enough to find a way forward.
Let me also follow on. A question, Ambassador Leaf, that
was promoted to you by Senator Murphy--and he and I do have a
respectful disagreement about the JCPOA--I understood your
answer to say that if we can get a compliance-for-compliance
deal we will do that, and then the stronger longer comes later.
Is that it?
Ambassador Leaf. Senator, what I meant by that was follow-
on negotiations would necessarily look at building out on the
JCPOA.
The Chairman. Right, but they would come later?
Ambassador Leaf. Following it. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. Yeah. That is the problem. The conversations
that I have had with the administration is that returning to
the JCPOA with a commitment from the Iranians for a negotiation
on what is longer and stronger, that is something I could
support.
But if it is just compliance-for-compliance and then we
wait to see whether the Iranians are actually serious about
longer and stronger, that is a problem because they will have
received what they wanted.
And let us remember that our circumstances today are
different than when we entered the JCPOA. Number one, time has
elapsed. The sunset clauses are closer. Some of them have
already elapsed on some critical issues.
And Iran has moved forward on its abilities and knowledge
in terms of enrichment. We are not in the same place. Even with
compliance-for-compliance, we are not in the same place.
I do not hold you responsible for this because even though
you work at the NSC it is, I am sure, above your pay grade. But
I just want to make it clear that from the chairman's point of
view this is a problem.
And so I have given the administration a lot of room under
the basis that they are looking for an agreement that goes back
to compliance but is also a pathway to longer and stronger, and
just that it will happen later on in the hopes that the
Iranians will be good actors is not something that I can be
supportive of.
I just want to raise that question. I think this question
is rather self-obvious, but I just want to do it for the
record.
Do you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-
defense and its qualitative military edge, including through
U.S. military assistance?
Ambassador Leaf. Yes, Senator.
The Chairman. Okay. I want to go to Lebanon as well. This
economic crisis has pushed the middle class into poverty, but
the country's political elite still have shown no appetite for
needed reforms.
This new government, it is my hope that Hezbollah will
allow this government to operate.
How do we balance the need to help alleviate suffering in
Lebanon while directly contributing to security and stability--
which directly contributes to security and stability not only
in Lebanon but Israel and throughout the region, but ensure
that our assistance is being used to incentivize reforms?
Ambassador Leaf. Thank you, Senator. You have put your
finger on the crux of the issue.
There is a situation that in real terms is quite terrifying
that confronts Lebanon and I wish the Lebanese political class
and its leaders and those who formed the caretaker government
have felt the same sense of urgency about the situation that
outsiders like the U.S. Government, the French Government, and
others have felt about the situation.
There is at play here, a need for pressure and inducements
but, really, not inducements in an immediate sense. It is,
rather, that this government, having been formed, it is only
the first minimal step on what has to be a long road of
structural economic reform, which will then unlock, be it
international financing, loans, and other forms of foreign
assistance.
The Biden administration has been working this set of
issues closely with France and several other regional partners
to provide that constant pressure on individuals as well as the
Government to make it clear that there is no rescue coming from
outside.
The solution to Lebanon lies in Lebanese hands. But it is
going to be a long slow road ahead.
The Chairman. I hope we will do what is necessary to try to
get them to be part of the decision-making necessary so they
can get IMF funding and reforms and move on, and I think there
is a great will in the Congress to help Lebanon but Lebanon
must help itself in that regard.
And I think if the message is there that we are standing
willing to help, then the onus is upon its own leaders to
create that opportunity.
Ambassador Leaf. Absolutely.
The Chairman. Okay. I just want to touch on Egypt with you
and then I will move on.
Egypt is both an incredibly important security partner to
us, to the region, to Israel. I was in Greece this summer. I
spoke to the foreign minister. He made a very big point about
Egypt's stability in the region.
They are a member of the East Med Gas Forum along with
Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Jordan. They worked to deescalate
the conflict between Israel and Hamas in the past conflicts.
They, obviously, are playing a significant role in that regard.
They have issues as well. They have issues with the Grand
Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or what we call the GERD. And when I
speak to them, I believe that they are serious about their red
lines on the GERD. And, though, while they do not seek it, I,
certainly, think the last thing we can avoid is a conflict
there, at the end of the day. I hope that you will join whoever
is in the administration focused on this to try to find a
resolution.
Then, of course, we have our continuing challenges on human
rights. I know that the Egyptians argue that, look at what we
are doing for the quality of life for the Egyptian people. That
should be considered human rights, too.
But imprisonment and unlawful detention is also not
acceptable on these set of circumstances. We have to press them
on all these different fronts, and I will assume that that is
something that you will do, if confirmed.
Ambassador Leaf. If confirmed, I will absolutely do that.
And you have sketched out exactly the color, the texture, the
complexity of that relationship. But it is quite strategic.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ms. Smith, I have some real concerns about NATO in terms of
where we are headed, and your time there will be very
important. They fall in two buckets. One is NATO, of course,
was created as a security architecture, which has been
exceptionally successful.
But it was also founded on a set of principles, of values,
that were joined by the member nations. And, of course, the
provision of the NATO treaty that says an attack on one is an
attack on all is a critical nature of that. We have reaffirmed
that.
But what happens in the eventuality that an attack by one
NATO member against another NATO member takes place? It is a
serious issue, and while we never envisioned that, I am deeply
concerned about Turkey's actions in the eastern Mediterranean
against another NATO ally, Greece, where we have Souda Bay,
where we are deepening our relationship. We are on the verge of
signing a new defense cooperation agreement, a Memorandum of
Understanding, hopefully, in October.
I think that is a discussion that NATO is going to have to
have. I would like to get your impressions on that.
Ms. Smith. Thank you, Senator.
NATO, as you know, recently spent some time drafting this
2030 report thinking about where the allies want to take the
Alliance towards 2030 and what capabilities it would need, what
new mechanisms it might need, what measures it could undertake
to address some new challenges.
But, really, at the heart of that report sits the
importance of Alliance cohesion and unity, and that is a theme
that runs throughout the report.
And as I noted in my opening remarks, I am concerned about
some of the actions we are seeing in some NATO member states
that bring into question whether or not each member state is
upholding our shared values of democracy, individual liberty,
and rule of law.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure that we can return our
focus back to Alliance unity, solidarity, and resolve.
On your question about Turkey more specifically, this is an
ally inside the NATO Alliance that has played a key role in
some of its cooperation with both the United States and other
NATO allies in the counterterrorism realm.
But we have also had some really hard questions with Turkey
and some tough discussions, particularly about their decision
to purchase the S-400s, which all of us have made clear are not
compatible with the Alliance, not interoperable, and I think,
rightly, past U.S. administrations, other allies, have warned
the Turks that these types of purchases cannot be made
operational. They cannot be maintained. They should not have
been purchased in the first place.
And so we have to continue to drive the message home to our
friends in Ankara that it is important that we focus on that
Alliance cohesion.
Yes, we can have some tough conversations with our friends
in Ankara, difficult discussions about human rights as well,
but also acknowledge that Turkey is an ally and that all of us
want Turkey to remain facing westward.
The Chairman. We want them facing westward as long as they
are also sharing westward values. When you purchase the S-400,
which is in violation of CAATSA, that I helped write--when
you--totally not interoperable with the NATO Alliance--when you
commit actions that instigate against another NATO ally in
Greece--you overfly their airspace, you invade their
territorial waters, you threaten their exclusive economic
zone--when we say that there are more lawyers and journalists
in prison in Turkey than in any other part of the world, and
there are some bad parts of the world, that speaks volumes
about not sharing on values.
What they did in Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh region,
the list is replete. I just hope that you will be going clear
eyed with an understanding of this challenge.
Yes, we want them to be everything we aspired of them--the
bridge between East and West, the secular, more democratic
country, a strong NATO ally, respecting the rule of law.
But under President Erdogan that is not the reality, and as
it is in life, we have to deal with that which is the reality,
not that which we aspire to.
I hope you will be thinking about that because we have to
answer the question, God forbid, that one NATO ally attacks
another what is the answer of the Alliance then.
Secondly, I hope you will pay attention to what is the new
hybrid warfare that, particularly, Russia has done.
We need to be able to think about how we respond in that
regard when Russia uses forces that are irregular--but they are
Russian forces for all intents and purposes, whether they are
the Wagner Group or others--and at the end of the day,
threatens stability in the region, as well as the new cyber
challenges that we have, which are a new form of warfare.
Are those items that you will be paying attention to, if
confirmed?
Ms. Smith. Absolutely. Russia remains the biggest
geopolitical threat to the Euro-Atlantic region, certainly,
will be the biggest military threat to the NATO Alliance for
the foreseeable future, certainly, over the next decade.
NATO has done a lot to enhance its deterrence and defense
posture since Russia went into Ukraine in 2014. But as you
note, Senator, there is more work to be done. Russia's
aggression continues.
We have to hold Russia accountable for their actions across
the full spectrum of instruments whether we are talking about
conventional capabilities, flying into NATO airspace, acts of
intimidation, or cyber attacks.
NATO has done a lot to take on the cyber challenge,
particularly in 2016, acknowledging that this is a new domain
for the Alliance. But we do have more work to do in that
regard.
The Chairman. Thank you. We look forward to you getting
there soon because I think these issues are really percolating
as we speak.
Finally, Ambassador Bauer, I do not want you to think you
are not the object of my affection in terms of any questions.
Let me ask you, President Macron has sought to advance a
concept of strategic autonomy, to use his words, which some
have interpreted as France distancing itself from the United
States and creating tensions within NATO.
What are your views on this question of strategic autonomy
and what would you be saying, upon confirmation, to President
Macron about it?
Ambassador Bauer. Thank you for the question.
As Ms. Smith was noting, NATO is the premier transatlantic
forum for national security. That is, for us, our top priority
is our NATO Alliance.
And France is, indeed, a very good partner on that, and I
greatly appreciate their interest in strengthening security in
Europe, and I would ask them, perhaps, as their first step to
help us in encouraging those who are not meeting their
commitments to the 2 percent in NATO and to other capabilities
within NATO to do that.
The Chairman. All right. I get the sense of being stronger.
I just hope that it is stronger in complete alignment with
NATO. We are all for being stronger. But the last thing we need
is a separate parallel effort with NATO when NATO can use all
the strengthening it can get. I think that will be one of your
important jobs.
And the last thing I would just say, commend to you, that
the French care a great deal about Lebanon and we have heard
that there has been some engagement. I hope you will deepen
that and play with Ambassador Leaf and others a role to bring
this whole combination of governments together.
I think the stability in Lebanon is incredibly important. I
have had many discussions with the French ambassador here as
well as the French foreign minister and some of their
negotiators on the Iran portfolio.
We have talked to them about what the administration now
describes as stronger and longer, that there has to be more
than just a return to the JCPOA.
They seem to suggest that, yes, we recognize that, and I
hope that you will be able to deepen that approach if you are
confirmed to your position.
Ambassador Bauer. Thank you. That would certainly be a
priority for me.
The Chairman. Thank you.
All right. I have no other members virtually or otherwise.
We thank you all for your testimony.
The record for the hearing will remain open until the close
of business on Thursday, September 16, 2021. Please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
We would say to our nominees that there will inevitably be
questions for the record for you. We would ask you to answer
them fully, and I say that because we very often get answers
that are very superficial, which then causes members to hold up
a nominee's business meeting and we have to go back to the
department to say this answer is not sufficiently answered.
To the extent that you get a question, please answer them
expeditiously, answer them fully, so we can have your
nominations be brought up at a business meeting.
With the thanks of the committee, to all of you for your
willingness to serve, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Letter Submitted by Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret.), Former Supreme
Allied Commander at NATO, Supporting the Nomination of Julianne Smith
to be U.S. Permanent Representative to the Council of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How many individuals are in the current P-2 referral
queue?
Answer. To date, I understand over 20,000 cases consisting of
around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee
resettlement program.
Question. How will PRM work with individual Afghans who have
submitted applications through the P-2 referral process?
Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new
Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
(USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family
members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions-program-
priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State
has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access
to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for
resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were
employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or
nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to
permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their
immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S.
affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because
they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met
the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
refugees already resettled in the United States.
The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who
might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee
resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that
risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has
made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the
United States.
Question. How long should it take PRM to process P-2 applications
during the pre-screening phase?
Answer. It is my understanding that the amount of time it will take
for the relevant PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center to pre-screen
cases will vary according to region. In general, it takes approximately
12 to 18 months to process a refugee resettlement case from start to
finish including pre-screening, the U.S. Citizen and Immigration
Services interview, and required security vetting.
Question. Do you support expanding the P-2 eligibility to include
sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects, given that
the risks these staff face are no less grave than those of primary
recipients? If not, why not?
Answer. I understand the Department's policy is that Afghans who
worked for sub-grantees or sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects may
be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program through an Embassy
P-1 referral if the individual is well-known to a U.S. Government
official and has imminent or compelling protection concerns.
Alternatively, such individuals who register with the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a third country may be
referred for resettlement in the United States by UNHCR. I understand
that sub-grantees and sub-contractors of U.S.-funded projects do not
formally qualify for the P-2 program.
Question. Once eligible organizations have submitted referrals, how
will employers, organizations, and referred individuals receive
information about the status of their applications?
Answer. After the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program has received a
referral from a U.S. Government agency, a U.S.-based non-governmental
organization, or a U.S.-based media organization, and the individual
has relocated to a country where refugee processing can occur, I
understand the referred individual will need to contact PRM to begin
processing their case. Individuals should follow the guidelines on
wrapsnet.org to contact PRM. At that point, PRM will assign the case to
a PRM-funded overseas Resettlement Support Center for processing.
Question. What are the administration's plans to process Afghans in
third countries?
Answer. Once an individual referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions
Program (USRAP) arrives in a country where processing is feasible and
reaches out to PRM, following the guidelines found on wrapsnet.org, I
understand that PRM will create and assign a refugee case to the
appropriate PRM-funded Resettlement Support Center (RSC) to begin
processing the case where the refugee is located. I understand that
RSCs will collect data and pre-screen Afghan USRAP applicants, and all
individuals will need to complete a refugee interview with a U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officer.
Question. What role and presence, if any, will U.S. agencies have
in third countries? What role, if any, will UN agencies and
international NGOs play there?
Answer. It is my understanding that that there are regional PRM-
funded Resettlement Support Centers that process U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program (USRAP) cases for individuals once they reach a
third country. I also understand that individuals with urgent
protection needs may register and seek assistance from the Government
of the country they are in or from the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees.
Question. How will PRM specifically ensure that they have access to
basic services while awaiting U.S. Government P-2 processing?
Answer. It is my understanding that individuals with urgent needs
should follow procedures to register for international protection and
assistance with the government of the country where they are located.
They may also register and seek assistance from the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with
international humanitarian partners and other governments to address
their needs for basic services.
Question. What will be the contingency plan should at-risk Afghans'
applications for P-1, P-2, and SIV be rejected while they are in a
third country?
Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should follow
procedures to register for international protection and assistance with
the government of the country where they are located. They may also
register and seek assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees. If confirmed, I would work with international
humanitarian partners and other governments to address their protection
concerns and needs for support. The United States appreciates that
other countries have agreed to host and resettle at-risk Afghans, and
if confirmed, I would pursue durable solutions for these individuals.
Question. What steps, if any, is PRM taking to provide similar
protections or pathways for Afghans employed by international
organizations?
Answer. I understand that Afghans employed by international
organizations may be referred to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
through an Embassy P-1 referral, if well-known to a U.S. Government
official, or through a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
referral to the United States or another resettlement country.
Question. What will be the process for P-2 eligible Afghans who
were paroled into the U.S.?
Answer. It is my understanding that Afghan individuals at risk who
are paroled into the United States as a result of the U.S. airlift are
transferred temporarily to a U.S. military installation. Following
medical and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service processing on the
military base, these Afghan parolees can access the Afghan Placement &
Assistance (APA) Program once they arrive at their final destination in
the United States. The purpose of the APA Program is to provide paroled
Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after
arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States.
These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies
and community partners.
Question. Will the administration modify the P-2 program to allow
for processing while in the U.S.?
Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government is
currently exploring options under the P-2 program for processing
Afghans who have been paroled into the United States.
Question. How is PRM working with other federal agencies and the
White House to conduct an assessment of security vetting processes,
particularly in light of EO 14013?
Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland
Security is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying for
admission to the United States, including refugees. I understand PRM is
working closely with the DHS' Citizenship and Immigration Service and
other U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) vetting partners to
conduct needed reviews and implement technical improvements to USRAP
security vetting. I also understand that includes the goal of
incorporating refugee vetting into the National Vetting Center to
enhance the efficiency and reduce redundancies in vetting, without
compromising the security of the American people.
Question. What steps do you think PRM should be taking with DHS to
improve refugee vetting and security checks?
Answer. It is my understanding that the Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) is the lead agency for vetting of all travelers applying
for admission to the United States, including refugees. As noted
previously, I understand PRM is working closely with the DHS' U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Service and other USRAP vetting partners to
conduct the needed reviews and implement technical improvements to U.S.
Refugee Admissions Program security vetting. I also understand that
includes the goal of incorporating refugee vetting into the National
Vetting Center to speed the process and reduce redundancies, without
compromising the security of the American people.
Question. Would you commit to reviewing and implementing the
reports required by EO 14013 on vetting and SAO checks?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing and implementing fully
and completely all of the reports and measures in E.O. 14013 that the
President directs, including those focused on the Security Advisory
Opinion (SAO) process and security vetting for refugee applicants to
the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I believe the security of the
American people remains paramount in all Department of State programs
and initiatives and will work in keeping with that belief if confirmed.
Question. How is the Department engaging with allies around the
world to meet the UN appeals for urgent humanitarian funding to support
the needs of Afghans inside Afghanistan, including millions of IDPs?
Answer. I understand that the State Department continues to support
the needs of vulnerable Afghans through urgent humanitarian funding,
highlighted by the recent announcement of $64 million in new
humanitarian assistance to people affected by the ongoing crisis,
bringing the total on behalf of the United States to $330 million this
fiscal year. This new support to United Nations agencies, including the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and World Health
Organization, and to international non-governmental organizations, is
part of the nearly $1.2 billion in humanitarian funding to Afghanistan
pledged by nations around the world. My understanding is that the
Department continues to engage partners at the highest levels to
encourage full funding of urgent appeals and a continued commitment to
Afghans in need. If confirmed, I would call for international
responsibility sharing to meet humanitarian needs there and around the
world.
Question. Should the United States and the international community
demand certain commitments from the Taliban before providing
development aid? Should we insist that we will only provide support if
they uphold the humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality,
and independence?
Answer. My understanding is that the State Department and USAID are
reviewing all types of U.S. foreign assistance to Afghanistan. In my
view, that review should include discussion of our posture and
expectations vis-a-vis the Taliban. I would refer you to my colleagues
at USAID and in the South Central Asia bureau at the State Department
on the USG's plans to provide development aid to Afghanistan. Insofar
as humanitarian aid, I understand that U.S. humanitarian assistance is
provided on the basis of need through international and non-
governmental organization partners, not directly to governments. In
Afghanistan, more than 18 million people are in need of humanitarian
assistance in the face of food insecurity, protection risks, health
crises, climate change, and conflict instability. The United States
Government's humanitarian partners have reiterated their commitment to
stay and to deliver lifesaving assistance directly to the people of
Afghanistan with impartiality, neutrality, and independence; this
commitment is based on the needs of the Afghan people, regardless of
Taliban undertakings.
Question. What efforts will PRM be making and supporting to bring
refugee labor mobility to the United States and expand efforts
internationally to scale this additional solution for refugees and
other displaced people?
Answer. I understand that the administration's Collaborative
Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) includes a specific line of effort
to enhance regional labor migration pathways, under which PRM, the U.S.
interagency, international organization partners, and partner
governments in North and Central America will expand existing and
create new temporary work visa programs in the region. This is an
important initiative, and if confirmed, I would seek to expand interim
solutions, including further resettlement and labor mobility
opportunities for refugees and other forcibly displaced people in other
parts of the world.
Question. Migration is one of the greatest global challenges we
face. Creating safe, legal pathways for migration should be a key
component of our response. What is PRM doing to encourage development
of refugee labor mobility pathways internationally and to make skilled
labor visas accessible to refugee populations into the United States?
Answer. I agree on the critical importance of creating legal
migration pathways, particularly in this hemisphere. If confirmed, I
will implement the administration's Collaborative Migration Management
Strategy (CMMS), which includes a specific line of effort to enhance
regional labor mobility pathways. I understand PRM is working with the
U.S. interagency, international organization partners, and partner
governments in North and Central America to expand existing and create
new temporary work visa programs in the region to provide pathways for
safe, lawful employment to people likely to migrate seeking economic
opportunity.
I respectfully refer you to the Refugee Career Pathways program in
the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee
Resettlement for information about employment for refugees who have
been resettled to the United States.
Question. What is PRM doing to encourage and ensure that those who
come with skills, training, education and English language capability
are matched to private sector employment opportunities commensurate
with their abilities, so that they can contribute and provide for
themselves and their families from the outset of their entry into the
United States?
Answer. I understand the Reception & Placement Program, funded by
PRM, lays the foundation for refugees to transition successfully to
life in the United States. I also understand that a critical component
of that success is the ability of refugees to achieve early self-
sufficiency through employment. Resettlement agencies carefully
consider the availability of appropriate employment opportunities as
one of the key factors when determining where to resettle individuals,
drawing on information from a network of over 200 local resettlement
agency affiliate offices in approximately 150 communities around the
country. For more information on refugee employment programming and
outcomes, I would refer you to the Office of Refugee Resettlement in
the Department of Health and Human Services.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What would be your goals and priorities as Assistant
Secretary of State for the bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration (PRM)?
Answer. If confirmed, I would have three overarching goals as PRM
Assistant Secretary.
The first goal would be to represent American values and American
leadership in the world. To this end, I would lead PRM in promoting
protection, providing lifesaving humanitarian aid, and seeking durable
solutions through humanitarian diplomacy for over 80 million people in
populations of concern. I would promote policies for safe, orderly and
humane migration as well as population policies that enhance maternal
and child health. To these ends, I would be a responsible steward of
the taxpayer dollars that make PRM's work possible, emphasizing risk
mitigation approaches to ensure aid reaches its intended recipients. I
would emphasize greater international burden sharing to meet global
humanitarian needs as well as needed reforms in international
organizations to make them more efficient, effective, and accountable.
My second goal would be to rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions
Program, as directed by the President. I would collaborate closely with
partners at the Departments of Homeland Security and Health and Human
Services and in close consultation with the Congress on this objective,
and with PRM's excellent international organization and non-government
organization partners, seeking innovations such as private-public
partnerships to make the program more effective.
Last but not least, I would seek to rebuild the PRM bureau. PRM's
response to recent events in Afghanistan impressed me deeply--people
working 14 to 16-hour days, seven days a week, deploying to other
locations around the world at short notice, to help people at risk. I
would seek to fill the many staff vacancies in the bureau as quickly as
possible, both to increase PRM's long-term capabilities and to provide
relief for the existing team, and work with the administration to
ensure the bureau has the adequate resources needed to accomplish its
work. I would hold staff members accountable for their performance and
conduct; reward strong performance; increase professional development
opportunities for PRM's staff; and emphasize the need for diversity,
equity, and inclusion as hallmarks of a strong team.
Question. Please comment on the U.S. Government's international
emergency response capacity and contingency planning. How might PRM
improve its capacity to protect lives and provide life-sustaining
assistance?
Answer. The United States maintains a robust capacity to respond to
humanitarian crises which exceed the ability and resources of an
affected country to respond. The United States also engages in
contingency planning within our own government and with international,
local, and multilateral partners to coordinate humanitarian responses,
which is particularly important as the scale and scope of disasters
increases. I understand PRM is augmenting its own capacity as well as
the capacity of its partners to respond to increasing humanitarian
requirements and more complex operating environments, and if confirmed,
I would continue to support these efforts.
Question. How will you work with USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian
Assistance to ensure greater alignment, eliminate duplication and
waste, expand humanitarian access, mitigate the risk of diversion by
armed actors and terrorist groups, and ensure U.S. humanitarian
assistance is effectively targeted toward those in greatest need? How
will you work with our U.N. partners to do the same?
Answer. I understand that PRM and USAID/BHA are in regular
communication from the working level up to leadership on the full range
of programmatic and policy issues and have robust coordination
mechanisms. One of my top priorities is to ensure that U.S. taxpayer
dollars are used in the most efficient and effective manner possible to
reach intended beneficiaries. One element of that is ensuring
appropriate coordination with USAID/BHA, leveraging each entity's
respective strengths to achieve U.S. humanitarian objectives. Regular
engagement with United Nations (UN) partners at the field and
headquarters levels also ensures appropriate use of U.S. funding and
focuses assistance on those most in need. If confirmed, I will continue
this close collaboration between PRM and USAID/BHA and close
partnership with U.N. entities.
Question. What is your assessment of the budget allocated to PRM in
recent years?
Answer. The number of people in need of humanitarian assistance
continues to grow year after year, and needs far outpace global
resources to respond. Congress has been responsive to this growth in
needs, as well as new and evolving requirements such as those related
to the COVID-19 pandemic and, more recently, Afghanistan. The level of
funding appropriated for humanitarian assistance reflects the strong
bipartisan commitment to assisting the world's most vulnerable persons
and to leading with our values and has accordingly supported PRM in
providing a robust and agile response. In FY 2022, I expect PRM will
continue to require sustained support to respond to existing crises and
any new needs as they emerge. If confirmed, I would also make it a
priority to seek increased contributions from other nations and
organizations and to foster public-private partnerships to respond to
these growing crises, in the interest of international responsibility
sharing.
Question. To what extent does the current level of staffing of the
PRM bureau address its three fundamental areas of responsibility:
population, refugees, and migration?
Answer. PRM has an existing cadre of well qualified, dedicated
staff. I understand that Department leadership recently approved 68 new
permanent positions in PRM to advance humanitarian diplomacy in
critical regions, better implement humanitarian goals and objectives,
provide oversight for program integrity, and more efficiently program,
manage, and monitor billions of dollars of foreign assistance to
international and non-governmental organizations. Once these new
positions and other vacancies in the bureau are filled, PRM will be
well positioned to address all three fundamental areas of
responsibility. If confirmed, I will seek to fill these positions as
quickly as possible.
Question. What is your assessment of PRM's level of accountability
and effective planning, as well as its ability to conduct program
oversight?
Answer. I understand that PRM has a robust planning and programming
process to align its allocations of funds with strategic priorities.
PRM also regularly monitors its financial awards to non-governmental
and international organizations at the field, regional, and
headquarters levels to safeguard U.S. taxpayer dollars, as evidenced by
excellent, publicly available audit reports. As humanitarian needs have
grown around the world, I understand that PRM has sought to increase
its staffing and oversight capabilities. If confirmed, I am committed
to ensuring PRM's programs are effective and accountable both to the
beneficiaries and the American public.
Question. What are the key protection and assistance needs of
today's refugees, IDPs, and migrants? If confirmed, how would you
recommend that PRM marshal its resources to address these challenges?
What countries or regions should PRM prioritize?
Answer. Protection and humanitarian assistance needs are immense as
numbers of people displaced by conflict and crises globally have
reached record levels in recent years. Among the most pressing needs
are access--both access for humanitarian aid providers to reach people
in need, and access to protection for people fleeing persecution and
violence, prevention of and response to gender-based violence, and
protection of children and others in particularly vulnerable
situations. These urgent needs cut across all countries and regions. If
confirmed, I would ramp up bilateral and multilateral U.S. humanitarian
diplomacy to advocate for the protection of populations of concern, and
leverage U.S. influence to prioritize protection efforts by
international organizations and NGO partners.
Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing
partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing
the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable
and displaced populations worldwide?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has affected PRM's implementing
partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely
manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access
constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly
affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the
world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection,
assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners
emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection
for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the
inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations
such as refugees in national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and
recovery.
Question. Please discuss U.S. global humanitarian budget priorities
for this fiscal year and next, with particular reference to
humanitarian crises, the impact of COVID-19, and the potential
consequences for humanitarian portfolios. What changes, if any, would
you prioritize in PRM's funding approach to humanitarian response and/
or its work with implementing partners, including U.N. agencies and
NGOs?
Answer. Total humanitarian needs far outpace global resources to
respond, and the COVID-19 pandemic has compounded existing
vulnerabilities. I understand PRM's FY 2021 budget priorities will
continue to FY 2022 and include response to the global pandemic; urgent
humanitarian assistance to support those affected by crises in
Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Syria, among others; and rebuilding the U.S.
Refugee Admissions Program.
PRM's approach reflects strong bipartisan commitment, demonstrated
through successive administrations, to assisting the world's most
vulnerable people and to leading with our values. If confirmed, I am
committed to maintaining U.S. humanitarian leadership and working with
Congress to respond to existing as well as emerging humanitarian needs.
Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to
migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America?
Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department,
USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security
is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that
the National Security Council leads broad coordination through
interagency meetings. Outside of that formal process, working level
counterparts exchange information through standing meetings, ad hoc
huddles, and technical advice on program and policy implementation and
evaluation. At diplomatic posts overseas, PRM's Refugee Coordinators
facilitate in-country coordination. If confirmed, I will continue this
close collaboration between PRM and counterparts in the Department and
the interagency.
Question. When and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any,
are the differences in its approach as compared to that of the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID)?
Answer. My understanding is that PRM and USAID play separate but
complementary roles in responding to humanitarian crises. PRM takes the
lead in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees,
asylum seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working
through international organizations and non-governmental organizations.
USAID takes the lead in response to natural and man-made disasters,
disaster preparedness, and support for internally displaced
populations; USAID also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds
development programs. In situations where PRM and USAID
responsibilities converge, I understand they have robust coordination
mechanisms in the field and in Washington to ensure the overall
efficiency and effectiveness of U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will
continue this close collaboration between PRM and USAID.
Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women
and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways
that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?
Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of
gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors,
and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were
exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures,
resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV
risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to
COVID-19 prioritized protection activities, including programs to help
prevent GBV and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along
with healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the
COVID-19 humanitarian response.
UNRWA
Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure
that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not
benefit Hamas and its affiliates?
Answer. If confirmed, I am firmly committed to ensuring that U.S.
Government funding does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including
Hamas. The administration provides assistance to international
organizations and non-governmental organizations in a manner consistent
with U.S. law and does not provide assistance to Hamas. PRM takes
seriously its oversight of assistance provided to U.N. operations,
including UNRWA, to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching
the intended recipients, and if confirmed I would maintain this focus.
I understand UNRWA employs safeguards to prevent support from reaching
terrorist organizations, including vetting of staff, contractors, and
beneficiaries; robust monitoring of its programs; thorough
investigations of any allegations of abuses; and accountability for
those who violate its policies.
Question. What accountability mechanisms are in place to ensure
that the administration's resumption of funding for UNRWA does not
include textbooks that include anti-Semitic material?
Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own
curricula, but use the curricula of host governments. When concepts
contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments'
educational materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary
materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will
emphasize the importance of adhering to humanitarian principles,
including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.
Question. To what extent has the administration considered phasing
out its support for UNRWA and transitioning it to other international
relief agencies, such as the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR)?
Answer. My understanding is that UNHCR does not have a mandate to
provide support for Palestinian refugees in the areas where UNRWA
works. Only UNRWA has the mandate, set by the U.N. General Assembly, to
provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the five
regions it covers. In order to fulfill its mandate, UNRWA employs
teachers and health care workers who provide services directly to
beneficiaries. The UNHCR mandate also includes a focus on seeking
durable solutions such as resettlement, repatriation, and local
integration for refugees, while UNRWA does not have that mandate.
Decisions on resettlement, repatriation, and local integration of
Palestinian refugees must be negotiated directly between Israel and the
Palestinians as final status issues.
IRAQ P-2
Question. The State Department notified Congress in April 2021 that
it had indefinitely suspended the P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated
Iraqis. This notification followed a January 2021 State Department
statement that the Department of Justice was ``prosecuting individuals
for stealing U.S. Government records to take advantage of this
program,'' which triggered a 90-day suspension. With the special
immigrant visa program for Iraqis who were employed by or on behalf of
the U.S. Government no longer accepting new applications, this P-2
program has been seen as a key avenue for Iraqis who assisted the
United States to gain U.S. admission.
What is the status of the review of the P-2 program for U.S.-
affiliated Iraqis? What changes are under consideration for
better securing this and perhaps other P-2 programs? When do
you expect a revised P-2 program for U.S.-affiliated Iraqis to
be reinstated?
Answer. I understand PRM has been working closely with the Bureau
of Diplomatic Security at the State Department and with the Department
of Homeland Security to support the investigation into the P-2 program
for U.S. affiliated Iraqis and to ensure no individuals identified by
the investigation travel to the United States. I also understand PRM
has contracted a specialist team to analyze current Iraqi P-2 program
operating procedures, develop recommendations to mitigate fraud
vulnerabilities once the program reopens, and re-verify the
qualifications of cases in the existing Iraqi P-2 pipeline. Once the
overall framework for re-vetting cases has been established, it is my
understanding that individual screenings and admission of those who
pass this enhanced screening will begin.
Question. What was the involvement of former U.S. Embassy Moscow
local employee Olesya Leonidovna Krasilova in the Iraqi P-2 fraud
scheme?
Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on an
ongoing criminal investigation. I respectfully refer you to the U.S.
Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia for additional
information.
Question. Does the U.S. Government suspect her involvement in any
other criminal activity, espionage, or improper/inappropriate conduct
with coworkers or contacts during her time as an employee of the United
States Government?
Answer. As this is an ongoing criminal investigation, I understand
that the Department cannot comment on the findings.
Question. In a press briefing on March 6, 2020 (https://www.mid.ru/
en/foreign--policy/news/-/asset--publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/
4078184), Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova claimed
Krasilova was employed by a ``Russian Government-funded agency,'' when
she was arrested by Spanish authorities pursuant to a U.S. extradition
request. Which Russian agency did she work for? How soon after her
employment at U.S. Embassy Moscow was terminated did Krasilova begin
working for a Russian Government-funded agency?
Answer. I understand that the Department cannot comment on the
findings as there is an ongoing criminal investigation. The U.S.
Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia may be able to provide
additional information.
P-2 PROGRAMS
Question. Bills have been introduced in the current Congress that
would establish new P-2 groups for certain residents of Hong Kong and
certain residents of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. If you are
familiar with these proposals, can you offer any feedback on them? Do
you have any general suggestions for congressional offices in drafting
bills to establish new P-2 groups?
Answer. I am aware of the bills that would establish new P-2 groups
for certain residents both of Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur
Autonomous Region. If confirmed, I can assure you that I am committed
to working within the Department, with Congress, international
partners, and advocacy groups to ensure that all vulnerable
individuals, including residents of Hong Kong and Uyghurs, have equal
access to protection, including refugee resettlement in the United
States and other countries.
Lautenberg Amendment
Question. What is the status of the Lautenberg program? Are there
still Lautenberg applicants in Austria? How many Lautenberg applicants
are in pipeline?
Answer. I understand refugees suffering religious persecution
continue to be resettled under the Lautenberg program, and that the
Department expects approximately 1,000 refugees from the Eurasia region
to be resettled in the U.S. in FY 2021.
The Lautenberg Iranian program was suspended by the Government of
Austria in early 2017, leaving over 800 Iranian applicants in Vienna.
It is my understanding that most of those 800 Lautenberg Iranian
applicants have since been resettled to the United States, however,
approximately 78 Iranian applicants who were denied resettlement in the
United States remained in Austria and are believed to have received
asylum. I understand PRM and Embassy Vienna are negotiating with the
Government of Austria on a potential restart of the Iranian Lautenberg
program.
I understand that following a longstanding policy that protects
refugee data, locations, and security check statuses, PRM does not
disclose USRAP pipeline numbers.
UNFPA
Question. Does UNFPA engage with entities in the People's Republic
of China which fund forced sterilization or abortion?
Answer. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) does not condone
or support China's coercive population policies. My understanding is
that UNFPA's activities in China to advance voluntary family planning
that respects human rights, have been credited with positively
influencing the partial liberalization of China's one-child policy.
UNFPA lists the Republic of China's National Health Commission (NHC) as
one of many partners in the current country program document,
consistent with the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation
Framework. UNFPA does not provide funding to the NHC, however, and the
NHC does not implement any UNFPA activities.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to upholding all provisions
of law prohibiting the use of U.S. foreign assistance resources to
perform or promote abortion as a method of family planning, to support
programs of coercive abortion or forced sterilization, or to lobby for
or against the legalization of abortion, including the Kemp-Kasten
amendment as it relates to UNFPA?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to upholding all provisions of
law related to U.S. foreign assistance including those related to
prohibiting the performance or promotion of abortion as a method of
family planning, coercive abortion, or forced sterilization.
Afghanistan
Question. Despite the large need of resettlement, will you pledge
that if confirmed, the U.S. will continue to use vigorous vetting
procedures for all refugee admissions, including those from
Afghanistan? My staff asked the Department about vetting protocols,
including potential timelines, two weeks ago. If confirmed, would you
engage right away on ensuring this information is shared?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States. If confirmed, I commit to working with you and all
Members of Congress to achieve timely responses to your inquiries and
requests on matters involving PRM, including what role the State
Department has in vetting processes. I also commit to working closely
with DHS and other vetting agencies to use vigorous vetting procedures
for all refugee admissions to uphold the safety and security of the
American people.
Question. How will you work with neighboring countries to assist
with the large outflows of refugees from Afghanistan?
Answer. The United States is working with its partners to review
and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority interventions in
the region in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan. If
confirmed, I will encourage continued coordination between host
governments and humanitarian organizations to monitor and respond to
the protection and assistance needs of displaced Afghans in the region.
I will also urge states to uphold their respective obligations to not
return Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and
to respect the principle of non-refoulement.
Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for
certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had
created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies
to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement
consideration. Please explain the eligibility requirements for this P-2
program, and how the referral system works. How many Afghan nationals
does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and when are
these admissions expected to occur?
Answer. On August 2, 2021, the Department of State announced a new
Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
(USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family
members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-admissions- program-
priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The Department of State
has designated certain categories of Afghan nationals as having access
to the USRAP by virtue of their circumstances and apparent need for
resettlement. This priority group includes Afghans who are or were
employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or
nongovernmental organization (NGO). It expands the opportunity to
permanently resettle in the United States to many Afghans and their
immediate family members who may be at risk due to their U.S.
affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant Visa because
they did not have qualifying employment or because they have not met
the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an SIV.
In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
refugees already resettled in the United States.
The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and children) who
might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
administration recognizes the vital role this new designation and the
program in general will play in the lives of those that risked their
safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has made clear,
helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the United States.
Question. How many U.S. citizens are currently in Afghanistan?
Please address the total number of U.S. citizens in Afghanistan,
independent of how many may have indicated, at some point, an interest
in staying in Afghanistan.
Answer. U.S. citizens are not required to register with the
Department of State or an embassy when they arrive in or depart from a
country. Based on the requests received, the Department believes that
most American citizens who wished to leave have departed. The number of
remaining U.S. citizens in Afghanistan who have expressed a desire to
leave remains fluid, and the Department remains committed to assisting
them.
Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents are currently in
Afghanistan? Please address the total number of U.S. legal permanent
residents in Afghanistan, independent of how many may have indicated,
at some point, an interest in staying in Afghanistan.
Answer. Like U.S citizens, Legal Permanent Residents (LPRs) are not
required to register with the Department of State or an embassy when
they arrive in or depart from a country. The U.S. Government was able
to evacuate or facilitate the relocation or evacuation of more than
124,000 individuals, including U.S. citizens, legal permanent
residents, and foreign and Afghan allies, from August 14 to August 31.
Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants are currently
in Afghanistan?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13
testimony, the State Department is working on getting numbers right
now. The State Department still continues to receive communications
from Special Immigrant Visa applicants in Afghanistan and the
commitment to those applicants is ongoing.
Question. How many Special Immigrant Visa applicants' dependents
are currently in Afghanistan?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken explained during his September 13
testimony, the State Department is working on numbers right now. The
State Department still continues to receive communications from Special
Immigrant Visa applicants and their dependents in Afghanistan and the
commitment to them is ongoing.
Question. How many Afghans who were identified as at-risk but did
not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR, or SIV categories are currently in
Afghanistan?
Answer. It is my understanding that at this time the number of
Afghan citizens ``at risk'' as a result of their affiliation with the
United States, or by virtue of their profiles, that have been referred
to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) under either a Priority
1 (P-1) or Priority 2 (P-2) referral, exceeds 20,000. I understand PRM
intends to fund U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and
overseas implementing partners at an initial operating level to support
65,000 arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022. PRM will be prepared to
increase funding as needed if arrivals surpass this initial operating
level, though at this time there is not a precise estimate of the
number of anticipated arrivals. While many P-2 submissions to the USRAP
program do not meet the program's criteria relating to employment or
U.S. affiliation, the volume of submissions continues to rise. Afghan
nationals who feel they are at risk cannot self-refer to the USRAP. A
P-1 or P-2 referral of an at-risk individual to USRAP for potential
resettlement does not convey immigration status and does not confer
evacuation assistance. I understand the United States will continue to
support the Afghan people through humanitarian aid, diplomacy, and
international cooperation.
Question. If the Taliban requires visas for persons to exit
Afghanistan, and the U.S. no longer has a diplomatic presence inside
Afghanistan, how will the U.S. get visas to those trying to exit the
country?
Answer. The Bureau of Consular Affairs is responsible for the
processing and issuance of U.S. visas abroad. My understanding is that
the State Department is developing visa processing alternatives so that
it can continue to deliver these important consular services for the
people of Afghanistan, and respectfully refer you to the Bureau of
Consular Affairs for more specific information.
Question. Has the U.S. requested another country to facilitate the
distribution of U.S. visas?
Answer. While the subject-matter of your question is not under the
purview of PRM, my understanding is that the State Department is
developing alternatives so that it can continue to process visas and
provide other important consular services for the people of
Afghanistan. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
specific information.
Question. How will the State Department facilitate the evacuation
of eligible Afghans of any category whose passports or travel documents
were destroyed by the U.S. during the withdrawal?
Answer. It is my understanding that, as is standard operating
procedure in case of an emergency evacuation from post, Embassy Kabul
personnel were forced to destroy sensitive paper record holdings as
part of the evacuation, including paper visa records. This was done to
minimize the U.S. footprint and reduce the sensitive material remaining
for security reasons, and in this case also to protect the identity of
our Afghan allies. I understand the Department has been able to recover
many of these records and share them with the Department of Homeland
Security; for more specifics, I respectfully refer you to the Bureau of
Consular Affairs. I further understand the State Department is
developing alternatives to deliver consular services to facilitate the
safe and orderly travel of U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents,
and Afghans to whom the United States has special commitments,
including those whose documents may have been destroyed in the
evacuation of the Embassy.
Question. Do you have records of whose passports or travel
documents were destroyed?
Answer. While the subject-matter of your question does not fall
within the purview of PRM, it is my understanding this is standard
operating procedure during an emergency evacuation to minimize the U.S.
footprint and reduce the amount of sensitive material remaining. The
drawdown and closure of the Consular Section of Embassy Kabul was
conducted in accordance with this standard operating procedure. I
understand the State Department will review its records for any case
where travel documents may have been destroyed per emergency protocol
and explore all options to assist affected persons with onward travel.
I would refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more specific
information.
Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from
Afghanistan to the United States?
Answer. I understand that approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were
evacuated from August 14--31. .From August 31 through September 15,
approximately 60 more U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents
departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and
overland crossings. The U.S. Government continues to make good on its
pledge to U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghans to whom
we have a special commitment and has committed to helping them depart
Afghanistan, if and when they choose to do so. These figures continue
to change as other U.S. citizens are able to depart from Afghanistan
through a variety of means. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular
Affairs for more information on U.S. citizens abroad, and the
Department of Homeland Security, who will have more detailed
information about the arrival of U.S. citizens to the United States.
Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG
evacuate from Afghanistan to the United States?
Answer. The State Department has assisted Legal Permanent Residents
(LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout this effort. The
decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR, Special Immigrant
Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the United
States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a part of
Operation Allies Welcome, resides with the Department of Homeland
Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the best
position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various
categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of Operation Allies Welcome.
Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate
from Afghanistan to the United States?
Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
part of OAW.
Question. How many SIV applicants dependents did the USG evacuate
from Afghanistan to the United States?
Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
right now. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
part of OAW.
Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to the United
States who did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?
Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
right now. The decision on admission category for any individuals
arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were evacuated
from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with
the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection,
which will be in the best position to provide the most accurate
breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of
OAW.
Special Benefit Humanitarian Parole
Question. How many Afghans have received special benefit
humanitarian parole?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security is responsible for
granting parole and tracking those numbers, and I respectfully defer to
them to respond to this query.
Question. What benefits are Afghans who have been paroled into the
country receiving?
Answer. I understand that Afghans granted parole as a result of the
U.S. airlift will have access to the Afghan Placement and Assistance
(APA) Program, funded by PRM. The purpose of this program is to provide
these Afghans with initial relocation services for 30 to 90 days after
arrival as they begin to rebuild their lives in the United States.
These services are provided through local refugee resettlement agencies
and community partners, which receive a one-time per capita amount of
$2,275 of which $1,225 is used to fund assistance needs such as housing
and basic necessities, including food, clothing, and furnishings. The
remainder of this funding supports services including cultural
orientation, enrollment in English language instruction, school
enrollment, immigration assistance, and referral to other social,
medical, and employment services. At this time, I understand these
Afghan parolees are not eligible for the same benefits as refugees and
Special Immigrant Visa holders such as refugee-specific cash and
medical assistance, or mainstream benefits including Supplemental
Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Temporary Assistance for Needy
Families (TANF), and Medicaid, except parolees are eligible for SNAP
benefits if there is a child under 18 in the family.
Question. What are the conditions of their parole?
Answer. I understand that Customs and Border Protection has granted
two-year parole status for many Afghan individuals at risk who arrived
under the airlift. Consistent with 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1305 and as a
condition of their parole, it is my understanding that parolees must
provide their address to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services
(USCIS) www.uscis.gov/addresschange and must notify USCIS of every
change of address no later than 10 days after each move; and must
comply with all public health directives, requests for additional
information from the Department of Homeland Security and federal law
enforcement;, and follow local, state and federal laws and ordinances.
For full information on the parole conditions, I respectfully refer
you to the Customs and Border Protection service.
Question. What vetting is occurring at U.S. reception centers, such
as the Dulles Expo?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants prior to
their application for admission to the United States. U.S. Customs and
Border Protection, a component of DHS, is responsible for screening
applicants upon entry and granting or denying admission to every
individual who arrives to the United States and I respectfully refer
you to them for information on this issue.
Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States. I refer you to my answer to your question No. 47.
PRM was not involved in screening individuals evacuated as part of the
U.S. military airlift August 14-31.
Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans
admitted or paroled into the United States?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States and I respectfully refer you to them, though I
understand that the screening and vetting process involves biometric
and biographic screenings.
Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?
Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a
database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United
States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests
directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger
Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to
obtain those manifests missing from the consolidated database, though
that work does not fall under the purview of PRM.
Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not
have any?
Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not
providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer
you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating
Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.
Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?
Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity
documents to Afghan nationals.
Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.
Afghans Evacuated to U.S. Bases
Question. How many U.S. citizens did the USG evacuate from
Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?
Answer. From August 14 to August 31, I understand that
approximately 6,000 U.S. citizens were safely evacuated along with
eligible family members on USG flights. Since the suspension of embassy
operations on August 31 through September 15, an additional
approximately 60 U.S. citizens and 25 Legal Permanent Residents have
departed Afghanistan with U.S. assistance utilizing charter flights and
overland crossings. Most of these citizens and residents were evacuated
to or through U.S. military bases overseas. I respectfully refer you to
the Bureau of Consular Affairs to answer questions about its assistance
to U.S. citizens overseas, including on U.S. bases.
Question. How many U.S. Legal Permanent Residents did the USG
evacuate from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?
Answer. I understand that the State Department has assisted Legal
Permanent Residents (LPRs) wishing to depart Afghanistan throughout
this effort. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, LPR,
Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals
ultimately arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
part of OAW.
Question. How many SIV principal applicants did the USG evacuate
from Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?
Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
right now. Thousands of evacuees were in different stages of the SIV
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
beginning of operations. The U.S. Government focused on evacuating
American citizens, Legal Permanent Residents, and Afghan allies out as
fast as possible while the airport was functioning. The decision on
admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal Permanent Resident, Special
Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any individuals arriving to the
United States, including Afghans who were evacuated from overseas as a
part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW), resides with the Department of
Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection, which will be in the
best position to provide the most accurate breakdown of the various
categories of Afghans evacuated as a part of OAW.
Question. How many SIV applicants' dependents did the USG evacuate
Afghanistan to U.S. bases overseas?
Answer. The United States Government is working on getting numbers
right now. Persons relocated were in different stages of the SIV
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
beginning of the operation. The decision on admission category for any
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
evacuated from overseas as a part of Operation Allies Welcome (OAW),
resides with the Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border
Protection, which will be in the best position to provide the most
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
part of OAW.
Question. How many Afghans did the USG evacuate to U.S. bases who
did not fit into the U.S. citizen, LPR or SIV categories?
Answer. The decision on admission category--U.S. Citizen, Legal
Permanent Resident, Special Immigrant Visa, or other category--for any
individuals arriving to the United States, including Afghans who were
evacuated from overseas as a part of OAW, resides with the Department
of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection. The Department of
Homeland Security, as the lead agency for Operation Allies Welcome
(OAW), ultimately will be in the best position to provide the most
accurate breakdown of the various categories of Afghans evacuated as a
part of OAW.
Question. What vetting is occurring on the bases?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States, and I respectfully refer you to them for a response.
Question. Who is responsible for vetting upon arrival?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
to the United States, and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, a
component of DHS, is responsible for screening upon entry and granting
or denying admission to every individual who arrives to the United
States.
Question. Are you collecting biometric data for all Afghans
admitted or paroled into the United States?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States. I understand that the screening and vetting process
involves biometric and biographic screenings. The U.S. Government has
worked urgently and carefully to facilitate screening and vetting
operations without compromising national security.
Question. Do you have copies of all the flight manifests?
Answer. I understand that U.S. Transportation Command maintains a
database of flight manifests of both military and Department of State-
chartered flights from overseas sites into the continental United
States. I also understand that a number of flights submitted manifests
directly to Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) via the Advance Passenger
Information System. The State Department is coordinating with CBP to
obtain from CBP about those manifests.
Question. Do you provide identity documents for Afghans who do not
have any?
Answer. My understanding is that the State Department is not
providing identity documents to Afghan nationals. I respectfully refer
you to the Department of Homeland Security, which is coordinating
Operation Allies Welcome, for further questions.
Question. If so, by what means do you verify identity?
Answer. I understand the State Department is not providing identity
documents to Afghan nationals.
Question. What happens to Afghans who fail vetting, for any reason?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has the lead on
the screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission
to the United States. I would refer you to DHS for more information.
Question. How many U.S. citizens left Afghanistan but have not made
it the U.S. are residing in third countries?
Answer. I understand that U.S. citizens are not required to
register their presence in a country with the Department of State, and
the State Department does not track their whereabouts. The State
Department cannot ascertain how many U.S. citizens who left Afghanistan
are now residing in third countries. I respectfully refer you to the
Bureau of Consular Affairs for answers about their assistance to U.S.
citizens still in Afghanistan and abroad after leaving Afghanistan.
Question. How many U.S. legal permanent residents left Afghanistan
but have not made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?
Answer. The State Department does not have an exact number of Legal
Permanent Residents (LPRs) and their immediate family members who have
departed Afghanistan. LPRs are not required to register their presence
in a country with the Department of State, nor does the State
Department track their whereabouts. The State Department cannot
ascertain how many are now residing in third countries.
Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not
made it to the U.S. are residing in third countries?
Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers
now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
information.
Question. How many SIV applicants left Afghanistan but have not
made it the U.S. are residing in third countries?
Answer. The State Department is working to ascertain those numbers
now. I refer you to the Bureau of Consular Affairs for more
information. Thousands of Afghans are in different stages of the SIV
process--many had only just inquired about their eligibility at the
beginning of August.
Question. How many applications have you received from P-1 or P-2
refugee status from Afghans?
Answer. I understand over 20,000 cases relating to approximately
55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-1 and P-2 refugee
resettlement program to date.
Question. What, if any, agreements have you made with foreign
governments to host Afghan populations?
Answer. My understanding is that the United States strongly
encourages foreign governments to allow entry for Afghans and to
coordinate with humanitarian international organizations to provide
humanitarian assistance to Afghans in need. The United States also
urges states to uphold their respective obligations to not return
Afghan refugees or asylum seekers to persecution or torture, and to
respect the principle of non-refoulement. The State Department will
also continue its existing support of Afghan refugee populations in
neighboring countries. This includes supporting third-country
resettlement efforts led by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), and funding appeals from UNHCR and the International
Organization for Migration to provide lifesaving protection, emergency
food aid, shelter, and livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside
Afghanistan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. How has COVID-19 impacted the work of PRM's implementing
partners? What do you anticipate will be the priorities for addressing
the immediate needs and secondary impacts of the virus on vulnerable
and displaced populations worldwide?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted PRM's implementing
partners' programming and ability to provide assistance in a timely
manner due to increased operational costs, ongoing travel and access
constraints, and other movement restrictions. It has also directly
affected the health and welfare of marginalized populations around the
world and exacerbated pre-existing gaps in health, protection,
assistance, education, and livelihoods. I understand PRM's partners
emphasize meeting international standards for assistance and protection
for the most vulnerable while at the same time advocating for the
inclusion of marginalized, displaced, and hard-to-reach populations in
national plans for vaccine delivery, relief, and recovery.
Question. How does the U.S. Government coordinate its responses to
migration crises, such as those in Venezuela or Central America? When
and where does PRM take the lead and what, if any, are the differences
in its approach compared to that of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID)?
Answer. Interagency coordination between the State Department,
USAID, and other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security
is critical in responding to migration crises. My understanding is that
PRM and USAID play separate but complementary roles. PRM takes the lead
in providing urgent humanitarian aid and protection to refugees, asylum
seekers, stateless persons, and vulnerable migrants, working through
international organizations and non-governmental organizations. PRM
also supports efforts to help governments build capacity to protect
vulnerable populations and humanely manage migration. USAID takes the
lead in response to natural and man-made disasters, disaster
preparedness, and support for internally displaced populations; USAID
also provides food aid to refugees. USAID also funds development
programs in select contexts, such as in Central America, to address
root causes of irregular migration and reintegration of returned
migrants. In situations where PRM and USAID responsibilities converge,
I understand they have robust coordination mechanisms in the field and
in Washington to ensure the overall efficiency and effectiveness of
U.S. assistance. If confirmed, I will continue this close collaboration
between PRM and USAID.
Question. What is your assessment of the scope of risks to women
and girls, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic? What are ways
that PRM programs specifically address these protection needs?
Answer. In times of crisis, women and girls are at enormous risk of
gender-based violence (GBV)--from armed groups, strangers, neighbors,
and family members. These risks in humanitarian settings were
exacerbated by COVID-19 and corresponding mitigation measures,
resulting in a ``shadow'' pandemic of GBV and worldwide spikes in GBV
risks and reports. In response, the U.S. humanitarian response to
COVID-19 prioritized protection, including programs to help prevent GBV
and provide psychosocial services to GBV victims, along with
healthcare, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in the COVID-19
humanitarian response.
Question. President Biden indicated that he plans to set the FY
2022 refugee ceiling at 125,000 in his May 2021 statement on refugee
admissions. Do you consider the admission of 125,000 refugees in FY
2022 to be achievable? What, if any, changes to the refugee program
have been implemented or are under consideration to facilitate
increased refugee admissions in FY 2022?
Answer. I expect the U.S. Government will make every effort to
reach the target established by the President following consultations
with Congress. In the immediate term, I understand PRM intends to fund
U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) domestic and overseas
implementing partners at an initial operating level to support 65,000
arrivals at the beginning of FY 2022 and will be prepared to increase
funding as needed if arrivals surpass the initial operating level.
I understand the President's Executive Order 14013 on Rebuilding
and Enhancing Programs to Resettle Refugees and Planning for the Impact
of Climate Change on Migration directs review of a series of bold
reforms and initiatives for the USRAP, to support increased refugee
admissions in FY 2022 and beyond. My understanding is that U.S.
Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) aims to increase staffing
significantly, upscale in-person ``circuit rides'' by USCIS employees
to interview refugee candidates in person, increase refugee video
interviews, identify current bottlenecks, and implement process
improvements to its adjudicatory processes. I expect that the USRAP
will leverage technological solutions to strengthen data-driven
decision-making and streamline refugee processing with the deployment
of START and Global, the Department of State's and USCIS's respective
new refugee applicant case management systems, while enhancing the
security of all of refugee processing systems.
Question. In August 2021, DHS announced a new P-2 designation for
certain Afghan nationals. The announcement indicated that PRM had
created an ``Afghan Referrals Workgroup comprised of federal agencies
to refer individuals directly'' for U.S. refugee resettlement
consideration. I am very concerned about the plight of Afghan nationals
who have been designated as P-2 refugees. How many Afghan nationals
does PRM expect to admit as refugees under this program, and what is
the status of current refugees? When are these admissions expected to
occur?
Answer. As you note, on August 2, 2021, the Department of State
announced a new Priority 2 (P-2) designation granting U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program (USRAP) access for certain Afghan nationals and
their eligible family members. (See https://www.state.gov/u-s-refugee-
admissions-program-priority-2-designation-for-afghan-nationals/.) The
Department of State has designated certain categories of Afghan
nationals as having access to the USRAP by virtue of their
circumstances and apparent need for resettlement. This priority group
includes Afghans who are or were employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-
based media organization or nongovernmental organization (NGO). It
expands the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to
many Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at risk due
to their U.S. affiliation but are not eligible for a Special Immigrant
Visa because they did not have qualifying employment or because they
have not met the time-in-service requirement to become eligible for an
SIV.
In addition to the P-2 designation noted above, Afghans may also
gain access to the USRAP through Priority 1 referrals by a specific
entity (U.S. embassy, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or
a designated NGO), or Priority 3, reunification of family members of
refugees already resettled in the United States.
The Department of State has issued instructions regarding how U.S.-
based media and NGOs can submit referrals for P-2 designation for
Afghan nationals. (See https://www.wrapsnet.org/siv-iraqi-syrian-
afghan-p2/.) Organizations can use these instructions to refer to the
USRAP any Afghan national staff (plus their spouse and minor children)
who might be in danger now or in the foreseeable future.
The U.S. Refugee Admissions Program Priority 2 designation expands
the opportunity to permanently resettle in the United States to many
thousands of Afghans and their immediate family members who may be at
risk due to their U.S. affiliation. As President Biden has made clear,
assisting these Afghan allies is a top priority for the administration.
I understand that PRM is still receiving P2 referrals from U.S.
employers, service members, and qualifying media and non-governmental
organizations. The U.S. Government cannot currently process refugee
referrals inside Afghanistan, so Afghan nationals who are referred for
resettlement will be processed upon leaving the country. I am not aware
of a timeline for that process nor a specific number of Afghan P-2
referrals that PRM expects to process in the next year. The
administration recognizes the role this new designation and the refugee
resettlement program in general will play in the lives of those that
risked their safety to assist the United States. As President Biden has
made clear, helping these Afghans is an ongoing commitment of the
United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Do you agree that UNRWA is a deeply problematic
organization?
Answer. This administration supports the work of UNRWA, which
provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees. UNRWA is
a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the region, as seen
in May during the violence in Gaza. That said, I agree that UNRWA must
undertake reforms to improve its efficiency, effectiveness and
neutrality, and that UNRWA Commissioner General Lazzarini is leading
efforts to this end. It is my understanding that the framework under
which the United States resumed funding for UNRWA includes provisions
for regular reporting, consultations, and monitoring of U.S.-funded
aid. If confirmed, I will focus on management and other reform issues
at UNRWA to ensure it is upholding its commitments to neutrality and is
as effective and efficient as possible.
Question. As the largest individual donor to UNRWA, do you believe
the U.S. should leverage our assistance to seek transparency and
reforms from the agency?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will seek reforms related to
neutrality, transparency, and management at UNRWA.
Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the
group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is
an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to
adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand
the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA
materials?
Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
form. I understand that UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in
supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic,
and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has
committed to notifying the Agency's Advisory Commission immediately of
any violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with
Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will
emphasize the importance of humanitarian principles, including
neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.
Question. I remain deeply concerned about the ongoing humanitarian
crises in Latin America, which is in part caused by the Maduro regime
refusing to respond to the needs and priorities of the Venezuelan
people. There are millions of Venezuelan refugees and migrants seeking
asylum in the United States and other countries in the region, who are
undoubtedly placing significant strain on those countries' refugee and
governance systems. If confirmed, what is your long-term strategy to
coordinate the bureau's efforts with these countries' efforts to accept
Venezuelan refugees and migrants?
Answer. I share your concerns. The situation in Venezuela is a
tragedy. Since FY 2017, the United States has provided over $1.4
billion in humanitarian assistance, including over $597 million in PRM
programming, to international organizations and non-governmental
partners to protect and assist vulnerable Venezuelans in seventeen host
countries in the region. My understanding is that PRM assistance
includes funding for temporary shelter and access to food, water, and
sanitation facilities; legal support for asylum-seekers; capacity-
building for regional asylum authorities; and livelihoods
opportunities. If confirmed, I would continue to support the
Department's engagement in international fora, including the Quito
Process to enhance coordination among host countries and advocate for a
regional solution to the Venezuela crisis.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Biden administration's unprecedented evacuation of
more than 120,000 people from Afghanistan brought many Americans home
but it also delivered many Afghans out of harm's way. Those Afghans are
now spread out around the world, including in the 13 partner countries
that are serving as way points for refugees before they come to the
United States. How we take care of these individuals over the coming
days, months and years will determine our true commitment to American
values. What should the U.S. be doing right now to best serve these
Afghans and the communities that are welcoming them?
Answer. It is my understanding that there is ongoing and robust
interagency engagement with the partner countries who generously agreed
to host Afghans. Secretary Blinken recently traveled to Qatar and
Germany to highlight U.S. appreciation for all that those countries and
others have done to support the airlift and relocation efforts. Once
they arrive in the United States, the recent evacuees are receiving
orientation services, health care, and resettlement support from a
broad range of U.S. agencies and humanitarian partners, as Secretary
Blinken described in his September 14 appearance before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee.
I also understand that the State Department has continued to
support the needs of vulnerable Afghans remaining in Afghanistan or who
are refugees in other countries through urgent humanitarian funding
direct to international and non-governmental organizations and has been
clear in its commitment to continuing to work with the international
community to make sure these needs are addressed. If confirmed, I would
continue this important engagement and support to respond to the needs
of at-risk Afghans and the countries that host them.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our allies to ensure
the protection of Afghan refugees around the world?
Answer. I understand that the United States is working with its
partners to strengthen humanitarian preparedness and priority
interventions in the event of new refugee outflows from Afghanistan and
will continue urging states to uphold their respective obligations to
not return Afghan refugees to persecution or torture and to respect the
principle of non-refoulement. If confirmed, I will encourage continued
coordination between host governments and humanitarian organizations to
respond to the protection and assistance needs of Afghan refugees,
including supporting efforts led by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and funding humanitarian partners to
provide lifesaving protection, emergency food aid, shelter, and
livelihood support to Afghan refugees outside Afghanistan.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our NGO partners who
are crucial to the refugee effort in the United States?
Answer. My understanding is that PRM is working with nine
resettlement partners and affiliates across the country to welcome
Afghans into American communities. Placement of individuals and
families prioritizes reunification with U.S.-based family and friends
and also considers the needs and characteristics of each individual and
family. With U.S. Government support, the agencies will provide initial
relocation support to Afghans to assist with critical needs such as
housing, enrolling children in school, and basic necessities such as
food, clothing, and furnishings. Additional support from the private
sector will be critical to meeting the needs of this population, and I
was happy to note the recent announcement of welcome.us and related
initiatives to facilitate this important private sector support for our
non-governmental organization partners. If confirmed, I would continue
to liaise closely with PRM's resettlement partners and private sector
supporters on this important work.
Question. My office has sent the names of more than 3,000
vulnerable Afghans to the State Department over the last several weeks.
I am very concerned about those who remain behind, especially women and
girls whose lives are at risk because of their existence. If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that as many Afghans as possible who qualify
for a Priority 2 designation are able to be processed and travel to the
United States as expeditiously as possible?
Answer. I understand that, to date, over 20,000 cases consisting of
around 55,000 individuals have been referred to the Afghan P-2 refugee
resettlement program. PRM and its partners are working as quickly as
possible to process these cases and have surged staffing as part of
this unprecedented effort. The United States Government does not have
the ability to process these cases inside Afghanistan at this time, so
I understand case processing for these referrals to the U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program cannot begin until the individual relocates to a
country where processing is feasible. Once in such a country, they will
need to inform PRM of their current location and provide contact
information. PRM will create a case and assign it to the appropriate
U.S.-funded Resettlement Support Center for processing.
Question. In your opinion, are there any actions Congress needs to
take to support the maximum use of the Priority 2 designation,
including ensuring all arrivals receive resettlement benefits? If
confirmed and once you are in place, will you commit to working with
Congress to ensure the efficiency of the refugee system?
Answer. I am aware of the bill currently in Congress that would
provide parolees with access to refugee benefits on arrival in American
communities, and understand the administration strongly supports that
bill. My understanding is that the Department is surging resources to
review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2 (P-2) refugee
referrals received in recent weeks. If confirmed, I am committed to
working within the Department, with Congress, with international
partners, with advocacy groups, and with private sector supporters to
ensure that the P-2 designation is used appropriately and fully where
applicable, and that all Afghans so designated have access to the
resources needed to start anew in America. More broadly, I also am
firmly committed to working with Congress to rebuild the entire U.S.
Refugee Admissions Program and ensure its efficiency for all resettled
refugees.
Question. As you know, several countries have offered to host many
of the Afghans in transit as they await vetting and processing before
entering the United States. For some of those countries, this could
pose a tremendous strain on their own resources. What resources do you
think will be needed to help house those Afghans destined for the
United States, and are there any additional resources we could direct
to these countries?
Answer. It is my understanding that interagency teams overseas are
closely coordinating the operational and logistical support required to
process Afghans destined for the United States and ensure such
processing can continue. In the interim, as host governments identify
requirements, these interagency teams are working to respond, including
via international organizations and other partners. If confirmed, I
would continue our engagement with host governments and humanitarian
partners managing these operations and would lead PRM's effort to
review funding appeals from those partners who request additional
resources to host Afghans.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, would you commit to PRM reviewing the
vetting process for incoming refugees from Afghanistan to ensure that
there are no gaps in the process as a result of the hasty withdrawal
process?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States.
If confirmed, it is my intent to review fully and completely the
Department of Homeland Security's screening and vetting conducted for
Afghans (and other citizens of other nations) applying to come to the
United States under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. I commit to
working closely with all of PRM's partner agencies to conduct such
vetting.
Question. We understand the Embassy destroyed many passports and
visas in Kabul. How does PRM vet refugee candidates in the cases where
needed national IDs have been destroyed or not available?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security has the lead on the
screening and vetting requirements for all applicants for admission to
the United States.
With regard to applicants to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program
(USRAP), which is separate from the U.S. entry of Afghans under
Operation Allies Welcome, it is my understanding that PRM and its
interagency partners have steadily strengthened security vetting since
9/11. USRAP applicants are subject to more vetting than any other type
of traveler to the United States. I am also aware that the USRAP has
the capacity to process refugee applicants who do not possess a
national ID or passport.
Question. Of the refugees to be admitted this fiscal year, how many
does PRM expect to be from Afghanistan? How does the Afghan refugee
program impact refugee applications from other regions, including along
the southern border?
Answer. As of September 15, 2021, 729 Afghan nationals have arrived
under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP) in FY 2021. These
Afghans were not relocated as part of the August 14-31 U.S. military
airlift and underwent stringent USRAP processing overseas before
admission. Neither the Afghans arriving via this airlift who were
granted parole into the United States by the Department of Homeland
Security, nor the Afghans admitted as refugees via the USRAP, have any
impact on refugee applications from other regions.
Question. What steps are the Biden administration taking to support
refugee admissions from threatened populations in China?
Answer. The United States is committed to placing human rights at
the center of our foreign policy. Refugee resettlement is one of
several ways the U.S. supports refugees globally and demonstrates its
humanitarian leadership.
I understand that eligible Hong Kong residents and Turkic Muslim
Chinese citizens who fear persecution from the Government of the
People's Republic of China may access the U.S. Refugee Admissions
Program in any appropriate category--including via referrals from the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. As with most refugees
from other nations, they must be outside of their country of
nationality in order to qualify for refugee status. If approved, they
may be resettled in the United States within the regional allocations
for resettlement for the fiscal year in which they are admitted.
Question. If confirmed, how would you prioritize supporting
threatened populations in China?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
democratic values at the center of U.S. foreign policy and to standing
up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. I am horrified by
the crimes against humanity and genocide in Xinjiang, and the human
rights abuses occurring across China. If confirmed, I commit to working
closely with colleagues across the interagency and with allies,
partners, and humanitarian organizations to advocate for Uyghurs, Hong
Kong residents, and Tibetans, among others. I will also work to assist
those fleeing persecution and other abuses in the People's Republic of
China to find safe haven.
Question. Please discuss PRM's specific priorities to address
humanitarian needs along the southern border.
Answer. I understand that in line with President Biden's
Collaborative Migration Management Strategy, PRM priorities in Mexico
include improving access to protection against human trafficking,
exploitation, and other dangers to vulnerable migrants, such as those
fleeing violence or torture. For example, I understand PRM supports
gender-based violence prevention and response as well as child
protection programs for migrants across Mexico. PRM also prioritizes
urgent humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of refugees, asylum
seekers, and vulnerable migrants. Key PRM efforts include supporting
shelter capacity and COVID-19 mitigation measures, access to legal
assistance, healthcare, and psycho-social support.
Question. How will PRM coordinate with other agencies in dealing
with the southern border crisis?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate within the Department of
State and with the Department of Homeland Security, U.S. Agency for
International, and other interagency partners in implementing the
administration's Collaborative Migration Management Strategy (CMMS) and
parallel Root Causes Strategy (RCS) to address conditions in Central
America that compel people to flee their homes and seek safety and
opportunity abroad. These strategies increase humanitarian assistance
and protection programs within the region, expand legal immigration
pathways including through the U.S. Refugee Admission Program, and
enhance border protection to reduce irregular migration to the southern
border. Irregular migration is a deeply rooted challenge requiring
short-, medium- and long-term solutions, such as those included in the
CMMS and RCS.
Question. Do you expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency
process particularly in light of USAID's relatively new Bureau of
Humanitarian Assistance?
Answer. I do not expect a change in PRM's role in the interagency
process. PRM and USAID/BHA each have important, distinct roles to play
in responding to humanitarian crises, and it is imperative they respond
in a coordinated manner as one U.S. Government with a common mission.
If confirmed, I intend to maintain close coordination between PRM and
USAID/BHA to ensure their efforts complement each other and build on
their respective strengths.
Question. Looking ahead, what do you anticipate will be the U.S.
contribution level to the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)? What reforms do you believe are
necessary with UNRWA?
Answer. President Biden pledged to restore U.S. economic and
humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, and the United States resumed for
UNRWA this fiscal year. As with other humanitarian partners around the
world, continued financial support will depend on funding availability,
global needs, performance, and adherence to commitments to the United
States. If confirmed, I would focus on management and other reform
issues at UNRWA, including neutrality and financial sustainability.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure all legal conditions are
met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA?
Answer. If confirmed, yes, I will ensure all legal conditions are
met prior to the disbursement of assistance to UNRWA.
Question. The director of UNRWA recently acknowledged that the
group's educational materials included inappropriate material. This is
an ongoing problem that UNRWA pledges to fix, but never seems to
adequately address. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to demand
the removal of the incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in UNWRA
materials?
Answer. Yes. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in
any form. I understand UNRWA staff found the unacceptable content in
supplemental educational material prepared in response to the pandemic,
and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. UNRWA's Commissioner General has
committed to notifying its Advisory Commission immediately of any
violations of its zero-tolerance policy and to collaborating with
Commission members on educational issues. If confirmed, I will
prioritize adherence to humanitarian principles, including neutrality,
in discussions with UNRWA.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. Is there anything the U.S. should be doing to help
Afghans who qualify for P-2 status to leave Afghanistan?
Answer. This administration has been clear about its enduring
commitment to supporting our Afghan allies, including those that remain
in country as well as those that seek to leave. My understanding is
that at this time the U.S. government has no ability to do in-country
processing or facilitate evacuation/relocation support for individuals
referred to the Priority 1 or Priority 2 program who remain in
Afghanistan. However, the administration is urging Afghanistan's
neighbors to allow entry for Afghans and coordinating with humanitarian
international organizations to provide assistance to Afghans in need.
The United States is also reminding countries to respect the principle
of non-refoulement. I understand the Taliban has provided assurances
that Afghans with travel documents who wish to leave the country will
be able to do so, and if confirmed, I would work with colleagues in the
Department to ensure those assurances are upheld.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address the issue of Afghans
who have left Afghanistan, apply for P-2 status while located in a
third country, but are denied?
Answer. Individuals with urgent protection needs should register
for international protection and assistance with the government of the
country where they are located. They may also register and seek
assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR). If confirmed, I would work with international humanitarian
partners and other governments to provide the support needed by those
with protection concerns.
Question. Do you believe the Department has sufficiently staffed
the job of processing P-2s or do additional staff need to be surged to
meet demand?
Answer. My understanding is that the Department is surging
resources to review the large number of Priority 1 and Priority 2
refugee referrals received in recent weeks. This includes recruiting
volunteers from other bureaus to support the work of the Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM). If confirmed, I will make
filling vacancies in the Bureau, including to address needs such as
processing P-2s, one of my first priorities.
Question. To your knowledge, how many P-2 applications have been
granted, and in which third countries were successful P-2 applicants
located when they applied for and were granted P-2 status?
Answer. Resettlement in the United States under the U.S. Refugee
Admissions Program (USRAP) is a 12-18 month process, so my
understanding is that no Afghans who were referred to the program and
recently fled Afghanistan have had their cases approved yet. As of
September 15, I understand the Department has received P-2 refugee
referrals for approximately 20,000 cases involving 55,000 individuals.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to providing this
information to Congress on an ongoing basis?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to providing this information
to Congress on an ongoing basis.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julieta Valls Noyes by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. UNRWA committed to provide a semi-annual report to PRM on
activities to inform evaluation of conformance with conditions on U.S.
contributions to UNRWA. Have they provided that report? If not, when do
you anticipate they will? Can you commit to transmitting that report to
Congress?
Answer. My understanding is that UNRWA has not yet provided this
report to PRM, but that it intends to do so in the near term. This will
be an internal report provided by UNRWA to the State Department. If
confirmed, I will, subject to the rules on the handling and protection
of sensitive information, work with Congress to accommodate its
oversight interests, which I recognize and take seriously.
Question. UNRWA committed to preventing the use of local textbooks
that include content contrary to UN principles in education materials.
The commitment is a reference to concerns--which now go back more than
a decade--that UNRWA was facilitating the use of textbooks promoting
genocidal anti-Semitism. This year UNRWA officials acknowledged that,
indeed, educational materials facilitated by UNRWA include
inappropriate material, amid reports that its textbooks included calls
for ``jihad'' against Israeli Jews and accusations that Israeli Jews
were spreading diseases to Palestinians. How long do you assess it will
take UNRWA to cease the use of textbooks that promote anti-Semitism?
Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
form. Textbooks that promote anti-Semitism or other types of hatred are
unacceptable. I understand that UNRWA staff themselves found the
unacceptable content you reference in supplemental educational
material, and UNRWA acted promptly to remove it. I understand that U.N.
agencies including UNRWA do not develop their own curricula but use the
curricula of host governments. When UNRWA or others identify concepts
contrary to U.N. principles in host governments' educational materials,
UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary materials for its staff
to address the issue and the unacceptable materials are not taught. If
confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of adherence with
humanitarian principles, including neutrality, in discussions with
UNRWA.
Question. What is the estimate in the report produced pursuant to
Senate Report 113-81 accompanying PL 113-76?
Answer. I have been informed that this report is classified in
order to protect Foreign Government Information. In keeping with
Department policy, I have not been given access to classified
information related to the position for which I have been nominated. If
confirmed, I will seek a briefing on this report. It is my
understanding that a copy of this report was transmitted to the
Congressional committees with jurisdiction in 2015.
Question. What is the State Department's assessment of the current
number of Arab refugees who were displaced in 1948 from territories
controlled by Israel?
Answer. The State Department does not have its own assessment of
this number. I understand there are 5.7 million registered Palestinian
refugees who are potentially eligible for United Nations Relief and
Works Agency (UNRWA) services, but far fewer avail themselves of UNRWA
services. Descendants of eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are
eligible for registration with UNRWA for the purpose of accessing
services. As a result, individuals of Palestinian descent born after
the initial displacement have registered. This approach to including
descendants is similar to the one used by U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees in other protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan
and Somalia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer to by Senator Robert Menendez
Eastern Mediterranean
Question. I have been impressed with the French Government's
support for democracies in the Eastern Mediterranean like Greece,
Cyprus and Israel. Turkey continues to violate international norms and
I have appreciated the French Government's willingness to stand up to
Ankara's aggression. This includes in the Caucasus where the French
were critical of Turkish support for Azerbaijan in last year's war. How
will you work with France to advance these shared concerns?
Answer. As a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, France
is a key partner in promoting peace in the Middle East and the
Mediterranean. French President Macron called for EU solidarity
following disputes between Turkey and Greece and Turkey and the
Republic of Cyprus over national gas reserves and what France sees as
an increasingly ``aggressive'' Turkey. If confirmed, I will seek
cooperation with the French on common interests in the Eastern
Mediterranean and to maintain dialogue with Turkey to resolve disputes.
On Israel, France supports a two-state solution. If confirmed, I
will work closely with French partners to align our perspectives on
Israeli-Palestinian peace.
Strategic Autonomy
Question. President Macron has sought to advance a concept of
Strategic Autonomy, which some have interpreted as distancing France
from the United States and creating tensions within NATO. What are your
views on Strategic Autonomy and are you concerned that it could serve
to diminish support for NATO within Europe?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense, which responds to a
long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing, and help fulfilling
Allies' commitment to NATO to spend two percent of GDP on defense.
However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining
the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort
between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If
confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and collaborating
with this committee to reinforce to all Allies the importance of
European defense efforts being complementary with NATO.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about attacks on U.S. Government
personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety
and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs
of Mission and the response of officers at post. It is imperative that
any individual who reports a suspected incident be responded to
promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree these incidents
must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the health of State
personnel?
Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and
how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my
utmost to ensure anyone who reports unexplained health incidents
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I will
consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security
of the Embassy community.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
family members who report a possible health incident will receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting
these members of our Embassy teams. I will also consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In what areas do you feel we can collaborate more
effectively with the French in Africa? How will you as U.S. Ambassador
to France, if confirmed, support that?
Answer. France has significant ties in the Sahel and West and
Central Africa and is a steadfast partner in the fight against
terrorism. Our shared priorities include security, governance, economic
development, and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I
will work strategically with the French to ensure that our efforts are
mutually supportive and reinforcing. I will encourage the French to use
their strong political, economic, security, and cultural influence to
promote the reforms that are the best path to long-term stability in
these regions, and work with our interagency to support French
objectives when aligned with ours.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. We are aware--as I'm sure you are-of President Macron's
calls for Europe to take greater charge of its own security by
developing the ``strategic autonomy'' of the European Union. The United
States has long supported the security of Europe, in particular our
Allies in NATO.
What are the implications of a stronger, more independent European
defense strategy for the United States, and for NATO? Can
Macron's vision and NATO 2030 coexist?
Answer. NATO, of which France is a founding Ally and one of its
most militarily capable, is the primary security organization for
defense of the Euro-Atlantic and its members. Efforts to strengthen
deterrence and defense in Europe must be complimentary to and not
duplicate NATO efforts, enhance NATO-EU cooperation, and strengthen
Transatlantic relations. If confirmed, I will reinforce to all Allies
and partners that NATO is the essential forum for consultation and
action on Transatlantic security and defense issues while promoting
greater cooperation with the EU.
Question. We have heard the current U.S. travel ban restricting
entry of Europeans for more than a year now is harming relations. I
know this is an area of deep frustration for the French, and I have
received a letter from a French counterpart relaying their concern.
What should be done to address these restrictions? How can we
establish parameters for safe travel?
Answer. The Biden administration has prioritized protecting
American citizens during this extraordinary pandemic, and the National
Interest Exception policy is one way to ensure we facilitate critical
travel while also being mindful of ongoing concerns about the spread of
COVID-19, including the Delta variant. The administration is constantly
reviewing the situation and the scientific data and adjusts policy
accordingly. If I am confirmed, I will ensure we continue to implement
the administration's policy as efficiently as possible, and that we are
communicating the policy clearly to the French public. If confirmed, I
will also be sure to quickly share any additional information regarding
shifts in the travel restriction policy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. If confirmed, how will you cooperate with the French
Government on addressing the global terrorist threat?
Answer. The United States and France exchange information and share
best practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France
leads on countering terrorism in the Sahel, where it has eliminated
leaders of ISIS, Al-Qa'ida, and their affiliates. If confirmed, I will
not only ensure our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to
reinforce that partnership. Of course, if confirmed, I will consider it
my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
Embassy community and all Americans in France and Monaco.
Question. In your opinion, how might our existing cooperation with
France be enhanced?
Answer. France is the United States' oldest Ally and is among our
most capable and reliable military Allies. Our relationship is built on
shared values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
There are also extensive cultural and economic ties between our
nations. If confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close
transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based
on our shared values.
Question. Do you agree with President Macron's assessment of
cooperation with China?
Answer. Along with the European Union (EU), France publicly
characterizes the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a partner,
competitor, and systemic rival, an understanding the United States
shares. France agrees on the need for joint U.S.-European Union efforts
to address the PRC's human rights abuses, coercive trade practices, and
aggressive foreign policy. France seeks to cooperate with China when
possible in multilateral fora, like the UN Security Council. In
addition, France identifies China as a key partner for combatting
climate change and addressing global public health concerns. If
confirmed, I will work with French leaders to promote close
transatlantic coordination on the development of a policy agenda based
on our shared values.
Question. If confirmed, how would you use your position to
encourage France to increase its vigilance over Chinese attempts to
influence its political and economic systems, such as the EU's
Comprehensive Agreement on Investment?
Answer. France and the United States are fundamentally aligned in
ways that the PRC and France are not. France recognizes that aspects of
PRC governance and economic philosophy are fundamentally at odds with
international norms. At the same time, France and China have
significant economic ties. French Officials have repeatedly called
China a ``partner, competitor, and systemic rival.'' If confirmed, I
will work closely with France to address the significant challenges the
PRC poses.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Denise Campbell Bauer by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, would you support greater U.S.-French
military collaboration to support greater capacity development for a
key NATO ally?
Answer. France is among our most capable and reliable military
allies and I look forward to working together to strengthen our
cooperation through NATO. Our bilateral relationship is important for
our larger goal of increasing cooperation and raising the level of
ambition of our relationship with all of our NATO Allies. France
contributes to NATO activities, such as air policing and the enhanced
Forward Presence to ensure deterrence and defense on the Alliance's
eastern flank. The U.S. and France exchange information and share best
practices on countering violent extremist threats, and France leads on
countering terrorism in the Sahel. If confirmed, I will not only ensure
our cooperation continues, but will look for ways to strengthen our
partnership, and will be forthright when we do not see eye-to-eye.
Question. What is the Biden administration doing to encourage
France and our NATO allies to maintain and strengthen defense
capabilities in the face of continued aggression by Russia in Eastern
Europe?
Answer. The Biden administration works in coordination with France
and other NATO allies and partners to hold Russia accountable for their
destabilizing activities, human rights abuses, and violations of
international norms. France contributes to NATO's enhanced Forward
Presence on the Alliance's eastern flank. France is an active member of
both the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism and the EU's Rapid Alert System
efforts to counter Russian disinformation and malign influence.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the French Government so
that the NATO Alliance continues to improve its deterrence and defense
posture. I will also work closely to ensure continued close cooperation
with France as part of our broader effort with other Allies and
partners to hold Russia accountable for its actions, and maintain
pressure on the Kremlin to adhere to its international commitments and
obligations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. NATO is going through a planning process to identify
strategic priorities for the coming years. What are your views on this
process and how it can be used to advance U.S. interests?
Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic
Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap
for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If
confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the
Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today,
especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the
People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to
ensure that actions we take to address new challenges do not detract
from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence and
defense for all Allies.
Question. How do you think the Alliance can best and appropriately
respond to the challenge posed by China?
Answer. In recent years, Allies have devoted substantial effort to
better understanding and addressing PRC policies and activities that
affect Allied security since 2019, culminating in the thorough
treatment of PRC issues in the 2021 Summit Communique. Allies agreed in
2021 that PRC policies and actions pose a systemic challenge to the
international rules-based order and identified, inter alia, the PRC's
nuclear and conventional military expansion, non-transparency, and
influence over Allied critical infrastructure as key areas of concern.
If confirmed, I will consult closely with Allies to build consensus on
effective approaches to the PRC through the work of the North Atlantic
Council and its committees, and in policy documents, including the
Strategic Concept.?
Question. Are you at all concerned that this could divert attention
from the threat posed by Russia to NATO members or the threat posed by
terrorism to those countries in southern Europe?
Answer. Russia is the pre-eminent nuclear and conventional military
threat to the Alliance, just as terrorism is one of the greatest
asymmetric challenges to Alliance security. Without losing sight of
these threats, NATO must be alert and responsive to the problems posed
by the PRC. Fortunately, the Alliance has a strong history of
addressing multiple threats simultaneously through its ``360-degree
approach'' to security. Although the PRC is not presently an imminent
military threat to Europe in the way Russia is, if confirmed, I would
strongly support efforts to ensure NATO addresses the challenges PRC's
international behavior and military expansion pose to Transatlantic
security. If confirmed, I will continue our close collaboration with
Allies to address these challenges realistically, strategically, and
systematically.
Question. Beyond the commitment by all NATO members to spend 2
percent of GDP on defense, how should we assess the other contributions
that NATO members can make?
Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Should expansion of NATO be a priority of the alliance
going forward?
Answer. Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty states Allies
``may, by unanimous agreement, invite any other European State in a
position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to
the security of the North Atlantic area to accede.'' Membership
decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute to Euro-
Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join. NATO's
newest member, North Macedonia, joined in 2020 and has already proven
itself a valuable Ally, including by contributing to NATO operations in
Afghanistan and Kosovo. If confirmed, I will consider any possible
enlargement from the perspective of U.S. interests and the good of the
Alliance as a whole.
Question. Do you believe NATO allies are apprehensive of further
NATO expansion due to the emerging shortcomings of some members, or
because of other concerns?
Answer. Allied perspectives vary regarding NATO enlargement.
Membership decisions are based on shared values, capacity to contribute
to Euro-Atlantic security, and Allied consensus to invite them to join.
This is described in Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, to which
all Allies have agreed. If confirmed, my approach to issues of NATO
enlargement will be based on these criteria, U.S. interests, and the
good of the Alliance. I look forward to dialogue with this committee on
these issues.
Question. What do you see as the greatest current threat to NATO
unity and cohesion?
Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to
provide collective defense and prosperity to member nations. NATO has
adapted to new threats and challenges during past inflection points
such as 1989, 2001, and 2014. Today, NATO is again adapting to new and
emerging threats and challenges. The key to NATO's success is its
ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda adopted at the June
2021 Summit affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's
success. If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with
Allies, including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will
also work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to
consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to
Brussels.
Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for
European nations themselves? What are the disadvantages?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoiding unnecessary
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
NATO.
Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for United
States security interests? What are the disadvantages?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
NATO.
Question. What are the advantages of Strategic Autonomy for
security interests across the NATO alliance as a whole? What are the
disadvantages?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
European allies and revitalizing our alliances. If confirmed, I would
welcome European efforts to spend more on defense and build capacity,
which responds to a long-standing U.S. call for more burden-sharing.
However, we must ensure that those efforts to not risk undermining the
primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense by avoid unnecessary
duplication and waste. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with
Allies and collaborating with this committee to reinforce to all Allies
the importance of European defense efforts being complementary with
NATO.
Question. Do you believe that the U.S.' execution of the withdrawal
and evacuation mission from Afghanistan makes a continental separation
of European defense from NATO more likely?
Answer. NATO is the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense.
It guarantees the security, freedom, and values of one billion citizens
in North America and Europe. The Alliance has experienced and overcome
divisive issues in the past because of the strength of our approach
based on consultation and consensus. As the Secretary General has said,
the United States consulted with the Allies throughout the process of
ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan and this was a decision
taken together by all Allies. NATO benefits from European Allies
developing greater defense capabilities. If confirmed, I will continue
this tradition of close consultation that prevents any issue from
detracting from NATO accomplishing its core tasks.
Question. Do you believe that the recent defense agreement between
the U.S., U.K., and Australia, which has greatly angered France, and
irked the European Union, makes a continental separation of European
defense from NATO more likely?
Answer. A stronger, more capable Europe is in our shared interest,
and our longstanding ties with NATO Allies and the EU are essential to
deal effectively with 21st century challenges, as are complementary EU
and NATO capabilities. Ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific is a
shared interest between the United States and Europe, and if confirmed,
I will continue to work to deepen transatlantic cooperation regarding
the Indo-Pacific and around the world. We will not succeed without
enhanced NATO-EU cooperation, something I will strongly support, if
confirmed. Such cooperation should uphold NATO's role as the premier
Transatlantic security and defense forum, and EU defense efforts must
not detract from or duplicate NATO efforts.
Question. What is your understanding of the reason that Turkey
decided to purchase S-400s from Russia instead of Patriot Missiles from
the United States?
Answer. Turkey had the opportunity to purchase Patriot surface-to-
air missile systems, and other NATO-interoperable air defense systems,
but chose to purchase the Russian S-400. Ankara's acquisition and
testing of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine
Allied interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. If confirmed, I
will continue to urge Turkey not to retain the S-400 system and to
refrain from purchasing any additional Russian military equipment. As
the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new
Russian arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA Section 231
sanctions separate from and in addition to those already imposed.
Question. The U.S. has removed Turkey from the F-35 program and
sanctioned it for its purchase of the S-400. What further actions, if
any, do you believe the U.S. should take to urge Turkey to divest the
S-400s?
Answer. Turkey knows what it needs to do to secure relief from
existing CAATSA Section 231 sanctions. Ankara's acquisition and testing
of an S-400 surface-to-air missile system from Russia undermine Allied
interoperability and threaten Alliance systems. The United States
continues to urge Turkey at every level not to retain the S-400 system
and to refrain from purchasing any additional Russian materiel. As the
Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any major new Russian
arms purchases would risk triggering CAATSA sanctions separate from and
in addition to those imposed in December 2020.
Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage
Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?
Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian
S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and its NATO commitments.
If confirmed, I will join administration colleagues in continuing to
urge Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian
materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new
purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA
sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December
2020. Our Allies, including Turkey share interests in countering
terrorism, ending the conflict in Syria, and ensuring regional
stability. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and
our Allies to convince Turkey to change course.
Question. NATO's last strategic concept was written in 2010. In
that time, new threats have emerged: Russia's expansionism in Crimea,
eastern Ukraine, and Syria, China's emergence as a military and
strategic power, democratic backsliding within NATO countries, the
advent of new technologies and threats like cyberwarfare. Which
elements do you believe that any new Strategic Concept should focus on
the most?
Answer. The process of drafting and adopting a new Strategic
Concept is critical to the future of NATO. It provides a clear roadmap
for the work Allies must take to ensure our collective security. If
confirmed, I will work hard with Allies in Brussels to make sure the
Strategic Concept reflects the changing security environment of today,
especially Russian aggression, threats we face in cyberspace, and the
People's Republic of China's malign activities. I will also work to
ensure that actions we take to address these new challenges do not
detract from the Alliance's core task of ensuring a strong deterrence
and defense for all Allies. I look forward to dialogue with this
committee on the Strategic Concept.
Question. NATO's Black Sea littoral allies are increasingly vocal
about their concerns of growing Russian threats in the region. What
more do you believe NATO should do to help deter further Russian
aggression in the Black Sea and help augment the military capabilities
of the littoral nations?
Answer. The Biden administration has expressed clear support for
our Black Sea Allies, and through cooperation with NATO Allies and
partners is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea region. As
the Biden administration has made clear to Russia, further aggression
is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of its
sovereign neighbors. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Congress and our Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security
strategy that bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and
partners.
Question. What do you see as the largest obstacles to NATO's
military mobility throughout the European continent?
Answer. NATO must be able to flow combat power across the Euro-
Atlantic area to be effective, not only from the United States to
Europe but in Europe, across borders, and utilizing Allies'
infrastructure. The current level of investment into capabilities
varies across the spectrum of different Allies. If confirmed, I would
work with our NATO Allies on the way ahead to ensure infrastructure and
other mobility challenges are never limiting factors for deterrence and
defense.
Question. If Russia were to put military presence in Belarus, how
do you think the U.S. should respond? How should NATO respond?
Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a
hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the
Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance
strength and security.
Question. In such a scenario, would putting more troops in Poland
and the Baltics be a useful response or a harmful one?
Answer. Respectfully, I'm unable to provide a complete answer to a
hypothetical. If confirmed, I would work with Congress as well as the
Departments of State and Defense to maximize benefit to Alliance
strength and security.
Question. Do you believe that nuclear weapons are inherent to
NATO's strength in deterring and defending against enemies of the
alliance?
Answer. NATO utilizes an appropriate mix of nuclear, conventional,
and missile defense capabilities for its deterrence and defense. As
Allies reiterated in their June 2021 Brussels Summit Communique, ``as
long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear Alliance.''
If confirmed, I commit to work with Allies to provide for our
collective security, including maintaining a safe, effective, and
credible nuclear deterrence.
Question. Do you commit to maintaining NATO's nuclear arsenal?
Answer. As Allies reiterated in the June 2021 Brussels Summit
Communique, ``as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a
nuclear Alliance.'' If confirmed, I will coordinate with Allies to
support NATO's deterrence and defense posture, including NATO's nuclear
deterrence posture, which relies on U.S. nuclear weapons forward-
deployed in Europe and the capabilities and infrastructure provided by
Allies concerned.
Question. What role do U.S. military exercises with NATO Allies
play in strengthening U.S. and Allied warfighting capabilities,
building interoperability between NATO members, and signaling resolve
both to other Allies and adversaries like Russia?
Answer. NATO conducts a variety of posture management activities,
which are critical to maintaining NATO's deterrence and defense
posture. NATO's exercises credibly demonstrate its ability to deliver
warfighting capabilities where and when needed. United States military
exercises with Allies test and improve interoperability and are a
concrete manifestation of NATO's resolve. If confirmed, I commit to
work with Congress, the Department of Defense, and our Allies and
partners to continue to build capabilities, increase readiness, and
signal resolve to our adversaries.
Question. Do you believe the current scope, scale, and frequency of
U.S. military exercises in Europe is sufficient to fulfill these
objectives? If confirmed, do you commit to working with Allies to
expand-or at least maintain-the current scope, scale, and frequency of
U.S. military exercises in Europe?
Answer. NATO is the most successful Alliance in history, preventing
the outbreak of war between major powers in Europe for over 70 years.
U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to maintain deterrence,
readiness, and interoperability and reassure our Allies. If confirmed,
I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's credible deterrence
and defense posture, including through exercises.
Question. Do you believe U.S./NATO military exercises are
provocative to Russia? If confirmed, how will you reconcile Russian
concerns with the need to enhance NATO's warfighting capabilities and
strengthen Allies?
Answer. Russian accusations that the United States and NATO
demonstrate hostile intent through exercises are disingenuous. NATO's
activities are predictable, transparent, defensive, and designed to
improve readiness and demonstrate the Alliance's capability and resolve
to repulse armed attack. U.S. and NATO's exercises are essential to
maintain deterrence, readiness, and interoperability and reassure our
Allies. If confirmed, I will work with our Allies to strengthen NATO's
credible deterrence and defense posture, including through exercises.
Question. Do you believe it is accurate or fair to equate U.S.
multinational exercises like Defender with large-scale Russian
exercises like Zapad?
Answer. The United States is transparent about its activities;
Russia is not. We are transparent about our exercises, conduct them
safely, and notify Russia appropriately. U.S. and NATO exercises help
reassure our Allies, and transparency as undertaken by the United
States and NATO contribute to stability and predictability with Russia.
Russia misuses the Vienna Document notification system to thwart
transparency of its exercises and conducts large-scale snap exercises,
such as its buildup along the border with Ukraine in spring 2021. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with Allies to ensure that false Russian
narratives about U.S. and NATO posture management activities do not
undermine Allies' determination to signal Allied resolve and build
readiness and interoperability through planned, challenging exercises.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What do you view as the key challenges to alliance
cohesion within NATO? What role do you see for the U.S. administration
and the U.S. Congress in addressing these challenges?
Answer. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to
provide collective security and prosperity to member nations. Today,
however, the weakening of democratic values in some member states is
tearing at Alliance cohesion. As the recent NATO 2030 report stressed,
the key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain unity and resolve.
If confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies,
including having sometimes difficult but necessary conversations about
both our shared values and our shared challenges. I will also work to
maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to consulting
with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to Brussels.
Question. How should NATO respond to political developments in NATO
member states, such as Turkey, that run counter to the democratic
principles on which the alliance was founded?
Answer. NATO is a defensive Alliance. Simultaneously, NATO is an
Alliance of values, founded on the principles of democracy, individual
liberty, and the rule of law. NATO takes decisions on the basis of
consensus, and Allies must find ways forward on common priorities.
Allies must also be ready to voice--either privately or publicly--
concern about actions inconsistent with Allies' commitments, including
concerns about democratic backsliding in Allied member states. If
confirmed I look forward to working with Congress to foster a
constructive dialogue in the Alliance about these issues.
Question. Should NATO consider monitoring or sanctioning member
states that violate NATO's foundational principles?
Answer. The North Atlantic Treaty states in Article 2 that ``all
Parties will contribute toward the further development of peaceful and
friendly international relations by strengthening their free
institutions, by bringing about a better understanding of the
principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by promoting
conditions of stability and well-being.'' For over 70 years, Allies
have maintained cohesion to provide collective security and prosperity
to member nations. The key to NATO's success is its ability to maintain
unity and resolve, and, if confirmed, I will ensure we hold Allies
accountable to the same set of values.
Question. Will you, as Ambassador, continue to press for increased
allied defense spending?
Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.
Question. How do you view the potential for burden-sharing that
looks beyond national defense budgets to include available military
capabilities, contributions to allied missions, and efforts to counter
hybrid threats?
Answer. Allies have committed, as recently as the June 2021 NATO
Summit, to continue to share the responsibility of our collective
security against new and existing threats, both conventional and non-
conventional. If confirmed, I will urge those Allies that are not on
track to meet the Wales Pledge by 2024 to continue making progress
toward that shared and important goal. In addition, I will urge allies
to focus on other important aspects of their national defense,
including readiness, force generation, and capability gaps. I will also
work with Allies, and with Congress, if confirmed, on a shared
understanding of NATO burden sharing that captures the wide range of
tasks--including cyber security--that the Alliance is now undertaking.
We must ensure the Alliance has the sufficient, capable, and ready
integrated defense posture required to maintain a credible defense and
deterrence in the 21st century threat environment.
Question. How adequately is NATO addressing the defense and
security implications of increased Chinese investment and political
influence in Europe?
Answer. This administration is deeply concerned about the dangers
posed to Transatlantic security by the PRC's investments in critical
infrastructure, advanced technologies, and modern military
capabilities, including missiles that can target all NATO Allied
countries. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, NATO Heads of State and
Government declared that the PRC's ``stated ambitions and assertive
behavior present systemic challenges to the rules-based international
order and to areas relevant to Alliance security.'' If confirmed, I
will continue our close collaboration with Allies to address the
challenge from Beijing realistically, strategically, and
systematically.
Question. To what extent is there consensus within the alliance on
how best to respond to security challenges from the Chinese Government?
Answer. Decision-making by consensus is never easy, especially with
30 Allies with individual opinions and threat perceptions. However,
Allies have come together and found common ground to chart a path to
the future throughout the past 70 years, on many global challenges.
Today is no different. If confirmed, I commit to consult closely with
Allies to build consensus on approaches that advance U.S. policy
objectives on the PRC. Allies showed the ability to find common ground
on complicated policy issues like how to address the PRC in the recent
NATO Summit Communique, and I am confident we can find a way to address
the security environment in the next Strategic Concept as well as other
venues.
Question. How effective are current U.S. and NATO efforts to deter
Russian aggression in Europe, and what more can be done?
Answer. The United States has worked with Allies at NATO to
maintain a firm message to Russia that there can be no return to
``business as usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in
Russia's behavior. The NATO Alliance pursues a dual track approach to
Russia, balancing openness to political discussion--on the basis of
reciprocity--with strong and credible deterrence and defense, including
on NATO's eastern flank. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
our Allies to ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence and
defense posture, increases focus on capabilities, readiness, and force
generation, and maintains unity in the face of Russian aggression.
Question. To what extent do you expect sustained political support
in Europe for NATO's firm stance on Russia?
Answer. Allies agree Russia is the primary geopolitical threat in
the Euro-Atlantic area. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, Allies publicly
affirmed that NATO has suspended all practical civilian and military
cooperation with Russia, while remaining open to political dialogue.
Until Russia makes clear and constructive changes to its behavior,
there can be no return to ``business as usual''. Allies also affirmed
that NATO will respond to the deteriorating security environment by
enhancing its deterrence and defense posture, including by a forward
presence in the eastern part of the Alliance. If confirmed, I will work
to maintain Allied unity in the face of Russian aggression.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Todd Young
Question. What are the implications for the security of NATO?s
Baltic members from Belarus? planned installation of Russia?s S-400 Air
Defense systems?
Answer. Since Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine, NATO has
implemented the most significant reinforcement of its eastern flank in
the post-Cold War era, including the Baltic Air Policing mission.
President Lukashenka's comments that Belarus may procure new systems
from Russia, including the S-400, is of concern. NATO is committed to
the security of the entire Alliance, including Baltic Allies, and will
respond appropriately to the deployment of additional Russian military
capability in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting
with the Departments of State and Defense, Congress, and NATO Allies on
appropriate measures of support for Baltic Allies and NATO's regional
partners.
Question. How will you engage with NATO to counter the growing
belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Allies at NATO to maintain a
firm message to Russia that there can be no return to ``business as
usual'' until there is a clear, constructive change in Russia's
behavior. I will also ensure NATO continues to bolster its deterrence
and defense posture. The Alliance has taken several steps to express
deep concern over the situation in Belarus, from restricting Belarusian
access to NATO HQ to condemning Lukashenka's actions in the June 2021
Summit Communique. If confirmed I will seek ways to continue to hold
both Russia and Belarus accountable for destabilizing activity.
Question. How does the situation in Afghanistan affect our
relationship with NATO allies?
Answer. U.S. standing within NATO remains strong. After twenty
years, Allies agreed to end our military engagement in Afghanistan.
This reflects our success delivering justice to those who attacked us
on September 11th and disrupting terrorists seeking to use Afghanistan
as a safe haven to attack us. Allies decided to reassess where it made
the most sense to position our militaries based on the global threat
picture as it exists today, not two decades ago. The United States
worked side by side with Allies and partners in Afghanistan,
strengthening the ability of our military and civilian personnel to
work effectively together. If confirmed, I will continue the close
consultations with Allies, as we have done since before the withdrawal,
when all Allies decided to leave with us. I will also look forward to
consulting with the Allies on the ``lessons learned'' process they are
currently conducting on the broader mission in Afghanistan.
Question. Message to NATO allies about the U.S. commitment to
coordinated operations in defense of the alliance?
Answer. NATO remains history's strongest military alliance, and the
United States will continue our leadership role within it. The U.S.
commitment to the Alliance and to Article 5 is ironclad. If confirmed,
I will ensure that we continue to support NATO defensive operations, as
well as operations that enhance regional security in other ways. For
example, NATO Mission Iraq is expanding to broaden the capacity of the
Iraqi Government's security institutions. Kosovo Force (KFOR) has
bolstered the regional security environment in the Balkans for twenty
years.
Question. How would you work with NATO partners to discourage
Turkey from moving forward with its S-400 Air Defense integration?
Answer. The Biden administration has clearly expressed that Russian
S-400s are incompatible with NATO equipment and Turkey's NATO
commitments. It is a policy priority for the United States to prevail
on Turkey not to retain S-400 and not to purchase additional Russian
materiel. As the Biden administration has made clear to Turkey, any new
purchase of Russian military equipment would risk triggering CAATSA
sanctions separate from and in addition to those imposed in December
2020. At the same time, Turkey is our Ally, and the United States and
Turkey share interests in countering terrorism, ending the conflict in
Syria, and ensuring regional stability. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Congress and engaging Turkey.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. I recently had a call with 26 Ambassadors from NATO-
allied countries, and all were unanimous in their calls for NATO
coordination on Afghanistan. Many of our allies in NATO and others in
Europe have also publicly expressed their frustrations regarding how
the United States handled the withdrawal and the lack of coordination
with them. I am concerned with how this may affect the strength of the
Alliance in the immediate future.
How do you see the current state of relations with our NATO allies
following our withdrawal from Afghanistan? What will you do to
reassure our allies of our commitment to coordination through
NATO, if confirmed?
Answer. Since Allies invoked Article 5 and went into Afghanistan
after al-Qaeda, we have adhered to the ``in together, consult together,
leave together'' approach. Indeed, as the Secretary General confirmed
in recent days, the United States consulted with the Allies throughout
the process of ending NATO's military presence in Afghanistan. NATO is
the foundation of Euro-Atlantic collective defense. The Alliance has
experienced and overcome divisive issues in the past because of the
strength of our approach based on consultation and consensus. If
confirmed, I will continue this tradition of close consultation that
prevents any issue from detracting from NATO accomplishing its core
tasks.
Question. How do you think the United States should respond to the
calls for greater European security independent of NATO and the United
States?
Answer. The Biden administration is committed to re-engaging
European allies and partners and revitalizing our alliances. If
confirmed, I would welcome European efforts to strengthen European
defense including by spending more on defense, insofar as this
contributes to Allies' fulfillment of their Wales Pledge commitments.
However, the notion of European strategic autonomy risks undermining
the primacy of NATO in ensuring Europe's defense, duplicating effort
between the EU and NATO, and weakening Transatlantic relations. If
confirmed, I look forward to engaging with Allies and partners to
reinforce to all Allies the unparalleled value of the Transatlantic
Alliance, rooted in the sacrosanct Article 5 commitment.
Question. The Taliban has tried to tell the world that it is
different than it was in 1996. But their approach and perspective on
women has clearly not evolved and as such, we must continue to hold the
Taliban to account, in partnership with our allies.
If confirmed, how will you work through NATO to find ways to
support the rights of Afghan women and girls under Taliban
rule? What specific actions should NATO take as a bloc?
Answer. NATO has been clear that it will continue to hold the
Taliban to its commitments, especially on counterterrorism and with
respect to the rights of all Afghans. The Taliban has said many things,
but we have told them in no uncertain terms we are watching their
actions to assess our possible future direction with them. The United
States and NATO Allies are considering how to use our full diplomatic,
economic, and assistance toolkits to support the peaceful, stable
future the Afghan people deserve. If confirmed, I look forward to
consulting with you on ensuring the rights of women and girls in
Afghanistan, in particular, remain in the Alliance's focus.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to reassure our allies in
NATO of the strong U.S. commitment? What specific steps will you take
to strengthen coordination with and within the Alliance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will reassure Allies our commitment to
collective defense under Article 5 of the Washington Treaty is
ironclad. For over 70 years, Allies have maintained cohesion to provide
collective security and prosperity to member nations. The key to NATO's
success is its ability to maintain unity, and the NATO 2030 agenda
affirmed the importance of consultation to the Alliance's success. If
confirmed, I look forward to increasing our engagement with Allies,
including having difficult but necessary conversations. I will also
work to maintain bipartisan support for NATO and look forward to
consulting with Congress and welcoming congressional delegations to
Brussels.
Question. I am concerned by the actions of an emboldened Russia in
the Black Sea region, following several recent aggressive incidents by
the Russians.
What more can be done to support freedom of navigation in the Black
Sea?
Answer. The Biden administration attaches high importance to
security and stability in the Black Sea littoral. Through cooperation
with NATO Allies and partners, including presence and exercises, the
United States is bolstering collective security in the Black Sea
region. As the Biden administration has made clear to Russia,
aggression is unacceptable in the territory and territorial waters of
its sovereign neighbors, as well as in international waters and
airspace. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and our
Allies to develop and implement a Black Sea security strategy that
bolsters cooperation among our littoral state Allies and partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julianne Smith by Senator Ted Cruz
Nord Stream 2
Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia
with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed
in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to
energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern
flank.
Please assess the security risks to NATO, and especially NATO's
eastern flank, that would be created if Nord Stream 2 was
completed.
Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a Russian geopolitical
project that undercuts the energy security of a significant part of the
Euro-Atlantic community. U.S. opposition to Nord Stream 2 centers
around the Kremlin's malign activities, including its aggression
against Ukraine and past use of energy as a weapon through gas supply
cut-offs and disruptions. The administration continues to work with
Germany, Ukraine, and other Allies and partners to reduce the risks of
an operational Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of
measures detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on
support for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals.
If confirmed, I will work with our NATO Allies and partners to both
address the repercussions of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and strengthen
European energy security.
Question. If Nord Stream 2 is brought online it will provide Russia
with energy hegemony over our NATO allies. Those allies have conveyed
in public that they will be significantly more vulnerable not just to
energy coercion but to military aggression, across NATO's Eastern
flank.
In your understanding, what can the United States still do to stop
Nord Stream 2 from being completed, in order to avert these
risks?
Answer. The Biden administration opposes Nord Stream 2 and believes
that this Russian geopolitical project is a bad deal for both Ukraine
and Europe. That said, the pipeline was over 90 percent complete when
this administration came into office, and sanctions could not stop its
construction. Gazprom announced on September 10, 2021 that construction
on the pipeline was complete. Throughout the process of testing,
inspecting, and certifying, and otherwise operationalizing the
pipeline, the United States will continue to oppose Nord Stream 2 and
work with Allies and partners to reduce the risks of an operational
Nord Stream 2 pipeline, including through the package of measures
detailed in the July 21, 2021 U.S.-Germany Joint Statement on Support
for Ukraine, European Energy Security, and our Climate Goals. The
administration remains committed to implementing PEESA, as amended; it
has sanctioned seven persons related to Nord Stream 2 and identified 16
of the vessels as blocked property and continues to examine entities
involved in potentially sanctionable activity.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Robert Menendez
Israel
Question. This week marks the one year anniversary of the historic
Abraham Accords, normalizing relations between Israel, the UAE, and
Bahrain, which have the potential to increase security and prosperity
for Israel and other countries in the Middle East.
Will you commit to fully supporting Israel's right to self-defense
and Qualitative Military Edge, including through U.S. military
assistance?
Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable
commitment to Israel's security, one important component of which is
substantial security assistance to preserve Israel's Qualitative
Military Edge over potential regional threats. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with Congress to continue this legacy.
Iraq
Question. The U.S. remains committed to a sovereign, stable and
democratic Iraq. The recent agreement on July 26 between President
Biden and Prime Minister Kadhimi to end U.S. combat operations signals
a hopeful new phase in the U.S.-Iraqi partnership. However, Iran
continues to exercise malign influence in the country and its militias
continue to target U.S. facilities while extorting and murdering
ordinary Iraqis.
What should the U.S.'s assistance priorities be in Iraq? What
further steps can the U.S. take to boost Iraq's ties with its
Arab neighbors and make the country less dependent on Iranian
energy?
Answer. U.S. assistance in Iraq should focus on democratic and
economic reforms to reduce corruption, facilitate investment, develop a
domestic private sector that can generate badly-needed employment for
Iraq's youthful population, and improve the lives of the Iraqi people.
The United States continues to press Iraq to do more in terms of
generating and delivering electricity for the public, reducing its
reliance on Iranian electricity and gas. This requires Iraq to capture
flared gas, employ grid modernization to reduce transmission losses,
develop renewable energy potential, and to import power from other
neighbors. The United States is ready to help develop Iraq's renewable
energy sector.
With regard to electricity grid interconnections, the United States
has championed the work to connect Iraq's grid to that of the GCC
Interconnection Authority. This interconnection would allow Gulf
countries to sell 500 megawatts of power to Iraq. The United States
also supports an interconnection between the Iraqi and Jordanian grids.
While Iraq is contracting out its portion of the transmission lines,
USAID is supporting the Jordanian side. Iraq has moved slowly on
implementing its side.
Question. What is your assessment of the current U.S. diplomatic
footprint in Iraq? Should the U.S. boost that footprint to better
counter Iranian influence? What resources would be required to do that
safely and do you commit to working to swiftly restore consular
operations at Embassy Baghdad?
Answer. U.S. policies. In Summer 2021, the Embassy conducted a
fresh staffing review given changing circumstances, and Department
leadership is currently considering the results. If confirmed, I am
committed to ensuring all of our posts, including Baghdad, are secure
and appropriately staffed for their mission.
If confirmed, I commit to working to restore consular operations at
Embassy Baghdad. Several Compound Access Control (CAC) points sustained
damage in the December 2019/January 2020 attack, leading to a
suspension of consular operations. The Bureau of Overseas Buildings
Operations (OBO) worked with Diplomatic Security to establish an
interim consular screening facility for use by U.S. citizens. OBO is
currently in the process of awarding a design and construction contract
for the repair of the Main CAC to allow full consular services to be
restarted.
Question. How important is it to reopen the U.S. Consulate in
Basra? If confirmed, what conditions will you need to see before moving
to reopen it?
Answer. I view it as vitally important that the United States
engage with all segments of Iraqi society, including Basrawis and
others in southern Iraq. Basrah remains one of the key economic engines
of Iraq given its vast oil and gas resources, but also remains one of
the poorest provinces and suffers from climate change and a lack of
potable water. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues at the
State Department and throughout the administration to expand our
diplomatic outreach across Iraq. There are many issues that would have
to be taken into consideration before resuming operations at the
consulate in Basrah, such as the necessary security measures, as well
as congressional and legal requirements.
Lebanon
Question. Lebanon's economic crisis has pushed middle class
Lebanese into poverty but the country's political elite still show no
appetite for needed reforms and still seem to expect a no strings
attached bailout if the suffering in Lebanon gets bad enough.
How does the US balance the need to help alleviate suffering in
Lebanon which directly contributes to security and stability
not only in Lebanon but in Israel and the region more broadly
but also ensure our assistance is being used to incentivize
reforms?
Answer. Current U.S. assistance programs in Lebanon are designed to
directly support the Lebanese people as they weather the current
economic and humanitarian crisis, as well as support key partners and
institutions, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security
Forces, which are critical to stability in Lebanon and the region. If
confirmed, I will reinforce to the Lebanese Government that concrete
actions remain crucial--indeed, a condition--to unlocking longer-term
structural support to Lebanon.
Question. What is your assessment of the new Lebanese Government?
Is it capable of delivering for the Lebanese people and being a capable
partner for the United States?
Answer. The United States welcomed the announcement that Lebanon's
leaders agreed to form a new government under the leadership of Prime
Minister Najib Mikati. The formation of a government is just the first
step to halting Lebanon's terrible downward spiral; the follow-on steps
must include enacting reforms to address the economic crisis, bring
more accountability and transparency to a system that is rife with
political corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The
solution to Lebanon's dire problems lie in Lebanese hands. If
confirmed, I stand ready to support the new government as well as hold
its members accountable for the hard work ahead.
Lebanon and Syrian Sanctions Liability
Question. I recognize the need to import energy from Egypt and
Jordan to ease the suffering of hard-hit Lebanese and to prevent Iran
and Hezbollah from capitalizing on a crisis that they are in large part
created. I am also aware that the infrastructure for such a project
already exists and I appreciate the willingness of Jordan and Egypt to
help the people of Lebanon. However, I am also concerned about such a
project running afoul of U.S. sanctions on Syria the risk that such
imports could normalize the Assad regime's brutality.
What sanctions liability do you see in such an import project and
how do we balance these competing needs by getting the Lebanese
people the relief they need without rewarding the Assad regime
for more that ten years of atrocities against its own people?
Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis
that is having a tremendous impact on critical infrastructure such as
hospitals and the water supply. U.S. assistance programs are designed
to directly support the Lebanese people; Egypt and Jordan have recently
offered a set of potential bilateral and multilateral agreements that
could help Lebanon begin to address its power crisis in a sustainable
and transparent manner. U.S. sanctions on the Assad regime remain an
important tool to press for accountability, to include for its
atrocious record of human rights abuse. If confirmed, I will work with
the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any
potential deal our partners reach is consistent with U.S. law, our
broader policy priorities to mitigate any benefits to the Assad regime,
and all relevant U.S. sanctions, and look forward to continuing to
consult with Congress on this important issue.
Syria
Question. I am concerned that the Assad regime's apparent success
in reestablishing full control of Daraa, despite prior diplomatic
agreements that ensured a measure of local autonomy, will pave the way
for an increased presence of Iranian backed militias, including
Hezbollah, where they can continue to brutalize or displace the local
population while menacing Israel and Jordan.
Question. Do you share these concerns and if so, what diplomatic
measures can the administration take, both bilaterally and at the
United Nations, to prevent additional civilian displacements and ensure
Iranian militia activity does not further threaten Israel and Jordan?
Answer. The United States continues to engage with partners and
allies as well as the U.N. to encourage all parties to adhere to
ceasefires in Syria. The United States is also strongly committed to
countering Iran and the militia groups it supports in Syria and will
work with allies and partners to push back against Iran's destabilizing
activities. The Biden-Harris administration is concerned by the grave
conditions in Dara'a that resulted in the displacement of civilians and
the blockage of humanitarian aid and has raised these concerns at the
U.N. and with key Security Council members. If confirmed, I will
continue our support for humanitarian organizations that are trying to
deliver aid and will continue to push for increased access.
Syria-U.N.-led Political Process for Syria
Question. It is broadly acknowledged that the U.N.-led political
process for Syria under UNSCR 2254 is broken due to Russian-enabled
Assad regime intransigence. There is further a push by both Russia and
the Assad regime to normalize ties with other Arab states like Jordan
the UAE and Bahrain.
What alternatives does the administration have to advancing the
goal of an end to Syria's civil war in light of the gridlock in
the U.N. process?
Answer. There is little question that unstinting Russian and
Iranian military and other support have enabled the Assad regime to
deflect international demands for accountability and political change
for over a decade. The United States is engaged with U.N. Special Envoy
Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international partners in order to
explore options and encourage all possible efforts to advance a
political resolution to the conflict. The Biden-Harris administration
supports the U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process laid out within the
parameters of UNSCR 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire, the release
of arbitrarily detained Syrians, and free and fair elections monitored
by the U.N. If confirmed, I will continue to engage diplomatically to
press for an end to the Syrian people's suffering.
Question. What do you see driving our Arab partners' increasing
engagement with Damascus and how can U.S. diplomacy halt this creeping
normalization?
Answer. There appears to be a belief among some countries in the
region that engagement with Assad will lead to a reduction of the
latter's relationship with Iran. I am skeptical on that score. The
United States will not itself reestablish or upgrade diplomatic
relations with the Assad regime. If confirmed, I will urge states in
the region to consider carefully what they might require of the regime
on behalf of the Syrian people--whether accountability for the missing
or detained, or access to humanitarian aid and security, which the
regime currently denies much of the country. The United States will
remain engaged with the U.N., our allies, and other international
partners on the best way forward in Syria.
Question. Do you think we can be doing more to ensure
accountability and good governance in the Autonomous Administered Areas
of North East Syria?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands political and
economic stability are key to the ability of our local partners in
Syria to focus on fighting ISIS. In one of its first acts, the
administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization assistance for
Syria and announced in March almost $50 million for U.S. stabilization
efforts in northeast Syria and will continue these efforts with FY 21
resources; the administration's FY 22 request for Syria reflects
further robust support. U.S. assistance in northeast Syria prioritizes
stabilization activities that contribute to the restoration of daily
life by closing gaps in local authority capacities; supporting
transitional justice, justice and accountability, and civil society
programs; and addressing vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.
Egypt
Question. What do you see as the largest priorities for security
assistance to Egypt? How can U.S. engagement promote further energy
development and security cooperation between Egypt and its neighbors,
especially in the realm of clean and renewable energy?
Answer. I see the highest priority security challenges for Egypt as
being the threat stemming from extremist groups in Libya and the Sahel,
border security and maritime security. U.S security assistance is
appropriately focused on helping Egypt develop and maintain the
capacity to address those priorities while emphasizing
professionalization of its forces and support for human rights and
international humanitarian law. Egypt has enormous solar and wind
potential, and has made significant investments in the past decade to
increase the share of renewables in its energy production. I am eager
to work with Egypt to fulfill its aspirations to export clean energy to
its neighbors, which will require significant investments in upgrading
regional energy connectivity.
Question. Egypt faces the very real prospect of reduced flow from
the Nile River. What more can the US do to help Egypt cope with such a
future?
Answer. I well appreciate the singular importance of the Nile flow
to Egypt's economy, especially its agriculture. I am pleased to see
that Egypt is taking steps to modernize its agricultural systems and
increase efficiencies in water use to better manage the growing demands
for this critical resource in the future. U.S. assistance has brought
improved education, clean water, better health, economic growth, and
other benefits to the Egyptian people. The Department is working with
Egypt to promote economic growth that underpins stability, and to
advance our commercial and environmental goals.
Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt
regarding its purchase of Russian Su-35's?
Answer. Dissuading Egypt from acquiring Su-35 fighter aircraft or
any other major new military equipment from Russia is a key priority
for the United States. The U.S. Government has consistently warned
Egypt at the highest levels that accepting delivery of Su-35s or any
new major military acquisitions from Russia risks triggering mandatory
CAATSA Section 231 sanctions and negatively affecting our defense
relationship and security cooperation. If confirmed, I will reinforce
this message to the Government of Egypt.
Question. If confirmed, what message will you send to Egypt
regarding ongoing human rights abuses, including the harassment and
detention of the family members of U.S.-based activists? What leverage
does the U.S. retain in this regard?
Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
Egypt. If confirmed, I will communicate U.S. expectations to the
Government of Egypt of tangible and sustained progress on improving its
human rights record. The Biden-Harris administration supports greater
space for Egyptian civil society and human rights organizations, as
well as respect for freedom of expression. Secretary Blinken's recent
decision on Foreign Military Financing showed that the Biden-Harris
administration considers human rights to be a national security
interest. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government
of Egypt to address these human rights concerns. Promoting a stable,
prosperous Egypt, where the Government protects the human rights of all
individuals and fulfills the aspirations of the Egyptian people, is a
core objective of U.S. policy.
Peace Agreement in Libya
Question. The peace agreement in Libya and the national unity
government that it brought about present an important opportunity for
Libyans and their neighbors in Africa and around the Mediterranean to
turn the page on ten years of violence and chaos. However, challenges
remain, most notably the continuing presence of Russian and Turkish-
backed mercenaries, which represent, in my mind, the biggest threat to
stability in Libya and the elections scheduled there for December.
What steps can be taken, with the Libyan Government, along with the
international community to get foreign fighters out of Libya?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with
European and regional allies and partners, the interim Libyan
Government, and others on how progress can be made towards the full
withdrawal of all foreign military forces, foreign fighters, and
mercenaries consistent with the October 23, 2020 Libyan ceasefire
agreement. To that end, if confirmed, I am committed to charting a path
forward toward national elections with the interim Libyan Government,
regional partners, and the U.N. Those elections will themselves be a
critical point along the way of getting foreign forces out of Libya. If
confirmed, I am also committed to supporting the October 23, 2020,
Libyan ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as called for in
UNSCR 2570.
Question. What further steps should the US take to ensure that
presidential and parliamentary elections are held on schedule in Libya?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is in discussions with
Libyan political leaders on the urgent need for them to agree on a
constitutional and legal framework for elections. The Biden-Harris
administration is also coordinating with European and regional allies
and partners to ensure a united position from the international
community on the importance of holding on-time elections. USAID has
helped the Libyan High National Election Commission advance technical
preparations for the elections so that they are prepared to hold the
elections quickly once a legal basis is agreed. Ultimately, it will be
up to Libyan political officials to forge compromises to ensure
elections take place on December 24, and the administration has
vigorously pressed the parties to do so.
Turkey and Libya's Maritime Border Agreement
Question. I have been vocal in my criticism of the maritime border
agreement between Turkey and Libya's previous Government of National
Accord, which I believe was based on a flawed understanding of
international maritime law and a complete disregard for the legitimate
claims of neighboring Mediterranean countries, including Greece and the
Republic of Cyprus.
What steps can the U.S. take to ensure that any such agreement is
coordinated with Libya and Turkey's Mediterranean neighbors and
takes into account their legitimate claims in the
Mediterranean?
Answer. The Memorandum of Understanding on maritime boundaries
between Turkey and Libya's former Government of National Accord has
raised tensions in the region and has been unhelpful to efforts to
negotiate a solution to the conflict. The United States has called on
all parties to refrain from actions that risk heightening tensions in
the Eastern Mediterranean. As a longstanding policy, the United States
encourages states to resolve their disputes peacefully in accordance
with international law.
U.S. Influence in Libya
Question. If confirmed, what facts would you need to see on the
ground to move forward with a permanent U.S. diplomatic presence inside
Libya? What further resources would you need?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's intent is to resume
regular diplomatic activities in Libya when the security situation
permits and the necessary security measures are in place. The process
for resumption of diplomatic operations entails a thorough Department
analysis and review, careful logistical and security planning,
interagency coordination to meet security, policy, and legal
requirements, and congressional notification procedures. The
administration will keep Congress informed with regard to any resources
it would need.
Question. In the meantime, what further steps can be taken to
maintain U.S. influence in the country?
Answer. Since the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli suspended operations in
July 2014, officers with the Libya External Office in Tunis have
conducted periodic day-trips into Libya for diplomatic engagement and
frequently engaged with Libyan interlocutors in third-country
locations. The administration, including Special Envoy Ambassador
Richard Norland, also coordinates closely with European allies,
countries in the region, and the United Nations. The United States co-
chairs the Berlin Process Economic Working Group through which
international partners help Libya make crucial economic reforms.
Foreign assistance also boosts U.S. influence in the areas of the
economy, access to water, and combatting climate change.
Tunisia
Question. How can U.S. engagement most effectively help Tunisia
reach a sound economic footing?
Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a
democratic government that can address the immediate economic and
health crises facing the country. In that connection, our assistance
promotes sustainable, inclusive economic growth and mitigates the
effects of COVID-19. If confirmed, I will urge President Saied to
designate a Prime Minister without further dealy and enable formation
of a government so that the United States and our partners can more
effectively assist Tunisia in economic growth and development,
particularly via the IMF.
Question. What more can the U.S. do to bolster both Tunisian civil
society and the successful and productive security relationship between
our two countries?
Answer. U.S. assistance, consistent messaging, and diplomatic
engagement will continue to support civil society and civic engagement,
which will be key to the success of any political and economic reforms.
If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our bilateral security
relationship, through which the U.S. Government has provided over $928
million since 2011. This aid has improved the ability of the Tunisian
military and civilian law enforcement agencies to conduct counter
terrorism operations, secure the country's borders, provide citizen-
oriented policing, and protect human rights while operating within the
rule of law.
Yemen
Question. The administration's renewal of assistance to northern
Yemen and insistence that the Houthis allow further humanitarian access
there has helped to hold off a drastic worsening of an already terrible
humanitarian crisis. However, the Houthis ongoing advance on Marib
threatens to displace hundreds of thousands of already desperate
Yemenis and shows a lack interest by the Houthis in a peaceful end to
the fighting, especially when coupled with their ongoing attacks
against Saudi Arabia using Iranian missiles and drones.
What is behind the Houthis determination to press on with a costly
and destructive offensive? What steps can the U.S. take to
bring them back to the negotiating table?
Answer. The Houthis remain intransigent and focused on their
military offensive against Marib, which is the single biggest
impediment to a national ceasefire and follow-on political
negotiations. Apparently determined to take the oil-rich province, the
Houthis are demonstrating wholesale indifference to the humanitarian
cost. The offensive is exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian crisis, puts
at immediate risk some one million IDPs and other civilians and is
triggering broader instability. There is an international consensus on
the urgency of resolving this conflict; if confirmed, I will work with
U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to
push the Houthis to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen
Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United
States continues to work with our international partners to apply
pressure on the Houthis, to include via domestic and U.N. sanctions,
and, if confirmed, I will continue that critical work.
Question. The lack of fuel imports remains a major humanitarian
concern. What more can the U.S. do to push Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni
Government to allow more fuel imports to be allowed into Yemen?
Answer. The United States remains committed to addressing the
humanitarian situation in Yemen. We closely monitor and consistently
raise the need for unrestricted fuel imports at Hudaydah with the
highest levels of the Yemeni and Saudi Governments. In response to
continued U.S. advocacy, the Republic of Yemen Government has cleared
17 fuel ships to enter the port of Hudaydah since March 2021. Food and
other commodities for commercial and humanitarian purposes continue to
flow through Hudaydah at normal rates, according to the U.N.
Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen (UNVIM). Fuel imports
through other Yemeni ports have increased, such that nationwide fuel
imports are actually higher than average. That said, it is time for a
different approach by the Hadi Government and the Saudi Government.
Jordan
Question. As you know, the current assistance Memorandum of
Understanding (MOU) between the U.S. and Jordan is set to expire next
year.
What should be the U.S.'s priorities for the next MOU?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. assistance to Jordan
through the next MOU is targeted to bolster the economic stability of
this critical ally. A stable and secure Jordan allows us to jointly
pursue shared regional security and economic goals. Economic Support
Funds should foster self-reliance and capacity development of
government and private sector counterparts towards implementing
critical economic reform. To the degree the U.S. Government can
incentivize needed structural reforms, Jordan can more rapidly open new
pathways to economic growth. Foreign Military Financing should help
ensure Jordan can continue to act as a close partner on a variety of
shared security goals, including as a contributing member in the
Coalition to Defeat ISIS.
Question. What further political and economic reforms do you think
are needed to help Jordan get on to a more secure and sustainable
footing?
Answer. If confirmed, I will promote private-sector-led and
inclusive economic growth in Jordan. The country requires reforms to
enable the private sector to grow more rapidly, to attract foreign
investment, increase the capacity of firms to compete on the global
market, and significantly expand current employment levels. Other
important reforms include improving public sector effectiveness;
improving the business climate; deepening electricity and water sector
sustainability; and including more women and youth in the formal
economy.
Question. What further ways can the U.S. support sustainable water
sources in Jordan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan to complete its
national water desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman-Conveyance
Project, in a timely and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's
water needs.
On July 8, Jordan and Israel announced an agreement to allow Jordan
to purchase an additional and much needed 50 million cubic meters of
water this year. If confirmed, I will encourage Jordan and Israel to
finalize the agreement and continue to look for additional ways to
increase water cooperation in the coming years. Expanding cooperation
on the water issue will present additional opportunities to foster a
healthier political relationship between the two countries.
Question. What is the potential for further cooperation between
Israel and Jordan on the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project?
Answer. Both Israel and Jordan have indicated they no longer plan
to pursue the Red Sea-Dead Sea water project. If confirmed, I will
encourage Jordan to move out expeditiously on its national water
desalination project, the Aqaba-Amman Conveyance Project, in a timely
and effective manner so that it addresses Jordan's water needs.
Gulf
Question. Saudi Arabia's direct diplomatic engagement with Iran,
facilitated by Baghdad, has been widely reported and is broadly
considered an indicator that the Gulf states are not comfortable
relying on JCPOA negotiations as a guarantor of their security against
Iran's regional meddling. As a former US Ambassador to the UAE, I am
confident you are very familiar with these sentiments.
How do you perceive the utility of these ongoing talks and if
confirmed, how will you work to ensure our regional partners,
including the Gulf States as well as Israel, are integrated
into Iran's nuclear talks?
Answer. I am aware of reports of multiple rounds of Saudi-Iranian
talks facilitated by Iraq. Direct contacts and discussions between
countries in the Gulf and Iran can be constructive in reducing tensions
in the region; for the Gulf countries, these channels are also useful
for making clear their requirements of Iran, including non-interference
in their affairs. The UAE started such discussions in the summer of
2019, at a time of severely heightened tensions in the Gulf, and those
exchanges continue today. Diplomacy is not a reward in this sense, but
a vital means for securing their interests. Our Gulf partners and
Israel have valid security concerns over Iran's destabilizing activity
in the region. If confirmed, I will work with the Special Envoy for
Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure our partners are consulted in the course of
the JCPOA negotiations, as well as coordinate on U.S. efforts to deal
with Iran's regional activities and to help our partners do the same.
Red Sea/Horn of Africa
Question. From the GERD dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia, to
competition between Gulf States in the Horn of Africa, to maritime
security along both sides of the Red Sea, there is significant overlap
between NEA and the Africa Bureau, especially along the Red Sea and the
Horn of Africa.
What aspects of cooperation between the two bureaus do you think
are going well? What areas need improvement?
Answer. Bureaus in the department, including Near Eastern Affairs
(NEA) and African Affairs (AF), must work closely together to ensure
full coordination and cooperation on the full range of shared and
overlapping issues, and across the geographical/bureaucratic seam.
Sustained communication at the leadership level in Washington and in
the field ensures that both Bureaus can overcome these seams, and if
confirmed I will promote mechanisms to encourage such communication. If
confirmed, I will provide the leadership and model the kind of close
cooperation with AF that is critical for the success of our respective
work. I will also work closely with the Department's Special Envoy for
the Horn of Africa, Jeffery Feltman, and ensure that NEA missions work
collaboratively with AFRICOM.
If confirmed, I will also ensure that Red Sea and African issues
are part of our regular conversations with key NEA Governments.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to improve
cooperation with the Africa Bureau on issues that span this divide and
to ensure that such issues facing sub-Saharan Africa are raised with
governments in the Middle East?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA
staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the AF Bureau and with the
Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery Feltman, as well as with
AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red Sea and African issues
are part of our regular conversation with key NEA Governments. If
confirmed, I will also continue to ensure diplomacy, defense and
development tools are brought together to address cross-cutting issues
through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership.
Eastern Mediterranean Energy and Security
Question. Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority have all
joined the EastMed Gas Forum alongside Greece, Cyprus and Israel,
greatly increasing the potential for cooperation among the countries of
the Eastern Mediterranean on energy development and security,
especially for clean and renewable energy sources.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to coordinate with both the
European Affairs Bureau and the Bureau of Energy Resources to
promote increased cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead by example, and ensure that NEA
staff coordinate closely with colleagues in the European Affairs and AF
Bureaus and with the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffery
Feltman, as well as with AFRICOM. If confirmed, I will ensure that Red
Sea and African issues are part of our regular conversation with key
NEA Governments. If confirmed, I will also continue to ensure
diplomacy, defense and development tools are brought together to
address cross-cutting issues through the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism
Partnership.
Great Power Competition in the Middle East
Question. The administration has repeatedly insisted that it is
pivoting away from the Middle East to focus on great power competition
with Russia and China.
How do you see your job unfolding within this new paradigm?
Answer. Global power competition happens around the globe,
including in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris administration is
committed to rebuilding and restoring U.S. partnerships across the
region. If confirmed, I will energetically promote the value of a
sustained and strategic partnership with the United States, a
partnership that stands in stark contrast to the transactional
relationships offered by the People's Republic of China and Russia. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the Bureaus of
European Affairs (EUR) and East Asian and Pacific Affairs (EAP) to
ensure that strategic priorities with respect to Russia and the
People's Republic of China are regular agenda items in discussions with
regional partners.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take as Assistance
Secretary to counter Russian and Chinese influence in the Middle East
and North Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues in the
Bureau of European Affairs (EUR) and the Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs (EAP) to ensure that strategic priorities with respect
to Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) are regular agenda
items in discussions with regional partners. This will include
empowering the three Regional China Officers deployed at embassies
across the region to increase reporting, analysis, and engagement on
PRC-related issues. If confirmed, I will also work with our Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as our Bureau of Political
Military Affairs, to ensure an approach that maintains our position as
the premier partner in the region while elevating our values, including
respect for human rights.
The administration's commitment to reducing regional tensions,
banking the fires of conflict, building deep partnerships based on an
affirmative agenda, and demonstrating the value of a sustained
partnership with the United States remains the best approach to
countering Russian and PRC influence across the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Great power competition often occurs outside of the
Pacific. How do you plan to compete with Russia and China given the
administration's apparent retreat from the Middle East?
Answer. The President's vision for a collaborative partnership with
the countries of the Middle East comes in the wider context of a
growing global challenge to our values of open societies and open
economies. This challenge comes primarily from the People's Republic of
China (PRC) and Russia. Our strength as a nation resides in the very
commitment the U.S. Government has demonstrated over decades to our
partners, and to the values the United States brings to those
relationships.
The administration seeks to deepen diplomatic, security, cultural,
and economic engagements through an affirmative agenda grounded in our
democratic values. If confirmed, I will work to demonstrate that
partnership with the United States remains our best strategy for
addressing global competition in the Middle East, now and into the
future.
Question. The Iranian regime received an approximately $4-5 billion
windfall in sanctions relief as a result of the JCPOA. In 2017, Sec.
Blinken indicated that the ``few billion dollars that have wound up in
Iran's coffers that had huge debts to pay and the money that was freed
up as a result of the deal has mostly gone to pay those debts and to
bolster the economy.'' However, a vast body of follow-on reporting
indicates that a majority of sanctions relief was instead funneled to
the regime's proxies in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen. As the Biden
administration pursues sanctions relief as a part of its return to the
JCPOA, what tools and safeguards exist that would prevent Iran from
directing future sanctions relief to malign activities?
Answer. As the U.S. Government acknowledged at the time, although
Iran devoted most of the resources it obtained through sanctions relief
under the JCPOA toward bolstering its economy, it did use some of it
for its military and its regional activities. Iran and its proxies and
partners engaged in these activities prior to the JCPOA, after the
conclusion of the JCPOA, and with increased aggressiveness after the
U.S. exit from the JCPOA in 2018. An Iran with a nuclear weapon would
present a threat of a far greater magnitude. The U.S. Government
maintains a range of tools to combat terrorist financing and will
continue to use these to counter Iran's destabilizing activities and
support for terrorism. The administration will continue to use its
considerable leverage--including sanctions that would remain in place
in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA, the threat of sanctions re-
imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to
protect U.S. interests.
Question. Both the Israelis and our partners in the Gulf
Cooperation Council, who sit much closer to the Iranian threat,
bemoaned a lack of consultations prior to the U.S. entry into the
JCPOA. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's
consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do
you commit to extensive consultations with Israel and our regional
partners prior to making concessions to Iran? Will you seek Israel's
concurrence before finalizing any proposed agreement or arrangement
related to Iran's nuclear program?
Answer. Department officials, and in particular Special Envoy for
Iran Robert Malley, have been in close contact with partners in Israel
and among the Gulf Arab states and will continue consulting closely
with these key partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us
shares a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a
nuclear weapon.
Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden
administration re-engagement with Iran has only served to isolate
Israel and our Gulf partners?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has an ironclad commitment
to Israel's security. Alongside that commitment, the administration is
focused on de-escalating tensions, banking the fires of conflict in
Yemen, Libya and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle
East. The Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts
regularly before and after negotiation rounds and is regularly engaged
in discussions on our work to constrain and contain Iran's
destabilizing regional activities. All of the Gulf countries have
opened diplomatic channels with Tehran and are using them energetically
for de-escalation; most of the channels pre-date the Biden-Harris
administration.
Question. The JCPOA confronted the international community with
several problematic sunset provisions on Iran's ability to receive and
transfer conventional weapons (expired in 2020) and nuclear-related
ballistic missile activity (expires in 2023). How will the Biden
administration address re-imposing these restrictions in a more lasting
manner--particularly given Russian and Chinese objections?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains concerned about
Iran's nuclear capabilities as well as its ability to receive and
transfer conventional weapons. The Department is working with its
partners to address these, and the many other issues of concern with
Iran. The administration believes that diplomacy is the best path
forward on the nuclear challenge at this time, but is prepared to
leverage all applicable authorities, including sanctions, against Iran
for its provocative and destabilizing activities, including its
ballistic missile development and provision of weapons to armed groups
and other violent partners and proxies.
Question. Explain your strategic approach to promote sovereignty,
diminish Iranian influence, and separate Iranian-backed proxies from
legitimate security guarantors in Iraq and Lebanon.
Answer. I am committed to working closely with regional and
European allies to diminish Iran's destabilizing activities across the
region, including in Iraq and Lebanon.
The administration will continue to use its considerable leverage--
including sanctions that would remain in place, the threat of sanctions
re-imposition, and other joint action with our allies and partners--to
protect U.S. interests and to promote wider security and stability in
the region. If confirmed, I will deepen the good work led by our
missions in the field, supporting and empowering moderates--whether in
government or civil society--who support rule of law and the
sovereignty of the state.
Question. How does the October 2020 expiration of the conventional
weapons embargo affect Iran's ability to exert influence in the region?
Answer. The expiration of the U.N. conventional weapons arms
embargo has not resulted in any discernable change in Iran's ability to
exert influence in the region. For decades, Iran has taken actions that
destabilize the region, including support for terrorism, developing its
ballistic missile program, and providing weapons and materiel to proxy
groups. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to use domestic
authorities to dissuade countries from providing arms to Iran or buying
them from Iran.
Question. In recent years, China has become Iran's preeminent oil
and trading partner, providing Iran with crucial technological support
to help develop its energy resources and other forms of infrastructure.
In June 2020, China and Iran allegedly entered into a `Comprehensive
Strategic Partnership', which includes a maximum investment of $400
billion to improve Iran's oil, gas, and transportation infrastructure.
What impact does Chinese economic investment have on the efficacy of
the international sanction regimes against Iran? What gains does China
receive from such investment? How would the Chinese Government, or
Chinese-based companies, benefit from the lifting of U.S. sanctions
against Iran?
Answer. In March 2021, the PRC and Iran signed a 25-year strategic
cooperation agreement, building on a bilateral Comprehensive Strategic
Partnership signed in 2016. Such PRC partnerships are not unique. The
PRC has Comprehensive Strategic Partnerships with a number of other
countries in the region, which often include investment proposals that
never materialize. The PRC's recently concluded agreement with Iran
also likely includes such proposals.
Nevertheless, the Department is watching Iran's economic activities
closely, including its economic engagement with China. The
administration's current Iran-related sanctions remain in effect unless
and until they are lifted, and the U.S. Government will of course
continue to address efforts at sanctions evasion.
Question. How does the United States drive a wedge between or shape
CCP-Iranian relations?
Answer. While competition defines the U.S. relationship with the
People's Republic of China, there are other areas of cooperation; one
of those is the effort to constrain Iran's nuclear program. Beijing has
no interest in seeing Iran develop a nuclear weapon, given the
profoundly destabilizing impact that would have in a region upon which
China depends for its oil and other energy imports.
The Department will continue to engage with the PRC on this common
interest and discourage Beijing from taking steps vis-a-vis Iran that
threaten our interests.
Question. Please provide your view of the Abraham Accords and their
impacts for regional security, economic cooperation, and prosperity in
the region.
Answer. The Abraham Accords of 2020 between Israel and the UAE,
Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan represent an important new dynamic and a key
opportunity to enhance peaceful co-existence and economic integration.
The Accords have already proven to be a vehicle for economic growth,
having spurred new trade and investment deals that previously would
have been unthinkable. Over time, these unfolding relationships and the
new economic partnerships they are fostering will create opportunities
for the young and marginalized communities across the region.
Question. How do plan to expand on the Abraham Accords to broker
additional normalization agreements and ensure that existing agreements
reap tangible economic and security benefits?
Answer. I very much welcome the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I am
committed to working with countries across the region to deepen both
the new relationships as well the historical relationships with Egypt
and Jordan, and foster new ones. I will do this by engaging our
missions throughout the region, highlighting the economic and security
benefits of relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of
diplomatic tools at our disposal. If confirmed, I also look forward to
learning from Israel's new partners in the region to better understand
how we can work together to advance new normalization agreements and
strengthen the existing ones.
Question. In 2016 John Kerry argued that there would be no
``separate peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the
issue of Palestinian statehood. What are your views on Palestinian
statehood and its ties to additional normalization agreements? Doesn't
re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the peace process hinder
prospects of further normalizations with Israel?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
statehood and support for terrorism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
eventual direct negotiations of a two-state solution.
Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization
agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace
negotiations?
Answer. All such agreements--whether the Abraham Accords, the
historical peace agreements between Jordan and Egypt and Israel, or
additional normalization agreements--contribute to diminishing the deep
antipathy that has characterized Arab-Israeli perspectives for decades.
In opening new channels for constructive dialogue and diplomacy, and
for unprecedented people-to-people engagement between Israel and the
Arab world, these normalization agreements have the potential to create
new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and
Palestinians. Similarly, progress towards a negotiated two-state
solution may encourage other states in the region to take steps towards
normalization. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
opportunities to advance normalization between Israel and its Arab
neighbors, as well as advance the conditions for direct negotiation of
a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. Provide your views on the relocation of the U.S. embassy
to Jerusalem, recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and
United States recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
Heights. What is your view on the reversibility of these U.S. policies?
Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. The
administration also recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of Israel; the
U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a final
status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between Israel
and the Palestinians. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan
Heights, the administration above all gives great weight to Israel's
security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran
remains active in Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to
part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights
provides Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next
door.
This administration has not reversed U.S. policy on these important
issues. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that all issues
related to Jerusalem and Israel's security are handled with the care
and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the
Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this
egregious practice.
Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
payments is abhorrent. I, and this administration, are absolutely
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
reform on this heinous practice.
Question. At great cost, the United States has worked to support a
sovereign independent Iraq, reframe the U.S.-Iraq bilateral
relationship, and foster regional stability. How do you plan to
continue to further U.S. interests in Iraq? What are your priority
lines of effort linked to U.S. national security interests? What role
will institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts play in this
strategy? What role will countering Iranian influence play in this
strategy?
Answer. A sovereign, stable, democratic, and prosperous Iraq is in
the national interest of the United States as well as our partners in
the Middle East. U.S. policies and programs are focused on that
strategic objective. With Iraq's parliamentary elections scheduled for
October 10, the Department's efforts are focused on increasing
political participation by increasing trust in the elections'
credibility, including by leading international efforts to fund the
U.N. Assistance Mission to Iraq's electoral monitoring and technical
assistance programs. U.S. assistance and engagements in support of
institutional reform and anti-corruption efforts also contribute to
more responsive, transparent, and inclusive democratic governance and
institutions.
Since 2014, the United States has led international efforts to
enable the return of displaced people to their homes and consolidate
the Iraqi Government's control over areas liberated from ISIS. These
initiatives and others are hampered by Iran's malign influence,
including its support for militias operating outside state control, and
their repeated efforts to target civil society activists and protestors
for assassination. Iran-backed militias are a continuing threat to the
Iraqi state. To effectively counter this, it is essential that the
United States continue its efforts to build the capacity of the Iraqi
Government and its democratic institutions.
Question. How do you plan to address the presence of Iranian-backed
militias?
Answer. The administration shares your concern about Iran's
destabilizing activities, including its support for proxies and
militias. Iran's unacceptable support for terrorism threatens our
forces, diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region. The President
is committed to countering any Iranian threat to our personnel and our
vital interests and has and will continue to respond to any such
threats using all appropriate means. If confirmed I will work within
the Department and interagency, using the full spectrum of tools
available, to address the threat Iranian-backed militia groups pose to
United States personnel, interests, and partners.
Question. Critics point to President Obama's withdrawal from Iraq
in 2011 as one of the biggest errors of his presidency. The Obama
administration departed without securing a Status of Forces Agreement,
allowed the Iraqi Security Forces to atrophy, did not adequately
address the abuses of the Maliki Government, and failed to address
Sunni disenfranchisement that ultimately set conditions for the Islamic
State's unchecked movement across the Iraqi border in 2014. Please
provide your perspectives on the root causes of the rise of the Islamic
State in Iraq as they related to U.S. policies, views on current troop
levels as they relate to State Department objectives, and
recommendations on key State Department initiatives for preventing an
Islamic State resurgence.
Answer. There were many factors that contributed to ISIS' rise. The
Syrian civil war opened a battleground that attracted terrorists from
across the world to Iraq's doorstep. ISIS has roots in Iraq, but in
Syria it became a conventional force, asserting control over territory
and capable of attacking a sovereign state. At the same time, Iraq's
Government ruled in a sectarian manner and failed to adequately address
the needs of minority communities, creating a permissive environment
for a brutal offensive that captured significant Iraqi territory in
2014-2015. The United States then led a Coalition to assist the Iraqi
Security Forces, including the Kurdish Peshmerga, in taking back their
territory. At the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue held in July, the two
delegations decided that the U.S. military presence would remain in
Iraq, transitioning fully to advising and assisting the Iraqi forces.
U.S. troop levels reflect the current stage of the Defeat-ISIS mission
and the increased capacity of the Iraqi Security Forces.
Question. How important is continued U.S. troop presence to Iraq's
stability?
Answer. U.S. forces are in Iraq at the request of and in
coordination with the Government of Iraq. The Biden-Harris
administration supports maintaining a small number of military service
members to coordinate intelligence-sharing and to advise and assist
Iraqi counterterrorism forces as they lead the ground fight against the
continuing threat of ISIS, so it cannot re-emerge to again threaten
Iraq, the American people, or our partners.
Question. How appropriate are current bilateral diplomatic
agreements (exchange of notes) for a sustained diplomatic and security
cooperation mission?
Answer. The administration assesses that we have sufficient
arrangements with the Government of Iraq to continue the fight against
ISIS and to develop the long-term capacity of the Iraqi Security
Forces.
Question. Iraq's security apparatus remains dependent on DoD-
administered Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF) and
congressionally-appropriated foreign military financing (FMF).
Additionally, nearly 50% of Iraq's FMF expenditures are consumed with
maintaining existing contracts. Please provide your thoughts on
transitioning Iraq from CTEF to more traditional forms of Title 22
security cooperation, and `right sizing' the Iraqi Security Forces in a
manner that the Government of Iraq can sustain given current budget
shortfalls.
Answer. Iraqi officials tell us at every opportunity that U.S. and
Coalition support are necessary to maintain our military gains, as ISIS
remains a threat in Iraq. While anticipating that Iraq will continue to
receive substantial assistance from DoD in the short term via the
Counter-ISIS Train and Equip Fund (CTEF), DoD's future spending in Iraq
is still to be determined. The Biden-Harris administration is focusing
FMF on long-term security priorities in Iraq. The Office of Security
Cooperation--Iraq (OSC-I) continues to pursue opportunities that will
make Iraq more self-sufficient, especially in terms of maintenance. The
U.S. Government wants to be Iraq's partner of choice and will work to
ween Iraq off expensive contract maintenance as part of the maturation
of the Iraqi Security Forces. The Department's efforts are focused on
leveraging FMF as a vital instrument for developing Iraq's long-term
capability and capacity to defeat threats to Iraq's sovereignty and
territorial integrity.
Question. Lack of United States engagement and enforcement of
chemical weapons `redlines' during the Obama administration opened the
door to increased Russian involvement and allowed the civil war and
abuses against the Syrian people to continue unabated. Current progress
towards a political reconciliation under UNSCR 2254 have similarly
stalled. Please provide your views on the United States' role in Syria
and accelerating progress on UNSCR 2254.
Answer. The United States is engaged with the U.N., including
Special Envoy Geir Pedersen, our allies, and other international
partners, in order to explore options and encourage all possible
efforts to advance a political resolution to the conflict. While this
has been the least kinetic year in a decade of conflict in Syria, it
has proven to be the most disastrous one in economic terms, with 90
percent of the Syrian people falling below the poverty line. The
immediate focus of the administration has thus been: ensuring the
robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people;
sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing
the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued
commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS. If confirmed, I commit to
working to advance efforts to promote progress toward a political
resolution within the parameters of UNSCR 2254.
Question. U.S. Syria policy is broadly governed by UNSCR 2254 and
associated sanctions regimes. Does Bashar al Assad's expanded military
control and the de facto ceasefire change alter the prospects of a
political settlement under UNSCR 2254? Do we need a new construct apart
from UNSCR 2254 for Syria policy?
Answer. The Assad regime controls some 70 percent of Syrian
territory, but that increased exercise of control has not provided the
regime any greater legitimacy, given the terrible record of the past
decade. The United States remains focused on three priorities: ensuring
the robust provision of humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people;
sustaining ceasefire lines to prevent further violence; and providing
the necessary resources to support and demonstrate our continued
commitment to the enduring defeat of ISIS (); these priorities fall
within the larger framework of advancing a political settlement to
secure the future stability of the Syrian people, however remote that
settlement appears at this time. If confirmed, I will continue to
engage diplomatically to mitigate the Syrian people's suffering and
press for accountability for the crimes against humanity committed by
the regime. The United States will remain engaged with the U.N., our
allies, and other international partners to encourage all efforts to
advance the political track. To this end, the United States has been
working with our partners and allies to support U.N. Special Envoy Geir
Pedersen's efforts to advance the political process in Geneva.
Question. What is the linkage between U.S. troop levels in Syria,
countering the Islamic State, blunting Iranian designs, influencing
Turk and Russian Syria calculus, and associated impacts on political
UNSCR 2254 discussions?
Answer. The U.S. military mission in Syria is there for one
mission: preventing an ISIS resurgence. The mission requires
demonstrated U.S. commitment and continued U.S. stabilization
assistance to our partners. The Syrian Democratic Forces cannot
continue to take on ISIS without U.S. support. The administration will
continue to work with Turkey on our shared objectives in Syria, while
addressing areas of disagreement. The United States has always been
open to dialogue with Russia on Syria as long as the dialogue
contributes to protecting civilians and to credibly advancing a
political resolution to the conflict, as laid out in UNSCR 2254. If
confirmed, I will use all diplomatic tools available to ensure that the
political process moves forward.
Question. What relative effect would a U.S. troop withdrawal have
on U.S. influence over future negotiations?
Answer. The United States continues to retain a limited military
presence in NE Syria for the campaign against ISIS in partnership with
the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and is deeply committed to this
partnership. The SDF cannot continue to root out ISIS terrorists on its
own or guard the tens of thousands of ISIS detainees who are still in
their custody, without U.S. support. Furthermore, preventing a
resurgence of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, as well as its branches and
networks beyond the Middle East, demands revitalized U.S. engagement,
along with our 82 partners and allies within the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS.
Question. The Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act is intended to
prevent rehabilitation of the Assad regime, seek accountability for the
regime's atrocities, and advance a political solution to the conflict.
Please provide your views on the role of Caesar legislation in
furthering U.S. objectives in Syria.
Answer. The State Department is committed to advancing
accountability for atrocities committed by the Assad regime, as well as
for abuses by terrorist organizations and other parties in Syria. The
Caesar Act, and our other Syria and Syria-related or applicable
sanctions authorities, are important tools to press for accountability
and limit the ability of the Assad regime and others to fuel or profit
from the ongoing conflict. Members of Congress spoke clearly on this
issue when they voted for the Caesar Act. On July 28, the Biden-Harris
administration imposed sanctions in the spirit of the Caesar Act on
Assad regime institutions and officials implicated in human rights
abuses, illustrating the administration's push for accountability and
justice for victims. If confirmed, I will continue to use all available
tools and authorities to target persons perpetrating human rights
abuses in Syria on behalf of the Assad regime.
Question. Turkey's objectives in northeast Syria run counter to
U.S. interests while we tacitly support their activities in the
northwest. How do we reconcile and balance Syria and Turkey policy? Can
you balance Syria-Turkey policy without finding a Kurdish solution?
Answer. Turkey is a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS,
and we share an interest in sustainably ending the conflict in Syria.
The United States will continue to work together with Turkey toward our
shared objectives in Syria and to address areas of disagreement. Turkey
has remained an important partner in ensuring Syrians have access to
life-saving assistance, as demonstrated by Ankara's advocacy for the
adoption of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2585 to reauthorize the
provision of cross-border humanitarian assistance through Turkey into
northwest Syria. The United States will work together with Turkey and
our local Syrian partners for the safety and security of U.S. forces,
partner forces, and civilians.
Question. The U.N. experts report on Libya accused the warring
parties and their international backers--the United Arab Emirates,
Russia, and Egypt on one side and Turkey and Qatar on the other--of
violating the arms embargo with total impunity. Similarly, the issue of
foreign mercenaries has plagued the run-up to Libya's December
elections. How do you plan to address reported violations of the U.N.
arms embargo? How do you impose costs on arms embargo violators without
harming U.S. objectives in other areas? How do you impose costs on
mercenaries and their sponsors?
Answer. Ensuring the rights of all Libyans to choose their leaders
is critical as Libyans seek to regain their sovereignty after years of
destructive foreign interventions. The October 23, 2020, ceasefire
agreement calls for respecting the U.N. arms embargo and for the
removal of all foreign forces and mercenaries from Libya. For the first
time in many years, there is a broad international consensus on both
the ceasefire agreement and the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum's
roadmap for presidential and parliamentary elections in December. This
consensus includes some, if not all, of those who previously engaged in
supporting Libyan factions against each other. I am committed to
working with the interim Libyan Government, regional partners, and the
U.N. to support the ceasefire agreement and its full implementation as
called for in UNSCR 2570, including the immediate withdrawal of all
foreign military forces, foreign fighters, proxy groups, and
mercenaries. Holding the December elections is a U.S. priority, as a
new national government will be able to make informed, sovereign
decisions, including on defense issues.
Question. While current policy has been to publicize Russian
adventurism in Libya, how does the United States impose real costs for
Russia's use of private military contractors, i.e. Wagner, in Libya?
Answer. Russia has increased its use of private military companies
like the Wagner Group in disparate parts of the globe, to destructive
and destabilizing effect; their use represents an attempt to increase
Russian influence while providing the Kremlin with a thin veil of
deniability. The United States has sanctioned PMC Wagner and its
personnel, including its president, Yevgeniy Prigozhin, and has
publicized Wagner activities in Libya and sub-Saharan Africa. The U.S.
Government also supports the work of the U.N. Panel of Experts to
identify violations of the arms embargo. The U.S. Government continues
to support the Libyan-defined path towards elections, which could pave
the way for a new Government to establish control over its territory,
an essential step for removing foreign forces.
Question. Egypt is located at a strategic crossroads between the
Mediterranean, Middle East, and Africa, remains an important U.S.
partner in the region, and is important to Israel's security. However,
in light of Egypt's growing cooperation with Russia and reports of
potential Su-35 sales, is Egypt pivoting irrevocably towards Russia?
Answer. Egypt is a strategic partner for the United States and the
bilateral defense relationship--more than four decades old--advances
important U.S. national interests. Egypt's recent decision to apply a
billion dollars of its own national funds towards refurbishment of its
Apache helicopters, the largest ever nationally funded procurement of
U.S. defense articles, underlines that Egypt, too, recognizes the
strategic nature of the bilateral relationship. Cairo still views the
United States as its security partner of choice, but we unquestionably
face intensified competition in the defense procurement arena. Over the
last decade, Egypt has been diversifying its arms purchases, including
with French, German, and Italian procurements. The administration
continues to reinforce the advantages of purchasing U.S. systems,
including in terms of quality and interoperability with U.S. and
regional partners. In the case of the potential acquisition of Su-35
fighter aircraft or other major new military equipment from Russia, the
administration has emphasized the serious risk of triggering mandatory
sanctions under CAATSA Section 231. We have by no means lost the battle
for influence and primacy of position. That said, the U.S. Government
must continue to focus energy on dissuading Egypt from potential
significant Russian arms purchases.
Question. The Egyptians cite holds under the Obama administration
for their outreach to Russia. Similarly, the Biden administration
recently held $170M in FMF conditioned on political prisoners. Please
provide details of the cases associated with the administration's FMF
hold and the implications of holding FMF over non-American
imprisonments.
Answer. Secretary Blinken recently decided to condition the use of
$130 million in FMF on the Government of Egypt fulfilling specific
human rights-related requests, which have been the subject of a private
dialogue. The Biden-Harris administration has engaged with the
Government of Egypt privately to communicate these requests, and
believes this approach affords the best prospects for making serious
progress on this important set of issues.
Question. Would you characterize a potential Egyptian purchase of
Su-35s from Russia as a significant transaction as described under the
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the relevant State
Department offices and U.S Government agencies to closely review any
delivery of Su-35 aircraft from Russia as potentially a significant
transaction under Section 231 of the Countering America's Adversaries
through Sanctions Act.
Question. Have the Abraham Accords set conditions for a renewed
Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA) or a derivative? What
multilateral structures you suggest to maintain stability in the Middle
East while simultaneously reducing U.S. commitment?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to helping
Israel build partnerships that further integrate it into the region.
Any sustainable regional economic and security dialogue will need to
include Israel, and normalization efforts have opened that door. If
confirmed, I will use diplomacy to press for a structured regional
dialogue-with support from other members of the United Nations Security
Council--that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
escalation, and manage mistrust, particularly between Saudi Arabia and
Iran.
Question. Would these multilateral structures force the United
States to rely on imperfect partners with imperfect human rights
records? How does the United States strike the appropriate balance
between U.S. presence and reliance on imperfect partners to maintain
security and accomplish U.S. national security interests?
Answer. The President has made clear that the administration will
not give our partners in the Middle East a blank check to pursue
policies at odds with American interests and values. If confirmed, I
will have frank conversations with our partners about our elevation of
human rights as a foreign policy priority. The deep and strategic
relationships between the United States and our closest regional
partners allows us to advance regional security and engage in a
constructive dialogue on human rights that will make our relationships
stronger and more sustainable. If confirmed, I will pursue both while
supporting our closest partners in the face of threats to their
security.
Question. During a November 2019 primary debate, then President-
elect Biden said he would limit arms sales to Saudi Arabia and make
them the ``pariah that they are.'' President Biden has since suspended
offensive arms sales to the kingdom and ceased offensive support to the
Kingdom's operations in Yemen (although this was largely symbolic).
Isolating Saudi Arabia would likely have negative consequences for
U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism cooperation, would diminish U.S. efforts to
improve Saudi Arabia's human rights record, and would eliminate Saudi
Arabia's potentially helpful role in a broader Middle Eastern
multilateral security construct.
How do you frame the U.S. Saudi relationship in a manner that best
promotes U.S. national security interests and doesn't push
Saudi Arabia to [the People's Republic of] China ?
Answer. Saudi Arabia remains a key Middle East partner of the
United States and can play a constructive role in resolving regional
disputes and conflicts, as well as contribute to solutions to global
challenges such as climate change. U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism
cooperation over many decades has saved countless lives, and directly
contributed to the fight to defeat ISIS. The U.S. commitment to support
Saudi Arabia in defending its territory, home to more than 70,000 U.S.
citizens, is a cornerstone of our strategic partnership and is
unmatched by any potential rival to U.S. interests in the region. The
United States also needs this partnership to reflect our values. If
confirmed, I will support the administration's recalibration of the
U.S.-Saudi relationship to bring greater transparency and
accountability to it, while anchoring human rights on the bilateral
agenda and preserving our underlying strategic partnership in
everything from counterterrorism, to pushing back against Iranian
malign activities, to higher education and climate change. This is a
multifaceted and deep-rooted partnership that must address areas of
concern and advance areas of shared opportunity.
United Arab Emirates Policy
UAE's Role in the Middle East
Question. UAE has served as an important U.S. partner in the Middle
East and Afghanistan. UAE led efforts to normalize diplomatic ties with
Israel under the Abraham Accords, and has a deep economic relationship
with the United States. What is the UAE's role in the broader Middle
East vis-a-vis U.S. national interests?
Answer. The UAE has been one of our closest economic, diplomatic,
and security partners in the Middle East. It has built some of the most
effective institutions and companies in the region and demonstrated
that it can play a constructive role in resolving or de-escalating
regional conflicts. The UAE Government provided tremendous support to
Operation Allies Refuge, housing, feeding and caring for thousands of
Americans and Afghans whom the U.S. Government removed from harm's way,
as they made their way to the United States. The UAE has shown, in its
historic agreement to establish relations with Israel, as well as its
productive recent diplomatic efforts with Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt,
that it can contribute meaningfully to a more peaceful Middle East and
broader region. That is not to say that the U.S.-UAE relationship has
not faced challenges. The 2017 Gulf rift divided U.S. partners in the
region; the UAE's and Qatar's animosity exacerbated conflicts in Libya
and the Horn of Africa. Doha and Abu Dhabi have made significant
progress in reconciling these differences since the Al Ula Declaration
of January 2021, which formally brought the Gulf rift to an end. If
confirmed, I will encourage continued work to repair relations between
these two important U.S. partners, and will look to the UAE to continue
its close and multifaceted partnership with the United States.
Question. How does the United States moderate UAE's often
expeditionary Muslim Brotherhood-oriented foreign policy and encourage
it to take a more productive role?
Answer. The UAE has been a capable, productive diplomatic and
security partner for the United States for decades. That is the case
today as well, on issues such as Libya and in the UAE's helpful efforts
on the fraught issue of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, an issue
that has threatened to bring Egypt and Sudan into outright conflict
with Ethiopia. While we do not always agree with the UAE on its course
of action, our history of collaborative work--including on multiple
security operations, from Afghanistan to the campaign to defeat ISIS--
provides the U.S. Government with ample influence. Experience in Yemen
and Libya has also taught the UAE important lessons about the ease of
getting into conflicts and the difficulty of exiting from them. From
defense cooperation to bilateral trade to diplomatic work to deepen the
regional benefits of the Abraham Accords, I see significant benefits
that can be achieved via collaborative work with Abu Dhabi.
UAE, Russia and China
Question. Despite being a key U.S. partner in the region, and
central to normalization efforts with Israel, UAE also has a history of
deepening cooperation with Russia and the People's Republic of China
(PRC) that runs counter to U.S. interests. How does the department plan
to address the UAE's partnership with Russia and [the People's Republic
of] China?
Answer. Several U.S. partners in the Middle East have deepened
cooperation with Russia and the PRC in recent years. The administration
has been clear that the United States has no issue with normal economic
relations. Some areas of cooperation with these two countries, however,
run up against U.S. interests, where they pose a threat to the security
of sensitive weapons systems, U.S. defense and commercial technology,
and information technology. If confirmed, I plan to address these
issues forthrightly with the United Arab Emirates and other partners to
convey U.S. red lines. We will not compromise on these issues.
Question. Please provide an update on UAE's relationship with the
PRC as it relates to the F-35 sale.
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has signaled its intent to
move forward with these proposed defense sales to the UAE, even as the
two governments continue discussions to ensure there are unmistakably
clear mutual understandings with respect to Emirati obligations and
actions before, during, and after delivery. Congress and the
administration are focused on the same important issues about this
sale, and if confirmed I will ensure they continue to be addressed.
Projected delivery dates on these sales, if implemented, would be
several years in the future. Thus, the administration anticipates a
robust and sustained dialogue with the UAE to ensure that any defense
transfers meet mutual strategic objectives to build a stronger,
interoperable, and more capable security partnership and are employed
in a manner consistent with international human rights law and the law
of armed conflict.
The UAE continues to be a key regional partner for the U.S.
Government, and its defense procurements help regional security. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure a continued constructive U.S.-UAE
relationship while ensuring the UAE understands and respects the
administration's concern about the PRC's efforts to increase its
strategic cooperation with the UAE.
UAE and Libya
Question. In your assessment, how closely are the Emiratis
coordinating with the Russian state, as well as its subsidiaries like
Wagner, in Libya? What forms does this coordination take? Are there
instances in which it has escalated into concrete and tangible support,
whether that be to the Russian state or Russian-aligned operators?
Answer. The United States has called on all external parties,
including the UAE, to respect Libyan sovereignty and the October 23,
2020 ceasefire agreement, which called on all foreign forces and
mercenaries to depart the country. The UAE has supported forces aligned
with General Haftar in recent years. The Defense Department's Office of
the Inspector General reported in 2020 that the UAE may have supported
the Wagner Group in Libya, as well. Recently, the administration has
urged the UAE, in alignment with the international community's
consensus, to use its influence with any Libyan political figures to
help resolve the current impasse over the electoral framework, so that
presidential and parliamentary elections may be held on time in
December 2021.
UAE and Syria
Question. There is growing concern over the prospect of the UAE
normalizing ties with Bashar al-Assad. Do you share this concern? Are
there tools the U.S. can employ to prevent the UAE from normalizing
relations with the Assad regime, including through the provision of
reconstruction funds to Syria?
Answer. I am concerned that any government would consider
normalizing ties with the Assad regime in Damascus without any measure
of progress on the myriad requirements laid out in UNSCR 2254. The
United States will not reestablish or upgrade our diplomatic relations
with the Assad regime, and will continue to consult closely with our
partners and allies in the region on the best way to achieve progress
in Syria. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the UAE and other
regional partners to consider what they might require of the Assad
regime--on behalf of the Syrian people--before any potential engagement
with Damascus. Syrians consistently say that the issue of first
priority for them is gaining an accounting for missing and detained
family members, for example.
Question. In your assessment, is there more the U.S. can do
diplomatically to end the war in Yemen? If so, what?
Answer. The United States welcomes the appointment of the new U.N.
Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg; his appointment, and his
announced intention to focus on bottom-up political work in Yemen
presents additional opportunities to muster the requisite pressure on
the Houthis to agree to a national ceasefire. The U.S. Government
remains committed to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a
durable resolution to the conflict, but a ceasefire is a necessary
starting point. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking
has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this
war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will work with
him and the U.N. Special Envoy to urge all parties to engage with the
U.N., with each other, and with civil society, without pre-conditions.
I believe there is an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen and we must
seize it.
Question. Do you believe UNSCR 2216 properly reflects the current
context in Yemen? Will the new administration seek to modify this
UNSCR?
Answer. The administration is committed to exploring all possible
options, taking into consideration the timing, sequencing, and
ramifications of any new resolution. The United States continues to
work with partners in the region, U.N. Security Council members, and
the U.N. Special Envoy to advance the peace process. Revitalized
diplomatic engagement in support of the U.N.-led peace effort is
crucial for ending the war. A new resolution may be appropriate after
further progress has been made in inclusive political negotiations,
which remains a key objective of the administration. If confirmed, I
will continue to strongly support the targeted arms embargo and
sanctions designations of UNSCR 2216 as key elements of the UNSCR 2140
Yemen sanctions regime.
Question. Despite the August 4 explosions and unrest that followed,
Lebanon's political elites have continued to cling to power. Current
policy has been to withhold broader financial assistance absent reforms
targeting corruption and transparency. Please describe your policy
objectives in Lebanon and how they differ from previous approaches.
Answer. Lebanon is facing accelerating political, economic,
security, and public health crises, made worse by the failure of
Lebanese political elites to form a government and institute critical
economic reforms. The United States, in coordination with like-minded
partners, has been pressing Lebanese leaders for the past 13 months to
form a government; those efforts appear to have paid off. The formation
of a government under PM-designate Najib Mikati is only the first step;
the Government must take on structural reforms, and work to end endemic
corruption. That is the focus of U.S. diplomatic efforts, in tandem
with other like-minded regional and European partners. Given the dire
humanitarian situation, the United States also continues to provide
support directly to those in most need and is working to bolster key
legitimate institutions that can strengthen Lebanese sovereignty in the
face of the malign influence of Hizballah. If confirmed, I will
continue to encourage key partners in Europe and the Gulf to assist the
Lebanese people and keep up their political engagement in a united
effort to push Lebanese leaders to make long-overdue reforms.
Question. What conditions would Lebanon need to meet in order to
qualify for U.S. financial support? If confirmed, will you continue
sanctions against corrupt and Lebanese Hezbollah (LH) linked officials
to advance these reforms?
Answer. The formation of a government was just the first step in
Lebanon's long road to arrest the spiraling economic crisis; the next
steps will necessarily include enacting reforms to address the economic
crisis, bring more accountability and transparency to a system that is
rife with corruption, and keep elections on track for next year. The
Mikati Government must act, and act swiftly. If confirmed, I stand
ready to support the new government with the hard work ahead. If
confirmed, I will also support efforts to use economic tools, such as
targeted sanctions, to pursue Hizballah's financial networks and hold
accountable those individuals who impede a reform agenda. I will also
urge other countries to take national-level action to designate, ban,
or otherwise restrict the group.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working to ensure the $11B
in CEDRE, IMF, World Bank funding earmarked for Lebanon remains
contingent on key reforms, including reforms to the electricity/natural
gas sector, increased transparency, and an audit of the central bank?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the international community
to ensure that Lebanese leaders understand that meaningful reforms
remain crucial to unlocking long-term structural support to Lebanon.
Question. Many in Congress see the Lebanese Armed Forces as a vital
counterweight to the influence of LH and Lebanon's legitimate security
guarantor. What role do you see for the LAF in Lebanon?
Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) are the sole legitimate
defender of Lebanon, are reliable U.S. partners, and are an important
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence. The LAF also remain the
only cross-confessional institution with broad support from all
elements of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party
affiliations. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion
that its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression.
If confirmed, I will ensure the LAF remain critical partners for the
United States.
Question. Do you commit to continued FMF assistance to the LAF,
barring information that indicates otherwise?
Answer. The LAF is one of our primary partners in achieving U.S.
objectives in Lebanon. FMF assistance has become especially critical as
the LAF has assumed responsibilities beyond its normal remit in
response to the compounding crises facing the country. If confirmed, I
commit to using FMF assistance to further the strong partnership
between the United States and the LAF in support of our security
objectives.
Question. Will you commit to consult with Congress before
modifications to LAF assistance?
Answer. U.S. foreign policy is optimized when there is constant
communication and collaboration between the executive and legislative
branches of government. If confirmed, I pledge to continue our
cooperation on these issues, and I will work through the interagency
and with Congress to ensure the delivery of appropriated funds to
Lebanon.
Question. Despite efforts to the pivot to the Pacific, competition
with China must also occur outside the IndoPacific region and on a
global scale. China's Belt and Road initiatives are prospering in
Africa, South Asia, and are making lasting inroads in the Middle East.
Given a diminished U.S. commitment to the Middle East under the Biden
administration in favor of the IndoPacific, how do you plan to contend
with the growth of Chinese strategic expansion?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to rebuilding
and restoring U.S. partnerships across the globe, including in the
Middle East. This is not a diminishment of the U.S. commitment. If
confirmed, I will continue to demonstrate to our partners the value of
a sustained and strategic partnership with the United States through
diplomacy, economic engagement, and cultural and people-to-people
exchanges. This stands in contrast to the transactional nature of
investments by the People's Republic of China (PRC).
The United States distinguishes itself from Beijing's state-led
approach by promoting private-sector driven alternatives. The United
States focuses on partnerships and on strengthening local capacity to
promote development, innovation, and prosperity. The United States will
continue to promote entrepreneurship, transparency, good governance,
fair practices, and internationally recognized environmental, social,
and labor standards.
Question. How does the United States remain the partner of choice
in the Middle East given CCP encroachment and lack of Chinese focus on
human rights issues?
Answer. U.S. values--our support for essential freedoms of
expression and worship, as well as our emphasis on respect for
universal human rights--offer a potent counterpoint to PRC-style
autocracy. U.S. higher education and entrepreneurship, and American
culture are also powerful draws for the societies of the Middle East,
and if confirmed, I will continue to promote them through energetic
advocacy and programming. U.S. leadership in addressing global
challenges like the pandemic and climate change is also a key source of
our strength as a country.
The Biden-Harris administration is leading as well on efforts to
encourage de-escalation in the region, and with increasing success. The
Gulf rift of 2017 is largely mended, there are encouraging signs of
outreach between previously adversarial countries like Egypt and
Turkey, and a re-alignment of regional countries around a common effort
to resolve conflicts in Yemen and Libya. The U.S. effort resonates with
countries across the region, demonstrating the value of a long-term
strategic partnership with the United States.
Question. The U.S. has growing concerns with China's economic
relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on Israel's
committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the CCP's
involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple the CCP from
Israel?
Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire
critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in
Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its
coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If
confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its
foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national
security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies,
sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.
Question. The Department of Defense recently disbanded the Defeat
ISIS Task Force and dismissed the Task Force Director. Similarly, State
Department eliminated the Special Envoy to Counter ISIS (SECI) as an
independent entity and placed the office under the CT Bureau. What are
your views on the threat posed by ISIS?
Answer. ISIS in Syria and Iraq remains a serious threat and
ensuring its enduring defeat remains a central priority of the Biden-
Harris administration. The dual-hatting of the CT Coordinator and
Special Envoy does not reflect a diminution of the position of the
Special Envoy for the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. It instead
reflects the evolving nature of the ISIS threat to encompass areas
outside Iraq and Syria, and a desire to situate the enduring Defeat-
ISIS mission within the established CT Bureau architecture. Doing so
enables the Defeat-ISIS campaign to more effectively leverage CT Bureau
civilian counterterrorism capacity-building assets to counter ISIS
branches and networks globally.
Question. Thousands of foreign terrorist fighters and their
families remain in Syrian Democratic Forces prisons or makeshift camps
in Syria. Repatriation efforts to return these fighters and families to
their countries of origin have been wildly unsuccessful. These fighters
and their families represent a strategic vulnerability to the region.
How will you address repatriation, de-radicalization, and
demobilization efforts?
Answer. The best long-term solution for foreign terrorist fighters
and their family members is repatriation, followed by prosecution,
rehabilitation, and/or reintegration, as appropriate. If confirmed, I
intend to deepen our diplomatic outreach to press countries of origin
to repatriate their citizens from northeast Syria. I will collaborate
with the U.S. interagency in their work to support countries' efforts
to repatriate their nationals, including through U.S. Government
assistance with logistics and planning of repatriations, such as use of
U.S. Government assets to transport foreign fighters and associated
family members out of the region, and assistance in building partners'
counterterrorism capacities for investigations, prosecutions, and
rehabilitation.
Question. What civilian security, democracy, and human rights
programs would you highlight or pursue to address the seeds of conflict
that led to the Islamic State's rise and allure and have not been
effectively addressed?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration understands stability and
its drivers are key to enabling our local partners in Syria to focus on
fighting ISIS and ensuring its enduring defeat. In one of its first
acts, the administration lifted the U.S. freeze on stabilization
assistance for Syria. In March, the administration announced almost $50
million for U.S. stabilization efforts in northeast Syria and will
continue these efforts with FY 2021 resources. U.S. assistance in
northeast Syria prioritizes stabilization activities that contribute to
the restoration of daily life by closing gaps in local authority
capacities; supporting transitional justice, justice and
accountability, and civil society programs; and addressing
vulnerabilities previously exploited by ISIS.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. The Israel-Gaza conflict continues to flare up, according
to recent news reports that Israel's military bombed Palestinian
militant weapons sites in the Gaza Strip early Sunday, August 22 in
response to a violent demonstration on Saturday August 21 at the
perimeter fence that left an Israeli police officer critically injured.
As Assistant Secretary for NEA, what recommendations would you make to
President Biden regarding next steps to help manage the tensions there?
Answer. The May 21 Gaza ceasefire has mostly held, but we are
engaging multiple partners who have a role to play in calming the
situation. The August 21 protests ended with the death of one Israeli
police officer, as well as the death and injuries of a number of
Palestinians. There have been Israeli airstrikes in response to
incendiary balloons and rocket attacks from Gaza. The situation remains
tense because many of the factors that contributed to the May violence
remain unresolved. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and
the Palestinian Authority, as well as international partners, in
maintaining calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keeping flashpoint
issues in Jerusalem from reigniting the situation. President Biden has
been clear in his conviction that a negotiated two-state solution would
best secure the future of a democratic, Jewish Israel, and provide
equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity to both Israelis and
Palestinians. I would recommend an affirmative and practical approach
that encourages constructive, positive and tangible steps by both
Israeli and Palestinian authorities to keep the possibility of a
negotiated two-state solution alive.
Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how are you planning on
addressing the dismal human rights situation in Egypt even after the
administration decided against appropriately responding to the
Congressional provision?
Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
Egypt. The Biden administration has made clear its intention to elevate
the role of human rights in our foreign policy, and that includes in
the U.S.-Egyptian relationship. The Secretary's decision on FMF--the
first time a Secretary of State has not waived the Congressionally-
mandated human rights certification requirement--is only one facet of
the Department's engagement on human rights. The Department supports
greater space for civil society and human rights defenders, and freedom
of expression. The administration's human rights dialogue with the
Egyptian Government is focused on seeing steady, enduring progress on
such fundamental rights.
Question. As Assistant Secretary for NEA, how will you address
these troubling reports out of Tunisia and continue to stand on the
side of Tunisia's democracy?
Answer. The United States shares the Tunisian people's goal of a
democratic government that is responsive to the country's needs. If
confirmed, I will urge President Saied to appoint a new head of
government to address Tunisia's immediate economic and health crises,
announce concrete plans for a return to the democratic path, and pursue
reforms through an inclusive process that recognizes the Tunisian
people's demand for reforms that improve the functioning of their
democracy. These steps must include diverse political actors and civil
society as well as respect for the rule of law and fundamental
freedoms.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Todd Young
Question. What is your view of the U.S.-Israel relationship? If
confirmed, what will you do to maintain and strengthen this
relationship?
Answer. Israel is a critical partner to the United States and the
two are united by shared values and strategic interests; those include
a commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
Israel is a stable country in an unstable region, and the U.S.
Government's closest security partner in countering a broad spectrum of
threats, ranging from cyber-attacks to Iran's destabilizing
proliferation of advanced weaponry to its network of proxies. With an
open and free society that is largely accepting of LGBTQ+ individuals,
Israel has been dedicated to the cause of women's empowerment and
gender equality since the founding of the state. If confirmed, I will
commit to maintaining and strengthening all aspects of this
relationship.
Question. Israel constantly faces terrorist attacks and threats--
including rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza and attacks from Iranian-
backed groups in Lebanon and Syria. Do you fully support Israel's right
to defend itself from terrorist attacks?
Answer. Yes, I fully support Israel's right to defend itself from
terrorist attacks and strongly condemn these attacks, no matter where
they come from.
Question. What is the status of the recently notified U.S. direct
commercial sale of $735 million in U.S.-origin precision-guided
munitions to Israel?
Answer. I understand the notification was approved and authorizes
the export of precision-guided munitions, including any technical data
and defense services, to Israel to support weapons integration, flight
tests, and hardware delivery of Joint Direct Attack Munition variants
and Small Diameter Bomb Increment I variants.
Question. Do you support maintaining the Palestine Affairs Unit at
the Embassy in Jerusalem? How would opening a separate consulate in
Jerusalem serve U.S. interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S.
presence in Jerusalem enables our government to carry out a full range
of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local
communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been
clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Currently, the
Palestinian Affairs Unit within the embassy is the primary point of
contact with the Palestinian people. In May, Secretary Blinken stated
``the United States will be moving forward with the process to reopen
our consulate in Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to
engage with and provide support for the Palestinian people,'' I
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
with the Palestinian people and leadership.
Question. What would be your strategy for strengthening the Abraham
Accords while persuading more countries to normalize relations with
Israel? How would you build on the success of the Abraham Accords?
Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, this
administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
Muslim world. The Department is leading the U.S. Government's efforts,
working with the National Security Council and U.S. Government
interagency, to deepen existing agreements and urge other countries to
normalize relations with Israel.
If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries across the
region to build on existing relationships and develop new ones,
including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.
Question. What do you believe are the most pressing security
challenges Israel faces, and what role do those threats play in
convincing regional partners that Israel is the not the cause of
instability in the region?
Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its
security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have
said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a
nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran
with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it
comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with
Iran's actions across a series of issues--including its support for
terrorism, its ballistic missile program, and its destabilizing actions
in the region. Our partners in the region share a similar concern.
Question. If confirmed, how would you seek to use your connection
and experience in the region to garner more regional support for the
vital humanitarian needs of the Yemeni people?
Answer. I am proud that the United States continues to lead the
humanitarian response to this crisis, with over $4 billion worth of
assistance provided to the Yemeni people since 2014. If confirmed, I
will work closely with key countries in the region and around the
world, as well as the United Nations, to ensure pledges are disbursed,
humanitarian organizations are adequately funded, and the needs of the
most vulnerable Yemenis are addressed in a coordinated and effective
manner. I will also work with the U.N. and other partners to promote
unfettered access for humanitarian assistance throughout Yemen to
ensure aid reaches those in need.
Question. What would be your approach, alongside Tim Lenderking, in
breaking the diplomatic stalemate that exists in Yemen?
Answer. The U.S. Government has welcomed the appointment of Hans
Grundberg, the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen, and remains committed
to supporting a U.N.-led peace process to achieve a durable resolution
to the conflict. Sustained engagement by U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking
has helped create unprecedented international consensus on ending this
war through inclusive political talks. If confirmed, I will urge all
parties to engage with the Special Envoy, the U.N., with each other,
and with civil society, without pre-conditions. I will also ensure the
governments of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen are taking the
steps necessary to advance peace, and will work with key international
and regional partners to press the Houthis to cooperate with the U.N.-
led process. We have an opportunity to achieve peace in Yemen, and we
must seize it.
Question. Do you believe that the Iranian-backed Houthis desire a
political settlement? Or does Iran desire to maintain a footprint and
instability from which to target Saudi Arabia? Do you believe that the
Houthis have the autonomy to decide this for themselves?
Answer. The Houthis remain singularly focused on their military
offensive against Marib, the greatest impediment to U.N. and U.S. peace
efforts. The offensive is also exacerbating Yemen's humanitarian
crisis, threatening directly some one million IDPs and other civilians
in harm's way. The Houthi leadership must show they are committed to a
political settlement by engaging with the new U.N. Special Envoy in
good faith. In addition to continuing to prosecute the war inside
Yemen, the Houthis, with Iranian support, have also launched more than
240 cross-border air attacks on Saudi Arabia this year alone,
endangering the Saudi people and more than 70,000 U.S. citizens
residing in the Kingdom. If Iran wants to show it can be a responsible
actor in the region, Yemen is a good place to start, by ending lethal
aid and training to the Houthis.
Question. Denying the Houthis access to key weapons and technology
from Iran is critical to both reducing the threat the group poses to
our regional partners and pressuring the group to cease attacks and
negotiate in good faith. Do you agree? If so, how should the U.S.
expand cooperation with partners and allies to expose and interdict the
flow of key Iranian weapons, materiel, and equipment to the Houthis?
Answer. I agree. The Houthis rely on Iranian weapons, intelligence,
training, and support to conduct horrific attacks impacting civilian
targets as well as infrastructure in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Denying
the Houthis access to this lethal support from Iran is a critical part
of the Department's regional strategy. If confirmed, I will continue
with this comprehensive approach using a variety of tools--from
sanctions to interdiction to support for Saudi Arabia's legitimate
self-defense needs--to counter Iran's lethal aid to the Houthis and
other armed groups, as well as it destabilizing behavior more broadly
in the region. The Department will also continue to prioritize the
implementation and enforcement of U.N. Security Council resolutions
barring the unauthorized transfer of weapons to the Houthis.
Question. What are the biggest dangers Iran poses to the
international community and how would you rank them in order of
urgency?
Answer. The most serious threat that Iran poses globally is its
untrammeled nuclear program. That is why the Biden administration
prioritizes constraining Iran's program through measured, determined
diplomacy. Iran poses additional threats through a spectrum of regional
and global activities, including but not limited to its plots to kidnap
our citizens, its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained
Americans and foreign nationals as political tools, its support for
terrorism, its lethal support to armed groups, proliferation of
advanced weaponry to these groups, and its ballistic missile program.
An Iran with a nuclear weapon would pose an even greater threat when it
comes to these issues.
Question. Secretary Blinken has said that any replacement of JCPOA
needs to be ``longer and stronger.'' How would you define longer and
stronger? What are the minimum requirements for a ``longer and
stronger'' deal?
Answer. Iran's unchecked, unconstrained nuclear program poses a
threat to global security. Constraining it is therefore the overriding
priority for the United States and its P5+1 partners. To achieve that
immediate objective, the administration is pursuing a mutual return to
compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. If the
Department is successful in doing so, the intent is to build on that as
part of a comprehensive approach using a variety of policy tools to
strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other
issues of concern.
Question. Do you believe the United States should learn any lessons
from Hamas's heinous rocket campaign it unleashed on Israel in May,
especially concerning Iran's destabilizing proxy campaign it is waging
throughout the region?
Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only
reinforced the Biden-Harris administration's ironclad resolve on
Israel's security, including through deterring and countering Iran's
destabilizing regional activities. This includes the need to work with
Israel and other allies and partners to counter the flow of materiel
and financial support to Hamas and other Gaza-based militant groups.
Question. Can you explain why it would be a prudent policy to
pursue a nuclear agreement with Iran without doing anything to stop
Iran's other destabilizing activities?
Answer. Even as the administration pursues a diplomatic effort to
constrain Iran's nuclear program, it continues to address Iran's
destabilizing regional activities. The Biden administration is
committed to continuing to counter the threats posed by Iran using the
various tools at its disposal, including sanctions, and working in
close coordination with allies and partners.
Question. How can we look our partners in the face and tell them
convincingly that we are committed to their security when we permit
Iran to keep funding terrorist proxies, to keep launching attacks on
international shipping and energy infrastructure, to keep testing
ballistic missiles?
Answer. Iran's destabilizing regional activities are nothing new.
Tehran has posed such threats for decades, across multiple
administrations. The Biden administration is unwavering in its
commitment to its allies and partners and continues to engage closely
with them as part of a comprehensive approach that includes sanctions,
interdiction, defense and intelligence cooperation, and support for
Israel's freedom of action to counter Iran's destabilizing activities.
In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic engagement with
allies and partners has ensured a more united, better coordinated, and
more consistent approach in countering the Iranian threat and advancing
our shared goals in the region.
Question. In your view, are the LAF a viable counterweight to
Hezbollah's influence within Lebanon?
Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate
defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. A strong,
stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that its arms are necessary
to defend Lebanon from external aggression. The LAF remains the only
cross-confessional institution with broad support from all aspects of
Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party alliances.
Question. Since the U.S. began funding the Lebanese Armed Forces,
have they taken any meaningful steps to confront Hezbollah?
Answer. According to a December 2019 GAO Report, the LAF's border
security and counterterrorism capabilities notably improved from 2013
to 2018. With the support of U.S. training and equipment, the LAF has
defeated ISIS in Lebanon, reasserted control over territory along its
border with Syria, and increased its presence in southern Lebanon in
support of UNIFIL. These improvements undercut Hizballah's unfounded
argument that its weapons are necessary to protect Lebanon's
sovereignty. If confirmed, I will continue to use all the tools at our
disposal to push back on Hizballah's terrorist activities and
destabilizing influence in Lebanon and across the region.
Question. Given the deterioration of the Lebanese state, can you
assure the committee that U.S. equipment provided to the LAF will not
fall into the hands of Hezbollah?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure we continue to undertake
rigorous measures to minimize the likelihood that Hizballah or any
other terrorist organization will benefit from our assistance,
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
practices carried out by the U.S. Government and implementing partners.
The LAF is a strong U.S. partner with an exemplary end-use monitoring
record. The Department continues to hold the LAF accountable for its
use of U.S. assistance funds and have no reason to believe that any
U.S. equipment has fallen into the hands of Hizballah.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Just last week Lebanon announced a new government
formation under Prime Minister Mikati. While this is a positive step in
the formation of a government, I remain concerned about the deep
economic crisis in the country.
What are U.S. priorities in engaging with the new Government? How
can the U.S. help as the country's economy continues to
collapse further?
Answer. Lebanon must implement significant reforms to address the
spiraling economic crisis it faces, on an urgent basis and in a
sustainable way. If confirmed, I will build on the work by the
Department and our embassy, and in concert with key partners, to keep
up the pressure on PM Mikati's new government to implement long-overdue
economic and governance reforms; these reforms are demanded by the
Lebanese people, and should be done ideally in partnership with the
IMF, Lebanese civil society, and other key actors. The Mikati
Government should also prepare the country to hold parliamentary
elections in May 2022 as scheduled. The United States and our
international partners have been clear that Lebanon's leaders must act
in order to unlock potential financing programs and structural support,
but the hard work must start immediately. The United States stands with
the Lebanese people, and will continue to support it and key
institutions, to help the most vulnerable weather the crisis.
Question. How can we work with civil society, as well as the
Lebanese Government, to support transparent and efficient parliamentary
elections next spring?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our efforts to hold PM
Mikati's new Government accountable for ensuring transparent
parliamentary elections are held next spring. I will also support our
existing programs aimed at assisting reform-minded actors to respond to
the needs of citizens through transparent and democratic processes. If
confirmed, I will ensure my team works closely with Lebanese civil
society, which deserves our continued support as it both holds the new
Government accountable and assists it in implementing needed reforms,
as well as election monitoring initiatives. I will also work with the
international community to press for a transparent electoral process to
obtain credible elections that represent the will of the people,
untainted by foreign malign influence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Barbara A. Leaf by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington
Free Beacon reviewed at least two of them.
Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the
State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities
with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed, I
look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.
Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance - emails,
memos, cables, notes, decision memos, briefing papers, instructions,
etc. - that instructed staffers not to use the phrase ``Abraham
Accords.''
Answer. As a nominee I am not in a position to act on behalf of the
State Department with regard to its records. I take my responsibilities
with respect to Congressional oversight seriously and if confirmed I
look forward to working with you to respond to your concerns.
Question. In your testimony on September 15 you indicated that you
are supportive of the Abraham Accords. Can you commit to ensuring that
any guidelines or policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham
Accords'' are revised and reversed?
Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.
Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan
Heights?
Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, the
administration gives great weight to Israel's security. As long as
Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present in Syria, it
would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with the Golan
Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides Israel an
added measure of security from the turmoil next door. This
administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.
Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. This administration has not altered U.S. policy on this
important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself
is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations
between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the
national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
any part of Jerusalem?
Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
that they deserve.
Question. What are the regional security opportunities for the U.S.
now that Israel is part of CENTCOM?
Answer. Now that Israel is part of the U.S. Central Command's area
of responsibility, regional security opportunities for the United
States range from enhanced communication between our two countries to
expanded opportunities for regional multilateral engagements, such as
exercises and planning conferences.
Question. How do you plan to maximize Israel's integration into our
regional security architecture?
Answer. If confirmed, I would promote Israel's integration into our
regional security architecture in close coordination with my colleagues
at the Department of Defense, including CENTCOM.
Question. Please describe any new significant sanctions that have
been imposed on Iran since the inauguration of President Biden.
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has imposed the following
Iran-related sanctions since it took office:
On September 17, the Treasury Department sanctioned international
financial networks supporting terrorism, including providing
support to Lebanese Hizballah and Iran's Qods Force;
On September 3, Treasury sanctioned an Iranian intelligence network
targeting an Iranian-American activist in the United States;
On August 13, Treasury sanctioned an oil broker network supporting
the Qods Force;
On June 10, Treasury sanctioned an international network enriching
the Houthis and Qods Force in Yemen; and
On March 9, the State Department designated Iranian officials
pursuant to Section 7031(c) of the FY2021 Department of State,
Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriation Act due
to involvement in gross violations of human rights.
Question. Please describe the details of any arrangements, deals,
or agreements that are being contemplated by the Biden administration
to reduce pressure on Iran other than reentry into the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
Answer. There have been no such arrangements, deals, or agreements
contemplated to reduce pressure on Iran.
Question. What measures has the Biden administration taken to
insulate our diplomats from engaging with Iranian officials connected
to international terrorism or who have been sanctioned?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to ensuring
Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and diplomacy, in coordination
with our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that
goal. However, the U.S. Government has yet to engage in any direct
discussions with the Iranian Government or its officials as their
Government currently bars such interactions. Additionally, State
Department policy generally limits USG personnel from interacting with
Iranian officials, and specifically restricts interactions with
officials known or suspected to be members of terrorist organizations
or subject to sanctions designations.
Question. To what degree was the State Department aware of Ghani's
departure beforehand?
Answer. I am currently not a State Department employee and am not
privy to Department knowledge on this issue.
Question. Did you or any State Department officials, to your
knowledge, engage in conversations with any governments under NEA's
purview to request that they provide Ghani with safe haven, including
the gOvernments of Qatar or the United Arab Emirates?
Answer. After President Ghani departed Kabul for Uzbekistan and the
Government of Uzbekistan informed the U.S. of his presence on Uzbek
soil and that he wished to travel onward to the UAE, the administration
conveyed to both Governments of Uzbekistan and the United Arab Emirates
that such arrangements would be a bilateral one between those
governments and Ghani himself.
Question. Do you believe that it would be in America's national
security interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even
if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by Hezbollah?
Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United
States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from
conferring benefits to Hizballah or any other terrorist group,
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
practices. As part of its security assistance, the U.S. Government
conducts End-Use Monitoring (EUM) to mitigate the risk of unauthorized
transfer or use of U.S. technology and equipment. The Lebanese Armed
Forces continues to comply fully with all EUM reporting and security
requirements.
Question. On August 19, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Shea said that
the Biden administration intends to waive sanctions on the Assad regime
in order to provide energy to Lebanon: ``There is a will to make this
happen. There will be some logistical things that need to happen too,
but I think that it will all fall into place fairly easily.'' The
waiver will facilitate the transfer of gas and resources through Assad-
controlled Syria and to Lebanon and its Government. Do you support
waiving such sanctions?
Answer. Lebanon is currently experiencing an acute energy crisis
that is having a terrible impact on critical lifesaving infrastructure
such as hospitals and the water supply; the crisis needs a long-term
solution, but shorter-term measures are also urgently needed, given the
deleterious effect on the public. These potential bilateral and
multilateral agreements proffered by regional states, which have been
endorsed by the World Bank, could help Lebanon begin to address its
power crisis in a sustainable and transparent manner. I understand that
the Department of State is currently conferring with those partners to
gain further detail on the proposals and is conferring with the
Department of Treasury as well. U.S. sanctions remain an important tool
to press for accountability for the Assad regime, to include on its
atrocious record of human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will work with
the Department of the Treasury and our partners to ensure that any
potential deal our partners reach is consistent with our broader policy
priorities and all relevant U.S. sanctions. I look forward to
continuing to consult with Congress on this important issue.
Question. On September 15 you testified that the Lebanese Armed
Forces (LAF) are an important partner in the Middle East and serve as a
check against Hezbollah. Do you support calibrating support for the LAF
on the degree to which it fulfills those functions? Under what
conditions would you support restricting assistance to the LAF?
Answer. The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) is the sole legitimate
defender of Lebanon, a reliable U.S. partner, and an important
counterweight to Hizballah's malign influence in the country. The LAF
is also a cross-confessional institution with broad support from all
aspects of Lebanese society, transcending sectarian and party
alliances. A strong, stable LAF undermines Hizballah's assertion that
its arms are necessary to defend Lebanon from external aggression. If
confirmed, I will continue to build the LAF's capacity to serve as a
counterweight to Hizballah and act in the interests of the Lebanese
people.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disarming Hezbollah in 2019 and 2020?
A rough estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. U.S. military assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)
is focused on developing the LAF's capabilities and professionalism, as
well as developing it as an institution that acts as a counterweight to
Hizballah's influence. Since 2006, the United States has provided more
than $2.5 billion in security assistance to the LAF. This assistance
has helped increase its capacity to serve as the exclusive legitimate
defender of Lebanon's sovereignty and violent extremist organizations,
including ISIS.
Question. What percent of U.S. assistance to Lebanon was used for
activities or operations aimed at disrupting Hezbollah activities short
of disarming them in 2019 and 2020, e.g. through roadblocks? A rough
estimate or a range will be sufficient.
Answer. U.S. assistance to Lebanon is one of the many tools the
Department uses to support the Lebanese people, civil society, and
institutions critical to building a sovereign state responsive to its
people's legitimate needs. U.S. security assistance also supports
partners, such as the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security
Forces, that are critical to stability and security. A government that
reflects the will and is able to meet the needs of all Lebanese, and
security institutions that can defend Lebanese sovereignty, undermine
Hizballah's illegitimate and illegal actions, as well as its malign
influence in Lebanon and the region.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Beirut-Rafic
Hariri International Airport or facilities located within the airport.
Answer. The U.S. Government remains concerned about Hizballah's
influence at ports of entry into Lebanon, including at the airport. In
PM Mikati's new cabinet, a Hizballah minister was appointed Minister of
Public Works and Transport.
Question. Please describe the degree to which, in your assessment,
Hezbollah continues to influence or control over the Port of Beirut or
facilities located within the port?
Answer. The influence Hizballah exerts over ports of entry remains
of considerable concern and also denies the Lebanese people the benefit
of customs revenue, which is significant given the large budget
deficits Lebanon continues to face. In PM Mikati's new cabinet, a
Hizballah minister was appointed as Minister of Public Works and
Transport. The Department will continue to evaluate the impact of this
appointment and report on the situation. To combat Hizballah's
influence, the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign
Assets Control (OFAC) designated under Executive Order 13224 Hizballah
security official Wafiq Safa for acting for or on behalf of Hizballah.
As head of Hizballah's security apparatus, Safa exploited Lebanon's
ports and border crossings to smuggle contraband, enable Hizballah
travel, and facilitate the passage of illegal drugs and weapons into
the seaport of Beirut, routing certain shipments to avoid scrutiny.
Question. Is the administration withholding $130 million in aid
from Egypt on the basis of the conditions described in the Washington
Post report? If the report is inaccurate, what parts are inaccurate?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this
decision is to seek progress on human rights. The administration
supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense
relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in
the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has
focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of
political detention and restrictions on civil society.
As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
to them.
While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
important issues.
Question. Please provide a list of any individuals, including if
relevant, the 16 referred to in the Washington Post story, who are the
subject of conditions imposed on aid to Egypt. For each individual on
the list, please list the following:
Their names;
Their organizational affiliations;
The specific charges that the Egyptian Government has brought
against them, which the U.S. is asking the Egyptians to
dismiss; and
Whether the individual is a U.S. citizen, or if not, whether the
individual holds a Legal Permanent Resident Card, or if not, if
the individual has applied for immigration or visa status and
what that status is.
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's goal with regard to this
decision on FMF is to seek progress on human rights. The administration
supports further strengthening the bilateral security and defense
relationship with Egypt, while also seeking sustainable improvements in
the Egyptian Government's approach to human rights. The Department has
focused on specific human rights issues of concern, including cases of
political detention and restrictions on civil society.
As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expects
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
to them.
President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the
importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the
administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels
to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary
Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although
the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about
Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also
conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid
Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure.
The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue
session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S. - Egypt
partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
important matters.
Question. Additionally, for any individual on the list described
above who is not a U.S. citizen, please also describe:
The process through which the State Department or as relevant the
broader interagency reviewed the cases and came to the
determination that their cases should be used as conditions for
aid.
Whether they are affiliated with groups that promote Islamist
ideologies, distribute anti-Semitic materials, or distribute
political disinformation.
Whether the Biden administration intends to grant U.S. visas to
them should the Egyptian Government release them.
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports further
strengthening bilateral security and defense relationship with Egypt,
while seeking and sustainable improvements in the Egyptian Government's
approach to human rights. The Department has focused on specific human
rights issues of concern, including cases of political detention and
restrictions on civil society.
As noted in Congressional Notification 20-271 (September 14), the
Secretary could not certify that Egypt is taking sustained and
effective steps related to the human rights-related conditions in
section 7043(a)(3)(A) of the FY 2020 SFOAA. The Department will make
available $300,000,000 in FY 2020 FMF for Egypt for counterterrorism,
border security, and nonproliferation programs, consistent with the
exception to the certification requirement under section 7041(a)(3)(A)
of the FY 2020 SFOAA. However, because serious human rights concerns
remain, the Department will not move forward with the application of
$130,000,000 of these funds to Foreign Military Sales cases for Egypt
unless the Government of Egypt affirmatively addresses specific human
rights-related conditions. The $130,000,000 will not be deposited into
Egypt's interest-bearing Federal Reserve Bank account and may be
reprogrammed if Egypt fails to meet the conditions within the
prescribed timeframe. It is the administration's goal to continue to
work with Egypt as a strategic partner to encourage progress on
improving respect for human rights. To this end, the Department expect
that the Government of Egypt can and will meet the conditions presented
to them.
President Biden and President al-Sisi in May agreed on the
importance of a constructive dialogue on human rights. Since then, the
administration has pressed the Government of Egypt on multiple levels
to address specific human rights concerns, including during Secretary
Blinken's discussion with President al-Sisi in Cairo in May. Although
the Department has and will continue to publicly raise concerns about
Egypt's human rights record, administration officials have also
conveyed these specific requests privately, in an effort to avoid
Egyptian Government sensitivities about responding to foreign pressure.
The Department anticipates hosting a ministerial Strategic Dialogue
session with Egypt later this year to advance the U.S.-Egypt
partnership and secure positive steps on human rights.
While I cannot speak to the accuracy of press reports, I take
seriously the authority of Congress to conduct oversight, and if
confirmed I look forward to working with you on these and other
important matters.
Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.
Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against the city
of Marib. That offensive is the single biggest impediment to a national
ceasefire and follow-on peace talks; it is exacerbating an already-dire
humanitarian crisis, placing at risk a million internally displaced
persons who found refuge in Marib after escaping fighting in other
parts of the country. The Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian
consequences of the fuel situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel
and manipulating fuel prices, driving up costs far beyond the reach of
most Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the
delivery of humanitarian aid.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration revoked the terrorism
designations of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in
recognition of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen and the adverse
impact the designation immediately had on NGOs and private commercial
importers of food and other basic goods. Shortly after the FTO
designation announcement, the administration began to hear of de-
risking--by banks, insurance firms, and transport companies--putting at
risk near-term food imports. The administration listened to concerns
voiced by the United Nations, humanitarian groups, and bipartisan
members of Congress, among others, regarding potential impacts of the
designation on Yemenis' access to basic commodities. The short time
that passed between the designations and the revocations limited the
impact the designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and
commercial imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian
assistance items are now moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates
except in some areas under Houthis control.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.
Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and the
revocations limited the adverse impact that designations could have had
on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. In Marib, the
escalation of hostilities by the Houthis has caused additional needs
and secondary displacement. The lifting of sanctions, however, has
helped ensure the safe delivery of life-saving food, emergency shelter,
water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
food items, such as blankets and water containers.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2021 (p.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., via
videoconference, Senator Coons, presiding.
Present: Senators Coons [presiding], Cardin, Kaine, Booker,
Schatz, Van Hollen, Young, and Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. Good afternoon. It is my honor to call this
hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to order.
I welcome the chance to serve as chair of this hearing and
appreciate Chairman Menendez asking me to take this on as we
consider five highly qualified nominees, and I welcome, as
ranking member for this hearing, Senator Hagerty and the five
nominees who are before us.
Let me briefly introduce them, and I will make a very brief
statement and then invite Senator Hagerty to make whatever
opening statement he may care to.
Our five nominees for this afternoon's hearing are Dr. C.S.
Eliot Kang, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
International Security and Nonproliferation; Adam Scheinman, to
be Special Representative of the President for Nuclear
Nonproliferation; Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, to be
Director General of the Foreign Service; Bathsheba Nell
Crocker, to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the United
Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva; and
Dr. Michael Carpenter, to be U.S. Representative to the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Let me begin by thanking all five of you, thanking you for
your willingness to continue your service to this Nation. And
let me extend my thanks to your families, who normally, if we
were in person, would, many of them, be physically with us, and
so I would have a chance to greet them. I do not know if any of
them are hovering just off the screen, but please convey to
them my gratitude for their support for your career and
service.
Before we proceed into the substance of your opening
statements, our colleague from New Jersey Senator Booker will
introduce Ambassador Bernicat. Let me also, before we proceed
to that, do two more things. I am going to ask all of our
nominees today to please keep your statements to roughly 5
minutes in length. The committee will accept your written
testimonies in full and submit them for the record.
And I also want to note for all members and staff who may
be listening that questions for the record for this
confirmation hearing will be due by the close of business this
Thursday, September 16th.
With that, let me invite Senator Hagerty to make any
opening comment he would like to. Then we will proceed to an
introduction by Senator Booker.
Senator Hagerty?
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Chairman Coons, thank you very much. And I
want to thank Senator Risch for inviting me to serve as the
ranking member today. And I also want to thank the nominees for
appearing before our committee today. I appreciate your
willingness to serve our great Nation. I am looking forward to
hearing from each of you.
I would like to start with the nomination to the Director
General of the Foreign Service. This position has the unique
responsibility of recruiting, retaining, and sustaining the
Foreign Service and the civil service workforce of the State
Department.
As a former U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I recognize that the
people of the State Department are critical to the success of
American diplomacy. For the United States to tackle the growing
number of complex global challenges, we should seek to build
the finest diplomatic corps in the world. I look forward to
hearing from the nominee about how we will achieve this goal.
Next I would like to turn to the nomination to be Assistant
Secretary of State for International Security and
Nonproliferation. As strategic adversaries such as China,
Russia, Iran, and North Korea continue to expand their arsenal
of weapons of mass destruction, the world is becoming more
dangerous each day.
The United States should look for opportunities to expand
counterproliferation efforts in ways to stop the spread of
weapons of mass destruction. I am particularly interested to
hear from the nominee about his views on the increasing WMD
threats from China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea and what the
United States should be doing.
I would like to turn next to the nominee to be the Special
Representative of the President for Nuclear Nonproliferation.
There are a growing number of countries, such as China and
Iran, that pose significant challenges with respect to nuclear
energy and nonproliferation norms. I look forward to hearing
from the nominee about ways to update the NPT for the 21st
century.
Now I would like to turn to the nominee to be the U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe. I just returned from NATO, and it is clear that
following the withdrawal from Afghanistan, we are at a critical
juncture with many of our European allies and partners, and
they need to know that the United States can and will be a
reliable partner. This is even more important, considering
Russia's efforts to spread malign influence throughout Europe.
I look forward to hearing from the nominee about these issues.
And now I want to turn my attention to the nominee to be
the Representative of the United States to the United Nations
and Other International Organizations in Geneva. As the lead
U.S. official representing over 100 U.N. bodies in Geneva, you
will be responsible for advancing U.S. interests in many
multilateral organizations. As we all know, China and other
strategic adversaries are looking to expand their influence by
remaking global institutions in their image. I look forward to
hearing from the nominee about what steps she intends to take
to fight for America.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back my time. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Let me now invite Senator Booker of New Jersey to offer an
introduction of Ambassador Bernicat.
STATEMENT OF HON. CORY A. BOOKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Booker. Well, this is an extraordinary honor,
Senator Coons. Thank you very much.
I am really elated, frankly, to be able to introduce
President Biden's nominee to serve as Director General of the
Foreign Service, Ambassador Marcia Bernicat. We are currently,
as you know, facing tremendous challenges all across the globe
that will not only define the history of the world but will
most certainly define the history of our Nation. Challenges
like the global crisis of climate change to taking on the
COVID-19 pandemic, which continues to cause such tragedy around
the world.
And we know this, for all of us Senators who have been
traveling, America's diplomatic leadership is now needed more
than ever. And that is why we need this great Jersian
Ambassador Bernicat leading the diplomatic corps responsible
for representing the United States of America and advancing our
interests around the world.
I can think of no one more qualified for this
extraordinarily important position. She has served as a Foreign
Service officer for three decades starting, I think, when she
was 2 or 3 years old. Ambassador Bernicat has had a career that
is not just impressive, but impactful.
She most recently served as senior official for economic
growth, energy, and the environment at the State Department and
prior to that served as the Ambassador to Bangladesh and
previously concurrently as the Ambassador to Senegal and
Guinea-Bissau.
Over the course of her diplomatic career, she has received
extraordinary honors and respect from those who she served
with. She is somebody that is both well respected and looked up
to, but also someone in which folks have great confidence in.
She has served in Barbados, Malawi, Morocco, India, Nepal,
France, and Mali. All across the world she has made an impact
and left a lasting legacy. She represents the best of the
United States of America, and I would say, coming from the
great State of New Jersey, she represents the best of New
Jersians. Born in the wonderful Red Bank, New Jersey.
Ambassador Bernicat probably has many, many accolades, but
perhaps her two best living legacy examples of her success is
her two sons, who she has raised while serving in the Foreign
Service. As we Senators in a bipartisan effort work to reinvest
in the diplomatic efforts to keep America safe, rebuild our
alliances and partnerships, and live up to our collective
values here at home and abroad, Ambassador Bernicat is exactly
the kind of leader that we need.
I urge my colleagues not because of fealty to New Jersey, I
urge my colleagues because of fealty to the United States of
America to support her nomination.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Booker. I appreciate that
introduction.
We are now going to proceed to hear opening statements from
each of our five nominees in the order in which they were
noticed for this hearing by the committee.
So no disrespect, Senator Booker, we are going to begin
with Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang, and then we will proceed through the
five nominees in the order that they were noticed.
Senator Booker. No disrespect taken, but go ahead.
Senator Coons. It is just part of the traditions of this
committee.
So, if I might, Dr. Kang, your opening statement.
STATEMENT OF DR. C.S. ELIOT KANG OF NEW JERSEY, NOMINATED TO BE
AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND
NONPROLIFERATION)
Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. Thank you very much.
Senator Booker, I am also from New Jersey. Ocean County,
Lakewood, New Jersey.
Senator Booker. Yes.
[Laughter.]
Dr. Kang. Yes. Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Hagerty, and
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today.
I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be
the Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and
Nonproliferation.
I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust and
faith in supporting my nomination.
Crossing the Pacific as a 9-year-old immigrant almost half
a century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger.
No doubt my mother and father, who made the fateful decision
for my family to start a new life in the United States, had
more lofty hopes for me and my sister, Myung. However, I am
sure they never imagined the honor of me appearing before this
august body to be examined for my worthiness to serve this
great Nation as an Assistant Secretary of State.
If confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for
the American people. Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I
have been following the footsteps of my late father, a
decorated combat pilot and a Government official. And my
mother, a lifelong educator and recipient of New Jersey
Governor's award for outstanding teaching.
I started my career in my mother's profession, but the
events of September 11, 2001, led me to my father's path of
Government service. It has not been an easy path to tread, but
unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the
understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have
strengthened my steps and resolve.
In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of
Political and Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control
as a William C. Foster Fellow, which was a congressionally
established program for bringing academics into the
Government's--into the Department's arms control and
nonproliferation work.
I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I
have held various leadership positions in the Bureau of
International Security and Nonproliferation, working to protect
the American people from dangers posed by the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems.
As a career officer, I have endeavored across four
presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear,
chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the
destabilization these weapons can cause.
However, despite tremendous bipartisan efforts and the
steadfast leadership of this committee to stem the tide of the
most destructive and horrible weapons, the challenges only
appears to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of technology
seems to create as many problems for our security as it solves
for our society.
In the late hours of the evening, I reflect upon the
increasing challenges we face, and I arrive to work every
morning resolved and determined to do something about them. In
this commitment, I am not alone.
I am privileged to serve the American people alongside a
remarkable group of colleagues who share my dedication, the men
and women serving in the Bureau of International Security and
Nonproliferation who frustrate our adversaries and are
respected by allies and friends throughout the world. I am
inspired by these public servants who gladly accept personal
sacrifices to serve our Nation.
The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an
honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the
expertise and ability of the remarkable professionals in the
Bureau. Indeed, the Bureau is an extraordinary collection of
civil servants, Foreign Service officers, and contractors with
expertise in the physical sciences, engineering, intelligence,
military sciences, communications, and program administration.
Many are leading subject matter experts with international
reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skill and knowledge
and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most pressing
security problems facing the world and the Nation.
If confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my
colleagues to tackle the challenges this committee expects us
to meet.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the ranking member, and the
members of the committee for your time and attention today and
for your consideration of my nomination. I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Kang follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang
Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee; thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I am grateful to President Biden for nominating me to be the
Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and
Nonproliferation. I am also grateful to Secretary Blinken for his trust
and faith in supporting my nomination.
Crossing the Pacific as a nine-year-old immigrant almost a half-
century ago, my only ambition was to taste a real hamburger. No doubt,
my mother and father who made the fateful decision for our family to
start a new life in the United States had more lofty hopes for me and
my sister, Myung. However, I'm sure they never imagined the honor of me
appearing before this august body to be examined for my worthiness to
serve this great nation as an Assistant Secretary of State. If
confirmed, I pledge to continue working tirelessly for the American
people.
Indeed, public service is in my DNA. I have been following the
footsteps of my late father, a decorated combat pilot and government
official, and my mother, a life-long educator and recipient of New
Jersey Governor's Award for Outstanding Teaching. I started my career
in my mother's profession, but the events of September 11th, 2001 led
me to my father's path of government service. It has not been an easy
path to tread but unwavering support from my wife, Michelle, and the
understanding of my two sons, Gregory and Wesley, have strengthened my
steps and resolve.
In 2003, I first joined the State Department's Bureau of Political-
Military Affairs and then Bureau of Arms Control as a William C. Foster
Fellow, which was a congressionally established program for bringing
academics into the Department's arms control and nonproliferation work.
I became a career civil servant in 2005, and since 2006, I have held
various leadership positions in the Bureau of International Security
and Nonproliferation working to protect the American people from the
dangers posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and
their delivery systems. As a career officer, I have endeavored across
four presidential administrations to minimize the threat of nuclear,
chemical, biological, and advanced conventional weapons and the
destabilization these weapons can cause. However, despite tremendous
bipartisan efforts and the steadfast leadership of this committee to
stem the tide of these most destructive and horrible weapons, the
challenges only appear to be growing. Indeed, the explosion of
technology seems to create as many problems for our security as it
solves for our society. In the late hours of the evening, I reflect
upon the increasing challenges we face; and I arrive to work every
morning resolved and determined to do something about them.
In this commitment, I am not alone. I am privileged to serve the
American people alongside a remarkable group of colleagues who share my
dedication: the men and women serving in the Bureau of International
Security and Nonproliferation, who frustrate our adversaries and are
respected by our allies and friends throughout the world. I am inspired
by these public servants who gladly accept personal sacrifices to serve
our nation. The President's confidence in me, a career officer, is an
honor for me and my family, but it is also a testament to the expertise
and ability of the remarkable professionals in the Bureau. Indeed, the
Bureau is an extraordinary collection of civil servants, foreign
service officers, and contractors with expertise in the physical
sciences, engineering, intelligence, military sciences, communications,
and program administration. Many are leading subject matter experts
with international reputations. I am in awe of the tremendous skills
and knowledge and dedication they bring to tackle some of the most
pressing security problems facing the nation and the world. If
confirmed, I will work even harder to empower my colleagues to tackle
the challenges this committee expects us to meet.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, the Ranking Member, and members of the
committee for your time and attention today and for your consideration
of my nomination. I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang.
Mr. Scheinman?
STATEMENT OF HON. ADAM SCHEINMAN OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT FOR NUCLEAR
NONPROLIFERATION, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking
Member Hagerty, and all other members of the committee present
today. It is really an honor to appear today as President
Biden's nominee for Special Representative of the President for
Nuclear Nonproliferation.
I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence placed in me, and I am very pleased to be here
today with my old friend Eliot Kang and all other nominees here
today.
Mr. Chairman, this is my second time nominated to serve in
this position. The first followed more than two decades in the
Federal civil service working on issues related to nuclear
weapons proliferation and related nuclear risks. And for the
last 4 years, I served on the faculty of the National War
College which, among other benefits, was a welcome opportunity
to step back and view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
At the War College, we teach that major U.S. national
security challenges are best met using all instruments of
power--diplomatic, military, economic, and informational. And
in partnership with friends and allies and, on occasion, our
competitors. A perfect illustration is nuclear proliferation.
It is a challenge to our vital interests and one for which
there are no purely military or political solutions.
There is no doubt that the international system is in
transition. It is increasingly competitive. It is less
predictable, and in a time of turbulence, some would ask
whether the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, or the NPT--an
agreement conceived in the Cold War period--was still fit for
purpose. To my mind, the answer is a resounding ``yes.'' There
is no nuclear weapons challenge facing the United States for
which the NPT limits our strategic options or for which better
options would be available in the treaty's absence.
On the contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier and extends
the range and reach of our nuclear diplomacy and global
confidence in nonproliferation norms and all the supporting
institutions. This, I think, explains the continuity of U.S.
bipartisan support for the NPT, support that spans 12
presidencies--6 Democratic and 6 Republican administrations
from President Kennedy to President Biden.
As in prior decades, it certainly remains true that nuclear
proliferation dangers are best tackled not alone, but through
collective action, and the NPT anchors that action. It is the
basis for assembling diplomatic coalitions to confront
countries like Iran and North Korea. Its wide, robust
international safeguards came into being, and we continue to
strengthen them. And it provides a framework for peaceful
nuclear cooperation and restraint on transfers of the most
sensitive nuclear technologies.
It also permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent
instruments of nonproliferation policy. Same time we have to
acknowledge that the NPT is not immune from pressures that
could erode its appeal. Regional grievances, rising frustration
of parties over the slow pace on nuclear disarmament actions
are really serious problems for the NPT's political process.
And no one here needs any imagination to guess at the
consequences for the treaty and for international security if
Iran were to take the path of North Korea and withdraw from the
treaty to develop nuclear weapons.
If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a
broad U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all aspects. There
is much work to do, from strengthening the institutional
machinery for nonproliferation to reassuring allies that they
can depend on the United States for defense and deterrence and
providing the arms control enterprise that President Biden has
started with the agreement with Russia on a 5-year extension of
the New START Treaty. These are important steps, and I hope
they lay the groundwork for additional measures.
Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S.
leadership. We were present at the creation of the
nonproliferation regime. No other state has our reach or our
influence to sustain it. And if confirmed, I pledge to do my
part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership, working
closely with Congress, with my interagency colleagues and our
foreign partners to preserve and strengthen this vital
instrument.
So, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or
members of the committee may have.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Scheinman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Adam M. Scheinman
Thank you Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
It is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee for Special Representative of the President for Nuclear
Nonproliferation. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken
for the confidence they have placed in me. I am also very pleased to be
here today with my fellow nominees.
Mr. Chairman, this is my second time being nominated for this
position. The first time capped more than two decades in the federal
civil service dedicated to preventing nuclear weapons proliferation and
related nuclear risks. More recently, I served on the faculty of the
National War College, which was a welcome break from the day-to-day
rhythms of government work but also an opportunity to step back and
view nuclear matters through a wider lens.
At the war college, we teach that major U.S. national security
challenges are best met using all instruments of power--diplomatic,
military, economic and informational--and in partnership with friends,
allies, and on occasion our competitors. A perfect illustration is
nuclear proliferation, a challenge to our vital interests and for which
there are no purely military or political solutions.
There can be no doubt that the international system is in
transition, increasingly competitive and less predictable. In a time of
such turbulence, some ask whether the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty--or NPT, an agreement conceived in the Cold War era--is ``fit
for purpose.''
To my mind, this question answers itself resoundingly in the
affirmative. There is no realistic nuclear weapons challenge facing the
United States for which the NPT limits our strategic options or for
which better options would be available in the treaty's absence. To the
contrary, the NPT is a force multiplier, extending the range and reach
of U.S. nuclear diplomacy and global confidence in nonproliferation
norms, rules and supporting institutions. This explains the continuity
of U.S. bipartisan support for this treaty, support that spans twelve
presidencies, from President Kennedy to President Biden--that's six
Democratic and six Republican administrations.
As in prior decades, we recognize today that nuclear proliferation
dangers are best tackled not alone but through collective action. The
NPT anchors such action. It is the basis for assembling diplomatic
coalitions to confront Iran and North Korea. It is why robust
international nuclear safeguards came into being and continue to
strengthen. It provides a framework for peaceful nuclear cooperation
and restraint on transfers of sensitive nuclear technologies. And it
permeates U.S. alliances that are themselves potent instruments of
nonproliferation policy.
At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the NPT is not
immune to pressures that over time may erode its appeal. Regional
grievances and rising frustration of many parties over the slow pace of
nuclear disarmament actions are serious problems that roil the NPT's
political process. And one needs little imagination to guess at the
consequences for the treaty and international security if Iran were to
take the path of North Korea by seeking to withdraw from the treaty to
develop nuclear weapons.
If confirmed, I look forward to doing my part to advance a broad
U.S. strategy to strengthen the NPT in all its aspects. There is much
work to do, from strengthening international safeguards, to expanding
peaceful nuclear cooperation without adding to proliferation dangers,
to enhancing the security incentives of states to support the NPT.
Reassuring allies that rely on the United States for defense and
deterrence is one such measure. Another is reviving the nuclear arms
control enterprise, as the Biden administration has advanced by
reaching agreement with Russia on a five-year extension of the New
START Treaty. The agreement to resume a high-level dialogue on
strategic stability is another welcome development, one that can lay
the groundwork for additional measures.
Most significantly, our NPT agenda requires steady U.S. leadership.
We were present at the creation of the nonproliferation regime and no
other state has our reach or influence to sustain it. If confirmed, I
pledge to do my part to carry forward the legacy of U.S. leadership,
working closely with Congress, my interagency colleagues, and our
foreign partners to preserve and strengthen a treaty system that
contributes so much to the nation's security.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman. I welcome any questions you or other
members of the committee may have.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Scheinman.
We will now turn to Ambassador Bernicat.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCIA STEPHENS BLOOM BERNICAT OF NEW JERSEY,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF THE
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE
FOREIGN SERVICE
Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator
Coons, Ranking Member Senator Hagerty, distinguished members of
the committee. I am honored to appear before you today.
I sincerely thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
Director General of the Foreign Service and to serve as
Director of Global Talent Management. If confirmed, I will work
with the members of this committee to build a workforce better
able to confront the breadth and depth of challenges we face in
the 21st century.
Supporting the more than 76,000 women and men who make up
our diverse global team would be the highest privilege of my
four-decade career. I am inspired by my colleagues who so
dutiful serve our Nation, too often in harm's way. They deserve
our full support, and their welfare will be my north star.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my aunt and
uncle, Blanche and Robert Stephens; my sister and brother-in-
law, Kathryn and Luther White; and brother and sister-in-law,
Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I would also like to thank my sons,
Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father,
Olivier, who hold a special place in my heart in no small part
for having shared this Foreign Service journey with me across
the globe.
As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this
committee, when America does not lead on the global stage,
others who do not necessarily have our best interests at heart
and mind fill the void, or the challenges simply go
unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong
State Department.
Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the
last 20 months. Most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than
123,000 people, including 6,000 U.S. citizens, 2,800 locally
employed staff from Afghanistan, one of the largest
noncombatant evacuations in U.S. history. And this effort was
preceded in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic by our
coordinating the repatriation of over 100,000 Americans from
136 different countries and territories in less than 6 months.
A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse Nation.
If confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion,
and accessibility so the Department is fully representative of
the American people and is a workplace where every employee is
treated with dignity and respect and has an equal opportunity
for professional development and promotion. I will work with
Ambassador Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity
and Inclusion Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are
embedded at every level of our organization.
Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to
unprecedented circumstances. At State, we are building on that
experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile,
and expeditionary, especially one that gets outside capitals
more often to directly engage local communities.
The virtual world provides new tools and expanded outreach,
for example [inaudible]. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we
are prepared to return to the workplace while taking full
advantage of a more hybrid workforce and environment.
We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet
the challenges our Nation faces--from preventing the next
pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging
technologies, and addressing climate change, to strengthening
our alliances and countering our adversaries.
Our diversity as a nation gives us strategic advantage. By
seeking the best talent, most creative minds, and our fellow
citizens' varied experiences and backgrounds, State is better
equipped to advance America's security, its other interests,
our values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity, we
embody the values to which our Nation aspires, and we also
inspire Americans to pursue a life of service and give young
people across the globe hope for a better future.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen
accountability, empowering our employees to take risks, learn
from their mistakes, and assume greater responsibility for
their decisions. And I will endeavor to make healing central to
all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of too many
colleagues and family members, from the withdrawal from
Afghanistan where so many of our employees served over the past
two decades, and from the racial and social strife that has
rocked our country and our workforce.
Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I
look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Bernicat follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today. I sincerely
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they
have placed in me as their nominee for Director General of the Foreign
Service and Director of Global Talent Management.
If confirmed, I will work with the members of this committee to
build a workforce better able to confront the breadth and depth of
challenges we face in the 21st century. Supporting the more than 76,000
women and men who make up our diverse, global team will be the highest
privilege of my four-decade career. I am inspired by the women and men
who so dutifully serve our nation, too often in harm's way. They
deserve our full support and their welfare will be my north star.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my Aunt and Uncle Blanche
and Robert Stephens, the matriarch and patriarch of our family, my
sister and brother-in-law Kathryn and Luther White and brother and
sister-in-law Rodney and Cindy Bloom. I'd also like to thank my sons,
Sumit Nicolaus and Sunil Christopher, and their father Olivier, who
hold a special place in my heart in no small part for having shared
this Foreign Service journey with me across the globe.
As Secretary Blinken noted when he came before this committee, when
America does not lead on the global stage others who do not necessarily
have our best interests in mind fill the void, or the challenges simply
go unaddressed. In order to lead with diplomacy, we need a strong State
Department.
Our team has been tested in unprecedented ways over the last 20
months, most recently mobilizing to evacuate more than 123,000 people,
including 6,000 U.S. citizens and 2,800 Locally Employed Staff from
Afghanistan, one of the largest non-combatant evacuations in U.S.
history. This effort was preceded, in the wake of the COVID pandemic,
by coordinating the repatriation of 101,386 Americans from 136
countries and territories in less than six months.
A 21st century workforce must reflect our diverse nation. If
confirmed, I will prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility so the Department is fully representative of the American
people and is a workplace where every employee is treated with dignity
and respect and has an equal opportunity for professional development
and promotion. I look forward to working with Ambassador Abercrombie-
Winstanley, the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion
Officer, to ensure the initiatives she leads are embedded at every
level of the organization.
Mr. Chairman, over the past 20 months we have adapted to
unprecedented circumstances. At State we are building on that
experience to invest in a workforce that is more mobile, agile and
expeditionary; especially one that gets outside capitals more often to
directly engage local communities. The virtual world also provides new
tools for outreach. Our national network successfully recruited record
numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for the Pickering, Rangel,
and Foreign Affairs IT Fellowships, and pursued ambitious efforts
focused on diversity for career candidates. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Office of Management and Budget and the Office of
Personnel Management to ensure we are prepared to return to the
workplace while taking full advantage of a more hybrid workforce and
environment.
We will also need to build a broader knowledge set to meet the
challenges and benefits from the opportunities our nation faces--from
preventing the next pandemic, harnessing the full potential of emerging
technologies and addressing climate change, to strengthening our
alliances and countering our adversaries. Our diversity as a nation
gives us strategic advantages. By seeking the best talent, most
creative minds, and our fellow citizens' rich and varied experiences
and backgrounds, State is better able to advance America's security,
interests, values, and commitment to democracy. In our diversity we
embody the values to which our nation aspires, inspire Americans to
pursue a life of service and give young people across the globe hope
for a better future.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work to strengthen accountability,
empowering employees to take risks, learn from their mistakes, and
assume responsibility for their decisions. And I will endeavor to make
healing central to all my efforts--from a pandemic that robbed us of
too many colleagues and family members; from the withdrawal from
Afghanistan, where so many of our employees served over the past two
decades; and from the racial and social strife that has rocked our
country and our workforce.
Thank you for the opportunity to be here with you today. I look
forward to your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
Next we will turn to Ms. Crocker.
STATEMENT OF HON. BATHSHEBA NELL CROCKER OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, NOMINATED TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA TO THE OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND OTHER
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN GENEVA, WITH THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR
Ms. Crocker. Thank you, Senator Coons, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and distinguished members of this committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the Representative of the United States
to the United Nations and Other International Organizations in
Geneva. I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary of State
Blinken for this opportunity to again serve my country.
I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband,
Milan Vaishnav, our daughters, Asha and Farrin, and for their
sacrifice, should I be confirmed to take on this important
role. I am also thankful for the support of my father, Chester
Crocker, and my sisters and their families, and I am thinking
today of my mom, who would have so proud to witness me
appearing before this committee again.
My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public
service. I have had no greater honor than serving my country,
side by side with our career diplomatic corps. And I am
especially proud that my father and I are the only father-
daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State Department
history.
My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organization Affairs at the United Nations and
overseeing CARE USA's humanitarian work have shown me that the
United Nations works most effectively when the United States
leads and leverages all of the tools at our disposal to advance
U.S. national security interests across and through the United
Nations system.
My previous experiences position me well to represent the
United States across the many different organizations in Geneva
and ensure sound oversight of the U.S. contributions to those
organizations. I am committed to advancing reforms to make
those organizations more efficient and effective and to
ensuring the United States is best positioned to lead, to
collaborate, and, where necessary, to outcompete, so that the
United Nations system remains grounded on its foundational
values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic
opportunity, and international peace and security.
China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those
values, seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including
Geneva-based organizations, to impose their national agendas
and reshape the rules-based international organizations. For
example, at the International Telecommunications Union, the
People's Republic of China and Russia aimed to undercut U.S.
efforts to protect the open Internet. If confirmed, I will work
to ensure that the United States and our like-minded partners
can drive the discussion and the rules of the road, at the ITU
and other standard-setting bodies, and support strong
candidates for leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United
States should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights
Council to ensure that body focuses on the world's worst human
rights violators. The Geneva-based organizations are critical
to U.S. efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen
global health security, and support effective and efficient
provision of humanitarian assistance in crisis and conflict
situations around the world. The World Health Organization is a
central pillar of the global house security architecture.
If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership in the
efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that promote
transparency, accountability, cost effectiveness,
sustainability, and equity across the agency and its programs.
I am committed to ensuring that the organization can more
effectively and transparently tackle COVID-19 and future
emerging global health threats in collaboration with other U.N.
and international partners.
During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the key role,
the vital role that the United States plays in leading and
supporting humanitarian efforts around the globe. In Geneva,
the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the
International Organization on Migration, the Office of the
Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International
Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in
those efforts. And if confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S.
leadership and oversight at those agencies and look to leverage
U.S. contributions to drive needed reforms and ensure other
countries step up.
At their best, Geneva-based organizations are valuable
partners across an array of U.S. priorities, including global
health security, human rights, humanitarian assistance,
technology, and other standard-setting efforts, climate change,
intellectual property, trade disarmament, and more.
If confirmed, I will aim to reestablish U.S. relationships
and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the unique
multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and
partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S.
goals and push back on PRC and others' efforts to undermine
those organizations.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this
committee today. I look forward to your questions and, if
confirmed, to working with this committee to ensure that USUN
Geneva effectively meets the challenges of today's strategic
landscape.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Crocker follows:]
Prepared Statement of The Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker
Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of this committee.
I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to
be the Representative of the United States of America to the United
Nations and Other International Organizations in Geneva. I am grateful
to President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken for this opportunity
to again serve my country.
I am so grateful for the love and support of my husband, Milan
Vaishnav, and our daughters, Asha and Farrin--and for their sacrifice
should I be confirmed to take on this important role. I am also
thankful for the support of my father, Chester Crocker and my sisters
and their families, and am thinking today of my mom, who would have
been so proud to witness me appearing before this committee again.
My parents instilled in me a deep commitment to public service. I
have had no greater honor than serving my country side-by-side with our
career diplomatic corps, and I am especially proud that my father and I
are the only father-daughter Assistant Secretaries of State in State
Department history.
My previous roles as Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs, at the United Nations, and overseeing CARE USA's
humanitarian work have shown me that the United Nations works most
effectively when the United States leads and leverages all the tools at
our disposal to advance U.S. national security interests across and
through the United Nations system.
My previous experiences position me well to represent the United
States across the different organizations in Geneva and ensure sound
oversight of the U.S. contributions to those organizations. I am
committed to advancing reforms to make those organizations more
efficient and effective and to ensuring the United States is best
positioned to lead, to collaborate, and, where necessary, to out-
compete--so that the United Nations system remains grounded on its
foundational values of advancing human rights, democracy, economic
opportunity, and international peace and security.
China, Russia, Cuba, and others are threatening those values,
seeking to co-opt multilateral institutions, including Geneva-based
organizations, to impose their national agendas and reshape the rules-
based international order.
At the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), the PRC and
Russia aim to undercut U.S. efforts to protect the open internet. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States and our like-minded
partners can drive the discussion and the rules of the road--at the ITU
and other standard-setting bodies--and support strong candidates for
leadership in the Geneva-based organizations.
The Biden-Harris administration decided that the United States
should run for re-election to the U.N. Human Rights Council to ensure
that body focuses on shining a spotlight on the world's worst human
rights violators.
The Geneva-based organizations are critical to U.S. efforts to
address the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthen global health security, and
support effective and efficient provision of humanitarian assistance in
crisis and conflict situations.
The World Health Organization is a central pillar of the global
health security architecture. If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S.
leadership in the efforts to strengthen the WHO through reforms that
promote transparency, accountability, sustainability, cost
effectiveness, and equity across the agency and its programs. I am
committed to ensuring that the organization can more effectively and
transparently tackle COVID-19 and future emerging global health threats
in collaboration with other U.N. and international partners.
During my time at CARE USA, I saw firsthand the critical role the
U.S. plays in leading and supporting humanitarian efforts around the
globe. In Geneva, the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees, the
International Organization on Migration, the Office of the Coordinator
for Humanitarian Affairs, and the International Committee of the Red
Cross and Red Crescent are key partners in those efforts, and, if
confirmed, I will ensure robust U.S. leadership and oversight at those
agencies and look to leverage U.S. contributions to drive needed
reforms and ensure other countries step up.
At their best, the Geneva-based organizations are valuable partners
across an array of U.S. priorities, including global health security,
human rights, humanitarian assistance, technology and other standard
setting efforts, climate change, intellectual property, trade,
disarmament, and more. If confirmed, I will aim to re-establish U.S.
relationships and leadership so that we can effectively leverage the
unique multilateral platform Geneva offers to work with allies and
partners, the private sector, and civil society to advance U.S. goals
and pushback on PRC and others' efforts to undermine those
organizations.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before this committee
today. I look forward to your questions and, if confirmed, to working
with this committee to ensure that USUN Geneva effectively meets the
challenges of today's strategic landscape.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Crocker.
Dr. Carpenter, you are our last of our five nominees today.
We look forward to your opening statement.
STATEMENT OF DR. MICHAEL CARPENTER OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR
SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and members of the committee for this opportunity to
appear before you today as the President's nominee for
Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe.
It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for this position,
and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the confidence they have placed in me.
I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our
two children for their endless love and support.
My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was
born during World War II while my grandparents, both
physicians, were fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine
officers in the underground Home Army. After the war, the
Communist dictatorship rewarded their heroism by confiscating
their property and torturing my grandfather to divulge the
names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost him
his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though,
he lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the
oppressive Communist regime.
My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in
me an appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as
Americans and a conviction that they must never be taken for
granted. I graduated from high school in 1989, the very year
that communism was defeated in Central Europe. After earning a
doctorate studying democratic movements, I joined the Foreign
Service.
I was working on the South Caucasus when Russia invaded
Georgia in 2008, and I was serving as NSC Director for Russia
when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led
efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty and
territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the
countries between NATO and Russia.
Today, the optimism of 1989 seems distant. Democratic
institutions are under assault, and increasingly aggressive
authoritarian regimes seem to weaken and divide democratic
states against one another. A Communist dictatorship in China
is trampling human rights and using economic coercion against
other states.
A revanchist Russia is repressing civil society and using
active measures to disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In
many countries within the OSCE space, anti-Semitism, racism,
and intolerance are gaining ground. Judicial independence is
eroding. Journalists are harassed. And ruling parties with no
interest in fair electoral competition are capturing state
institutions.
Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would
highlight the following three vital areas, where, if confirmed,
I would seek to partner with the members of this committee as
well as with the Helsinki Commission.
First, to promote comprehensive security across all three
OSCE dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental,
and human rights. Participating states must address not just
conventional military threats, but also hybrid threats, such as
election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark
money, cyber operations, and transnational repression. We need
to find ways not only to shine a light on these malign
activities, but also to defend ourselves and our democratic
partners against them.
Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law,
participating states must establish stronger anti-corruption
measures, both east and west of Vienna. Corruption erodes
economic growth, it undermines security, and it enables state
capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight
kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statues against bribery,
Global Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against
offshore secrecy.
Third, our allies and partners must work together to
strength the resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine,
Georgia, Moldova, Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE
institutions offer a range of tools for strengthening
democratic resilience. Supporting religious freedom, media
pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence all fall
into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and
resolve longstanding conflicts.
Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that
Congress plays in achieving these goals. Whenever Members of
this body observe an election, condemn human rights abuses, or
demand push back against foreign coercion, you serve as a force
multiplier. If confirmed, it will be an honor to work the
members of this committee, the Helsinki commissioners, and
other Members of Congress to advance our shared interest in
democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security for the
American people.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Carpenter follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Michael Carpenter
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, and members of the
committee for this opportunity to appear before you as the President's
nominee for Permanent Representative to the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated for
this position and I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me.
I would also like to thank my parents, my spouse, and our two
children for their endless love and support.
My mother immigrated to this country from Poland. She was born
during World War II while my grandparents, both physicians, were
fighting the Nazi occupation as clandestine officers in the underground
Home Army. After the war, the Communist dictatorship rewarded their
heroism by confiscating their property and torturing my grandfather to
divulge the names of his fellow officers. He refused, even when it cost
him his job at the local hospital. Over four decades later, though, he
lived to see the Solidarity movement sweep aside the oppressive
Communist regime.
My family's struggles against totalitarianism instilled in me an
appreciation for the democratic freedoms we enjoy as Americans and a
conviction that they must never be taken for granted. I graduated from
high school in 1989, the very year Communism was defeated in Central
Europe. After earning a doctorate studying democratic movements, I
joined the Foreign Service. I was working on the South Caucasus region
when Russia invaded Georgia in 2008 and was serving as NSC Director for
Russia when it invaded Ukraine in 2014. Later, at the Pentagon, I led
efforts to strengthen and support the sovereignty, territorial
integrity, and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the countries between NATO
and Russia.
Today, the optimism of 1989 admittedly seems distant. Democratic
institutions are under assault and increasingly aggressive
authoritarian regimes seek to weaken and divide democratic states
against one other. A Communist dictatorship in China is trampling human
rights and using economic coercion against other states. A revanchist
Russia is repressing civil society and using ``active measures'' to
disrupt and weaken democratic rivals. In many countries within the OSCE
space, anti-Semitism, racism, and intolerance are gaining ground.
Judicial independence is eroding, journalists are harassed, and ruling
parties with no interest in fair electoral competition are capturing
state institutions.
Fortunately, the OSCE is uniquely suited to addressing these
challenges. The Helsinki Final Act's linkages between security,
economic relations, and human rights and its insistence that the latter
are not an internal matter but a legitimate concern for all members of
the international community have been transformational. Today, all
participating States are held to account for their adherence to OSCE
principles and commitments. If confirmed, I will continue speaking up
for human dignity, freedom, and justice wherever they are challenged in
the OSCE region. There are also bright spots and positive changes
occurring. Though often less visible, OSCE field missions in Central
Asia, the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe do highly impactful work
to promote security, human rights, and rule of law at the local level.
Recognizing the enormous challenges that lie ahead, I would
highlight the following three vital areas where, if confirmed, I would
seek to partner with the members of this committee as well as the
Helsinki Commission:
First, to promote comprehensive security across all three OSCE
dimensions--politico-military, economic and environmental, and human
rights--participating States must address not just conventional
military threats but also ``hybrid'' threats such as election
interference, energy coercion, disinformation, dark money, cyber
operations, and transnational repression. We need to find ways not only
to shine a light on these malign activities but also to defend
ourselves and our democratic partners against them.
Second, to promote prosperity and rule of law, participating States
must establish stronger anti-corruption measures both east and west of
Vienna. Corruption erodes economic growth, undermines security, and
enables state capture. Like-minded states must work together to fight
kleptocracy, using tools like criminal statutes against bribery, Global
Magnitsky-style sanctions, and collective action against offshore
secrecy.
Third, our allies and partners must work together to strengthen the
resilience of frontline democracies. In Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova,
Armenia, and many Balkan countries, OSCE institutions offer a range of
tools for strengthening democratic resilience. Supporting religious
freedom, media pluralism, electoral reform, and judicial independence
all fall into this basket, as do efforts to bridge societal divides and
resolve longstanding conflicts.
Lastly, I want to acknowledge the instrumental role that Congress
plays in achieving these goals. Whenever members of this body observe
an election, condemn human rights abuses, or demand pushback against
foreign coercion, you serve as a force multiplier. If confirmed, it
will be an honor to work with the members of this committee, the
Helsinki Commissioners, and other members of Congress to advance our
shared interest in democracy, transparency, prosperity, and security
for the American people.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
And now I am going to begin an initial round of 5 minutes.
We have a robust participation in this virtual hearing, and I
will ask just a few brief questions. I will try to direct one
to each of the nominees, and then we will proceed to a first
round. And if members are interested in a second round, if you
please convey that to my team while we are doing these
questions, that would be quite helpful.
Dr. Kang, if you would just briefly describe to me what
would the ISN Bureau's highest priorities be under your
leadership?
Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator Coons.
I have--my career has been focused on nuclear matters,
whether it be related to nuclear security, nuclear safeguards,
even nuclear safety. But my biggest fear has always been a
biological weapon that is unleashed on the world. And the
COVID-19 pandemic right now is a wake-up call, and this is an
area I have been very concerned about for many, many years.
Four years ago, when I was Acting Assistant Secretary
during the transition between President Obama and President
Trump, I tried very much to increase our capability in this
area in the Bureau. We have a very small staff even now, less
than a half a dozen. Most of them, fellows, are from elsewhere.
But when I consider that I had led diplomacy and engagement
with our foreign partners and elsewhere to make everyone
cognizant of a danger a radiological device could create, the
mayhem that it could create and wreak on our economy and the
casualties it could cause, just imagine what if COVID-19 was a
purposely designed biological weapon.
Now, state parties would be hesitant to use such a weapon.
But I could clearly see a nihilistic group of terrorists and
the threshold for creating something like this is not as high
as creating a nuclear weapon without apparatus of a state with
its engineering and manufacturing capabilities.
So that is my greatest fear. Yet at the same time, the
international instrument that at least my Bureau is responsible
for, the Biological Weapons Convention, is the least
institutionalized, least developed, and in many ways least
significant of the many nonproliferation regime out there. So,
sir, this is one area where I will be focused like a laser beam
and trying to make some advances.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Dr. Kang. I will ask one more
question, and then I will be asking in a second round.
Mr. Scheinman, if I could? The NPT tries to balance
peaceful use of nuclear energy with the goals of preventing the
proliferation of sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technologies in
enrichment and reprocessing and reducing the risk of the
proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. How should the
United States balance those two goals, and what would you do to
help improve the effectiveness of the NPT?
Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator Coons. It is really a critical issue for the long-term
success of the nonproliferation system because if we do not
adequate controls over peaceful use of nuclear technology, we
are very likely to see additional proliferation down the road.
There are two areas where I think we need to spend a lot of
time and energy. One is ensuring that the IAEA, the
International Atomic Energy Agency's verification system is as
strong and robust as possible, that we have agreements among
states to make it as strong and robust as possible, so that we
have a very clear firebreak between a country's peaceful
nuclear program and any potential that that program might be
put to weapons.
The system has worked pretty well, but it could certainly
be improved. And one area in particular that we hope to see
improvement on is gaining global support for the additional
protocol to the IAEA safeguards agreement, which is essential
if we are going to ferret out undeclared nuclear programs.
Absolutely essential.
The other area is perhaps a bit outside of the NPT, but it
deals with supplier policies. I worry about the spread of the
most sensitive nuclear fuel production technologies, enrichment
and reprocessing, because if that spreads to additional
countries, it would be very, very challenging to prevent
countries from not using that for military purposes down the
road. So we have to work with the export control supply regime,
the nuclear suppliers group to encourage the highest level of
restraint in those transfers.
We need to work with other nuclear suppliers so that we
have understandings that when we sign contracts, it is not
going to include enrichment and reprocessing technology. And we
should acknowledge in the NPT itself that certain technologies
are more dangerous than others, and we ought to erect the
highest possible barriers. So that is some of the ways I think
we can look at that.
Senator Coons. Okay, thank you, Mr. Scheinman. I look
forward to a next round where I will try to question our three
other nominees.
Senator Hagerty? Senator Hagerty, you are muted.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Bernicat, I would like to start with you. I
would like to begin with a quote from Ambassadors Bill Burns
and Linda Thomas-Greenfield, and this is the quote. ``The
personnel evaluation process consumes 3 months of an officer's
time, with no commensurate accountability for, let alone
improvement in, individual or collective performance.''
As U.S. Ambassador to Japan, I worked with some very
talented colleagues in the State Department, but I can
certainly sympathize with that statement, given the amount of
time that people spent on performance evaluations. And I recall
a saying that if one wants to offer criticism at the Department
of State that one does it by damning someone by faint praise,
as they say. I cannot tell you how many 5s I saw on personnel
evaluation forms. And I strongly advocate for having a more
rigorous evaluation process to ensure that accountability is at
the center of the State Department's personnel process.
So my first question is do you agree with the
characterization of the State Department's personnel evaluation
process as described by Ambassadors Burns and Thomas-
Greenfield?
Ambassador Bernicat. Senator, thank you very much for that
question, and you know from your own experience how time-
consuming our performance evaluation process is.
I have to say, having served with Linda Thomas-Greenfield
when she was Director General and being a colleague of Bill
Burns over the years, I know that Linda in particular worked
very hard to reform the EER process, which we did. I can tell
you, if confirmed, I will rededicate my efforts to further
reforms, which I understand are already being considered.
The evaluation process is the sole means by which we
promote people, but it is really the penultimate activity in
what should be a year's worth of performance evaluation. And as
a supervisor, I have always--and a leader, I have always
encouraged my team, if you are a supervisor, to provide honesty
feedback throughout the year and with the notion of improving
performance because no one is perfect. And then as to my
employees to seek that kind of critical feedback because it is
very hard to see our blind spots, and our performance in those
blind spots change from time to time. So I assure you that we
have improvements we can make, and we should make them.
Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear it and look forward to
working with you to talk through metrics. And again, I do not
mean critical in a bad sense, but as I said, the performance
evaluations seem so inflated to me as a business person that it
is hard, it is hard for a person to see how they might improve
when anyone--when everybody gets such high scores in the
system.
One more place I want to turn is the issue of promotion in
the State Department, Ambassador. Again, I am going to come
back to Bill Burns and Linda Thomas-Greenfield. They also said
this, that opportunities for mid-career graduate or
professional education are scarce--and here is what gets me--
and they carry little weight with promotion panels.
The effect is often to penalize employees who receive extra
training or undertake assignments to other agencies, or they
work in Congress because they have gone outside of the State
Department system and spent time there. And if what they say is
true, it really seems counterproductive to me to building a
diplomatic corps, that we want to have the type of breadth of
experience and preparation for the 21st century. And if
confirmed, I would love to hear how you would ensure that
professional education, experiences like working on the Hill,
are something that actually inures to the credit of our State
Department employees.
Ambassador Bernicat. Yes, well, thank you. I would say
three things on this issue.
One is that expanding your skill set as a Foreign Service
officer at whatever point in your career is considered a
valuable and credible reason to promote someone. In and of
itself, the training is not a promotable function, if you will,
but have you applied the skills that you learned in that
additional training or time off?
Secondly, the promotion boards. Again, my experience as an
employee and as a supervisor, promotion boards have been
instructed to in recent years to give added weight to those
experiences.
And thirdly, and this is a real key, Senator, we have had a
roller-coaster experience with hiring, both in terms of budget
and in terms of hiring freezes over the course of my career. It
is really difficult to allow people the time that they need to
take to get training when we are short on personnel. And so, I
know that our budget requests are looking to once again build
in the kind of cushion where we can let people take time off
without harming the core mission.
And Senator, if I can just add parenthetically, I had a
year of university training at Berkeley before going to India,
and I believe it directly helped lead to my promotion after
that. So I would say when we use those training opportunities,
build in those exchange opportunities, then they strengthen a
person's promotability.
Senator Hagerty. I am glad to hear you say that, and that
is your perspective. I know talking with my employees at the
Embassy in Japan, there was a perception that it may--you know,
it may actually be a disadvantage to take that time off, and I
understand the resource constraints that make it difficult and
challenging. But I look forward to working with you because I
do think those sort of broadening experiences make a real
difference.
Mr. Chairman, I will yield my time back. Look forward to a
second round.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
And first, let me thank all of our nominees for their
willingness to continue to serve our country. We thank you. We
thank your families.
Dr. Carpenter, I first want to appreciate the meeting that
we had and your statements today about working with the members
of the Senate and the Helsinki Commission members and the
Helsinki Commission itself. I think we share the same
objectives. I was very pleased to hear your three priorities.
In regards to the hybrid threat, you are exactly right. I
call your attention to a report I authored when I was ranking
on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about Mr. Putin's use
of an asymmetric arsenal to bring down democratic states. I
think you will find a lot of the issues you talk about. We
document Russia's specific use of these tools to compromise
democracies.
And that is why resiliency of frontline democracies so much
needs to be a priority. We have seen a decline of democracies
globally, and certainly within the OSCE region, there has been
a significant decline of democratic states.
And then, lastly, the corruption issue. You and I have
talked about this. The corruption is the fuel that allows the
autocratic regimes to stay in power. So I am going to ask your
help in three bills that are moving through the Congress
because sometimes we do not get the full cooperation of the
executive branch and the missions within the State Department.
One would set up a tier rating system for how well every
state in country--every country in the world is dealing with
corruption. The other makes the Global Magnitsky statute
permanent and strengthens some of the provisions within it. And
the third establishes a fund that we can use when an
opportunity presents itself to deal with--dealing with
corruption in countries.
All three are bipartisan, and all three are very strongly
supported. There has been positive action in our committee. But
I would ask your support for these initiatives because I think
it very much will help you in regards to your mission.
So I look forward to working with you, and I will be glad
to hear a response.
Dr. Carpenter. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for your
incredible leadership on these issues. And it has been so
heartening to see the Helsinki Commission, and you in
particular, leading the effort on anti-kleptocracy. And I would
note that the anti-kleptocracy act now has, I believe, seven
different bills attached to it, all of which strike at key
elements of global corruption.
This is a problem, as you just noted, Senator, that is
inextricably linked to the growth of authoritarianism around
the world. Often we see regimes that consolidate political
power that start out by using corrupt means, whether it is
doling out procurement contracts or using other forms of graft
and bribery, to be able to accumulate economic power.
So those two things, sort of the oligarchization of
politics around the world and the growing authoritarianism of
politics around the world, go together. And of course, some of
our biggest competitors, both Russian and China, are experts at
weaponizing corruption against democratic states.
So I value these efforts, the incredible number of ideas
and bills that have come out of the Helsinki Commission, many
of which you have cosponsored, and look forward to advancing
this agenda, if confirmed.
Senator Cardin. I look forward to working with you.
Dr. Kang and Ambassador Scheinman, I would like to ask you
about probably the greatest the threat we have on nuclear
proliferation, and that is Iran. We are in a somewhat difficult
decision right now not to be part of the JCPOA. Which we have
seen Iran violate the JCPOA, and yet we are, it looks like,
supporting a path that will not allow for international
sanctions. I want to know your strategies for how you will
advise President Biden and the administration on what can work
in making sure Iran does not have nuclear weapons.
Dr. Kang. Perhaps I should start, sir? Absolutely Iran
should never obtain a nuclear weapon. The President is
absolutely committed to that, and that is consistent passed
over a number of administrations. But return to the JCPOA
advances our national security interest. And it is the
intention of the President to build a longer and stronger deal,
which encompasses regional destabilization that Iran is
responsible for, but also the ballistic missile development
they have, which could threaten certainly the regional
neighbors but perhaps, over time, ultimately the United States.
So, yes, there has been a break in conversations and
negotiations between our lead negotiator, Rob Malley, who is
charge of this, since June, but there also has been an election
in Tehran. Now the Supreme Leader makes the ultimate call, but
nonetheless, it is left to the presidential administration to
implement and negotiate their position with us. So we are still
waiting for a positive response from Iran, but nonetheless as,
Senator Cardin, you point out, the Iranians are creating plants
underground, which has nothing to do with peaceful uses of
nuclear energy.
Enrichment up to 60 percent for uranium, also producing
uranium metal of 20 percent, these are dangerous moves. So
while we have not imposed a deadline for these negotiations, I
think Secretary Blinken made it clear and stated that we are
very conscious that as time proceeds, Iran's nuclear advances
will have a bearing in its view, our view of returning to the
JCPOA. And President also said the process will not be open
indefinitely.
And sir, as someone who had pioneered in many ways and also
been at the front edge of many nonproliferation and
counterproliferation sanctions targeting, whether it be DPRK,
Syria, or Iran, all those machineries and authorities--and
thanks for tools that Congress has armed us with--we are ready
to make sure that Iran makes the right decision not just for,
well, for itself, for the sake for the Iranian people.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. We are next going to hear from Senator
Young.
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. I will stick with the
topic of Iran for starters here. Since both Dr. Kang and Mr.
Scheinman are up for related and somewhat overlapping
positions, I would like you each to speak to your views on the
following questions.
Just to lay the foundation here, at the last moment, the
IAEA struck a deal with Iranian officials on September 12th to
continue nuclear monitoring. However, in that deal, the storage
cards for the monitoring cameras are sealed and cannot be
viewed until the United States and Iran resume JCPOA talks. But
this, of course, is a critical time when Iran is actively
moving towards having enough material for a bomb.
I would like to know what each of you believes is a
realistic timeframe before Iran has enough fissile material for
a nuclear weapon. How much time are we dealing with here?
Dr. Kang. Ambassador Scheinman, are you comfortable dealing
with it? Perhaps as a sitting official----
Senator Young. Dr. Kang, go ahead, please.
Dr. Kang. Yes, perhaps I am in a better position because I
do not believe Mr. Scheinman is privy to some of the latest
information and assessment.
Senator Young. Yes, go ahead, sir.
Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So the platform, of course, this
particular platform is not ideal for transmitting the most
accurate and precise information to you, sir. So, if confirmed,
I certainly will be happy to brief you on this matter.
Senator Young. Okay, okay.
Dr. Kang. But it is true, I mean, they have, as when they
were complying with JCPOA, they were about a year away from
producing enough fissile material for a viable weapon.
Senator Young. Sure. Well, there has been----
Dr. Kang. Now they are months away. Yes?
Senator Young. I understand, if you are read into this,
you, of course, would not want to provide any classified
estimates, which is good. You passed that test. But open
source, you know, materials indicate that a couple of months is
some of the latest estimates that may or may not be accurate.
I will ask each of you to answer the following. What
alternatives is the Biden administration considering if the
resumption of talks fails? Dr. Kang?
Dr. Kang. Yes, sir. So, ultimately, that would be up to the
President and the Secretary and others at a much higher pay
scale than myself. But it is clear that what my mission would
be, and our Bureau is very well equipped to apply those
necessary sanctions, interdiction, and other measures to make
sure that there is sufficient incentive for Iran to reconsider
its position.
Senator Young. Okay, so your job would not be to offer
counsel on such matters?
Dr. Kang. Well, I would definitely voice my opinion, sir,
and I will be part of the interagency process. But I have been
dealing with proliferators all my career here at State
Department.
Senator Young. Yeah.
Dr. Kang. DPRK, Syria.
Senator Young. You mention sanctions, Dr. Kang. We had
sanctions before this administration came in. So what other
options might you recommend?
Dr. Kang. Well, certainly there are other things that once
again I cannot fully discuss with you in this platform. But as
a general matter, interdiction is something we are very good
at. There are varied export control measures that we lead, and
we will turn those on, right back on.
Senator Young. Yes, sir.
Mr. Scheinman, will you be involved consultatively with the
administration in your role on such matters?
Ambassador Scheinman. Yes.
Senator Young. And if so, if you would kindly indicate what
alternatives the administration should consider if these talks
fail.
Ambassador Scheinman. Thank you, Senator. I would note that
my responsibilities will not include our direct negotiations
with Iran. That is handled by others in the administration. I
will probably look at the issue through the lens of the
Nonproliferation Treaty and what do we do if Iran were to break
out of the Nonproliferation Treaty.
Senator Young. Okay. Well, my time is winding down. I would
just note I also had question for Ms. Crocker pertaining to an
unrelated matter. It relates to the Human Rights Council and--
--
Senator Coons. Just be briefly, if you might, Senator
Young.
Senator Young. Yes, I will, indeed. The step they took of
establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate
Israel, the only such permanent agenda item on the council. We
will ask you about that in writing. Perhaps you could offer
your views on the propriety of that matter.
Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Young.
Senator Schatz?
Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Bernicat, to all of you, thank you for your
willingness to serve. I understand that Special Envoy Kerry and
his team are doing a lot of work in terms of how to make sure
taking action on climate is a routine part of how our Foreign
Service thinks about their mission on a day-to-day basis. Can
you talk a little bit about where you see the opportunities to
make climate action part of recruitment, training, and
promoting Foreign Service officers so that it becomes a
permanent part of the Foreign Service and the State Department
and does not swing wildly depending on who the Secretary is and
who the President is?
Ambassador Bernicat. Thank you so much, Senator Schatz, for
that question that has been teasing all of us and especially in
my current role as Acting Assistant Secretary for Oceans,
Environment, and Scientific Affairs. Our goal is to increase
the literacy Department wide on [inaudible] environment----
Senator Coons. Ms. Ambassador Bernicat, in a demonstration
of the need for greater investment in State Department IT, your
signal is cutting out very, very badly.
[Crosstalk.]
Ambassador Bernicat:--and health issues, it begins with
recruiting. But of course, the bulk of our corps is generalist,
and so--I did improve the audio. Is that working?
Senator Coons. Sure. Why do we not try and continue now?
Ambassador Bernicat. Can you hear me?
Senator Schatz. The audio seems to be working. Go ahead.
Ambassador Bernicat. Okay. I have also changed location. So
tell me if that helps.
[Inaudible.] Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
Recruiting more people with the STH skills as well as
promoting stem education are part of the plan, but I can assure
you, sir, if confirmed, that we will also look for ways to
improve training for all officers and staff as well as to bring
more people into the various bureaus who have specific
responsibility for these issues. In no small part because they
are tied not just to environment, but to energy, to increasing
jobs, and to everything related to the environment, including
health.
Senator Schatz. You know, I think that is a good start, but
I want to be really crisp with what I am asking. I am looking
for the kinds of changes that are institutionally difficult to
reverse and do not depend on who the President is. And just an
emphasis on who you hire is not an unreasonable start, but I am
looking for processes, training manuals, curricula, and all of
that to change because climate is not going to go away as a
threat multiplier and as a diplomatic challenge. So I look
forward to working with you on that.
Ambassador, as you know, we pass a defense authorization
every year, and we sometimes pass a Coast Guard authorization
every year, and I am wondering if you can talk about in your
mind's eye what it would be like if the Congress passed an
annual State Department reauthorization, as we do for the
Department of Defense, and how that might help to address the
challenges that you see with the Foreign Service.
Ambassador Bernicat. Well, sir, thank you for that
question, and let me just say, thank you, I look forward to
working with this committee and with Congress on a whole host
of issues related to the health and function of our staffs and
the State Department in general.
I would say that, you know, in general, our greatest
resource is our people. And so, the ability--as you say,
recruiting is a good start, but we also need to make sure that
we are retaining and developing that talent pool all along the
way in their career, and to be able to do that in a steady
funding, to be able to plan workforces out over a period of
time is really important.
We are, parenthetically, right now the youngest Foreign--
excuse me, State Department in terms of seniority that we have
been years, and that has a lot to do with the hiring surges
that took place under Secretary Powell and Secretary Clinton,
as well as a good number of retirements, especially in our
civil service corps.
In terms of processes related to the environment, there are
a whole host of things from legislation that requires specific
actions. We are--we are leading again from the front on
environmental issues, and we are committing ourselves to a
number of actions that have multiple-year execution in order to
make them happen. And so we are looking to build in ways to
make sure that we are supporting not only our commitments, but
the countries that we are asking to make those commitments.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, can I have another minute?
Senator Coons. One question, if you would, Senator Schatz.
Senator Schatz. Thank you.
Just, Dr. Kang, the Biden administration is continuing the
previous administration's proposals to expand U.S. nuclear
capabilities, including a new low-yield nuclear sea-launched
cruise missile that many of us believe is dangerous and
unnecessary. I understand that some of the true bad actors are
not persuaded by anything or by much, and that sort of calls of
hypocrisy are not particularly compelling. But I am also
wondering about the rational countries that we are trying to
persuade not to pursue their own nuclear ambitions and how we
square our pursuing of these low-yield nuclear sea-launched
cruise missiles with our desire to stop proliferation among
some of our allies and adversaries who are considering whether
they want to go down the wrong path.
Dr. Kang. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I will try my best to answer that question because that
would not be in the area of responsibility for the Bureau of
ISN. It will be for the companion bureau, AVC, Arms Control and
Verification and, of course, Under Secretary Bonnie Jenkins,
who has the Department lead on this. But having said that----
Senator Schatz. In the interest of time, in the interest of
time and clarity, do you see that as a challenge for the United
States?
Dr. Kang. Oh, yes, sir. I mean, there is intimate link
between arms control and nonproliferation. Those who have--
possess nuclear weapons in the context of the NPT, a nuclear
weapons state, they have an obligation to reduce and ultimately
seek disarmament. So it would set a bad example. For example,
China massively expanding its nuclear strategic capability is
counterproductive, and it runs counter to nonproliferation.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
Senator Coons. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking
Member Hagerty, and congratulations to all of you on your
nominations. It is great to see a panel of such experience.
And Ambassador Bernicat, congratulations on the nomination
to be the Director General of the Foreign Service. I am
thrilled with the appointment. As you may know, I come from a
Foreign Service family and very interested and focused on
ensuring the strong morale and support for the Foreign Service.
And Senator Dan Sullivan, Republican from Alaska, and
myself formed the Foreign Service Caucus a number of years ago,
when we introduced legislation called the Foreign Service
Families Act. And that act would extend different benefits to
Foreign Service families to try to bring them up on a par with
the benefits that are extended to military families serving
oversees. And I know that the most recent Quadrennial Diplomacy
and Development Review found, and I am quoting, ``Ensuring
opportunities for spousal employment should be an integral part
of plans to retain and motivate staff.''
Do you agree with that?
Ambassador Bernicat. Oh, my goodness, Senator Van Hollen, I
have to just express enormous gratitude for the work that you,
Senator Sullivan, and others have done particularly on behalf
of our families. We have almost 2,000 family members now
working oversees. They bring--and back here in Washington. They
bring amazing talents to augment our often barebones
operations. And so, looking for ways to ensure that we can take
advantage, but also that makes it easier to serve as families.
You know, Senator, I cannot help but--I cannot resist when
you mention Foreign Service families, I do not think Bathsheba
knows this, but I studied under her father at Georgetown
University. And so in the spirit of being mentored, I do not
think I would be here today if it were not in part for Chet
Crocker. So, Bathsheba, I am also part of the family.
Senator Van Hollen: Well, thank you, Madam Ambassador, for
mentioning that as well about Chet Crocker, and it is great to
see Bathsheba here and others. Let me--and just on the Foreign
Service Families Act, we have asked the chairman of the full
committee to put it on the next markup calendar, and we are
waiting for a green light from the ranking member of the full
committee, and I see no reason for opposition, but we are
continuing to push.
So, Dr. Kang, thank you for your current service in the
acting position, and I look forward to supporting you in this
confirmation process.
On the issue of nuclear nonproliferation, Saudi Arabia, as
you know, has been engaged with successive administrations with
nuclear cooperation talks but continues to have in place--Saudi
Arabia, that is--the lowest standard of safeguards with the
IAEA. And again, they say they want at least two nuclear power
plants as part of a program going forward, and they seem intent
on mastering the front end of a nuclear fuel cycle and
developing enrichment capabilities.
So my question to you is, has the administration, has the
Biden administration made any attempt in either bilateral or
multilateral settings to push Saudi Arabia to sign and
implement the additional protocol with the IAEA?
Dr. Kang. Senator, thank you for that question.
We have been in negotiation with Saudi Arabia since 2012. I
think that says something. And of course, President Biden has
made it clear that he will recalibrate our relationship with
Saudi Arabia in human rights and other matters that complicate
the relationship.
Now in terms of having the lowest standard, well, Saudi
Arabia is party to the NPT, and it has in force a comprehensive
safeguard agreement. And that in terms of their ambitions are
very high, and certainly, they have the financial resources to
make it happen, just as we have seen what UAE has done. But
having said that, they have not made significant moves in
actually gaining capability.
The United States has supported the universalization of
additional protocol, and that is policy. And also we discourage
enrichment and reprocessing where these capabilities do not
already exist.
And so, we are pursuing a 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia
because precisely because 123 agreement is a nonproliferation
tool. So we are, of course, briefing members, as well as staff,
as if there are any movement on this, and of course, it will
always be a pleasure to brief you on this matter.
Senator Van Hollen: Well, I appreciate that. I see the time
is expired, but we will follow up with you on that, and I will
be submitting a question for the record on the administration's
full compliance with the BRINK Act, which was to ensure we plug
a lot of the loopholes in the sanction regime against North
Korea. We saw the recent reports about their firing missiles,
and so I will put that in the record. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
And I do not believe Senator Kaine is still with us. Is
that correct? So I believe every member who is participating
has had a chance at a first round. Senator Hagerty, I know you
have got additional questions you would like to ask, and I have
a few more I will ask, but let me defer to you to begin the
second round, Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. That is very kind of you, Chairman Coons.
I appreciate it.
I would first like to turn to Dr. Carpenter, talk about
Nord Stream 2.
Dr. Carpenter, you previously said, and I want to quote
this, ``To make sanctions against Russia work, the United
States and its allies need to dispense with symbolic gestures
and impose stronger sanctions that will have an immediate
economic impact.'' Dr. Carpenter, I just want to say that I
wholeheartedly agree with that statement.
And in 2019, you stated the following. ``The European Union
has, unfortunately, lacked the political will to implement its
own anti-monopoly rules and stop Nord Stream 2 from coming to
fruition, which means the U.S. Congress is now the only body
that can prevent the pipeline from being built.''
Dr. Carpenter, I wholeheartedly agree with that statement,
too. Yet, in May, the Biden administration waived U.S.
sanctions against Nord Stream 2 AG and sanctions against its
chief executive. And last week, Gazprom announced that it has
now completed the pipeline.
So, Dr. Carpenter, my question is this. With the pipeline
now complete, what do you feel will be the impact on energy
security in Europe?
Dr. Carpenter. Well, thank you for the question, Senator. I
am very concerned by the geopolitical consequences of the Nord
Stream 2 pipeline. This is a project by the Kremlin that brings
no new gas molecules from Russia to Europe but merely bypasses
Ukraine and the Central European countries and delivers that
very same gas directly to Germany, thereby giving the Kremlin
enormous leverage over Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, and other
countries in Central Europe.
Going forward, if I am confirmed, I will work to
reinvigorate the second dimension of the OSCE, the economic and
environmental dimension that deals with energy security, and I
will seek to work very closely with my friend Amos Hochstein,
who is the senior adviser to the Secretary on Energy Security,
to build resilience for our partners, and particularly Ukraine,
in terms of energy supply, so that Russia cannot continue to
use energy supplies as a form of political weaponization of
energy and energy coercion.
And last thing I will say on this, Senator, I think it is
very important that the United States continue to have a--
continue to be ready to use all of the authorities contained
within PEESA and CAATSA, which are the laws of the land when it
comes to this.
Senator Hagerty. Well, I know the OSCE will have many
divergent opinion in terms of Nord Stream 2, and I wish you the
best with that, Dr. Carpenter.
Dr. Kang, can I turn with you now to focus on North Korea.
You know, we worked enormously hard with Japan, with the U.N.
Security Council, to impose three different, three successively
more abiding sets of economic sanctions on North Korea. They
had an immediate and very, very important effect on North
Korea's economy. Yet China has continued to undercut our
position there.
And at the same time, North Korea has persisted in working
in secret on their nuclear program, and there is an example I
would like to highlight. And that is according to
nongovernmental experts, North Korea is producing uranium at a
covert facility, covert uranium enrichment facility, known by
the U.S. intelligence community as the Kangson enrichment site.
It is not surprising that North Korea would build secret
facilities to produce fissile material, but it poses
significant proliferation challenges, especially considering
Pyongyang's previous efforts to provide Syria with a nuclear
reactor. If confirmed, you are going to be responsible for
spearheading the State Department's efforts to reduce WMD-
related threats by promoting bilateral and multilateral
initiatives to prevent proliferation.
So, my question is, Dr. Kang, if confirmed, will you commit
to providing regular updates to the committee about the
administration's efforts to address North Korea's declared and
undeclared nuclear and missile facilities and programs?
Dr. Kang. Absolutely, Senator. I have a long relationship
with our lead on re-engagement with North Korea, Ambassador
Sung Kim. I have extensive relationship in the Government
talking with Korea, as well as Japan. This will be a top
priority.
As you know, North Korea is an awfully hardened state, and
as you rightly point out, there is always this escape valve of
China. China made a decision some time ago that it is tolerable
for North Korea to have nuclear weapons as long as it is a
buffer state. So it is difficult proposition, but I believe the
President is on a right path. We have got to calibrate a
practical approach, and this is something Ambassador Sung Kim
and myself during the Bush administration have some practical
experience in.
Senator Hagerty. I have had the privilege of working with
Ambassador Sung Kim as well, and I look forward to continue to
working with both of you as we address this challenge.
Mr. Chairman, if you would permit me, I have just a follow-
on question, if I might, for Assistant Secretary Crocker?
Senator Coons. Of course. Please.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you so much.
Assistant Secretary Crocker, I want to focus on China's
growing influence among international organizations. You
mentioned this in your opening remarks. And while you served as
the Assistant Secretary for International Organizations during
the Obama administration, China took over leadership of
multiple international organizations and staffed them with
Chinese nationals.
But in 2017, our posture towards China's malign behavior
changed. And if confirmed, I hope that you will continue that
posture developed during the previous administration to
continue to counter China's influence in global institutions.
And further, I fully expect you to fight for American influence
by supporting qualified candidates in leadership positions and
look to increase positions for Americans, such as greater
positions in the Junior Professional Officers Program at the
U.N. and, as you mentioned, representation like at the ITU. But
I hope to see much more participation there.
And so, my question is, if confirmed, what actions will you
take to make certain that qualified United States candidates
are in leadership positions at U.N. bodies in Geneva?
Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Senator, and I
think, as you noted, this is a strategic priority for China,
and it needs to be a strategic priority for the United States.
And indeed, the State Department and the administration are
making a concerted effort working with like-minded partners and
allies to ensure that we are able to both identify and then
robustly support qualified, viable, independent candidates for
leadership positions in international organizations, be they
American candidates or other like-minded candidates.
And if confirmed, this will be a top priority for me. It is
an effort that I fully support, and I would look to use my role
and the role and the resources of the U.S. mission in Geneva,
working closely with the State Department and across the
interagency, to ensure that we are best positioned
diplomatically and--and in terms of resources to support the
candidacies.
You mentioned the ITU, where, of course, there is an
American candidate up for Secretary General, for an election
that will take place in September of 2022. And if confirmed, I
would consider this to be one of my highest priorities on
getting out to Geneva to support that candidacy and ensure that
the mission is doing everything it can to support the
candidacy.
And I think, again, looking at both election for leadership
positions but also, as you mentioned, making sure that we are
strategically focused on ensuring that we are looking also at
staffing up and down the system. The Chinese are doing that, as
you note, from the junior political officer level all the way
up, and we need to do that. And if confirmed, I would look
forward to working with Congress to make sure--and this
committee to make sure--that we have appropriate resources to
do that.
Senator Hagerty. Well, I am very pleased to hear that,
Assistant Secretary Crocker. Thank you.
And I will be submitting a question for the record for Mr.
Scheinman about China and the NPT. I am very concerned their
obligations as signatory to that treaty and the fact that they
are not living up to those obligations. That will be in the
QFRs coming forward, Mr. Scheinman.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman, for indulging me with some
extra time.
Senator Coons. Of course. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and
thank you for a series of, I think, reasonable and balanced
questions. Ironically, the last question you asked of Assistant
Secretary Crocker was the question I was going to ask.
Senator Hagerty. I am sorry.
Senator Coons. And I will add--no, no, I think it is well
worth focusing on for a moment. One of the things that I was
most enthusiastic about in terms of actions of a member of the
previous administration, there was a heated contest for
leadership of the World Intellectual Property Organization. And
Andrei Iancu, the former PTO Director, successfully mobilized
an effort amongst all of our allies to ensure that the
successful nominee was from a country and a person with
experience that would suggest a commitment to protecting IP
rather than someone who might be more questionable in terms of
their commitment to IP.
There are so many organizations that you will have some
role in that I just want to emphasize, and I agree with Senator
Hagerty that it is important that we, the United States and our
partners, pay attention to the ways in which China is expanding
its influence throughout the U.N. system.
Let me ask one last question then, if I might, Ms. Crocker.
There is a number of entities of the United Nations, the Human
Rights Council, for example--UNESCO is another--where we have
withdrawn, either because of previous conduct, I think it was
Senator Van Hollen who referenced the sort of permanent agenda
item on the Human Rights Council questioning Israel that we had
found objectionable, or whether it is some of the ways in which
UNESCO, by admitting Palestine, has run afoul of our priorities
and views. We are now in significant arrearages both with the
U.N. as a whole and with some of the specialized agencies or
entities.
In your view, just speaking broadly, are we better off
being at the table and current in our payments and pushing back
on adversaries who have competing perspectives on entities,
whether it is the WHO or the ITU or otherwise, or are there
certain circumstances where we need to withdraw from U.N.
entities because of the ways in which they have conducted
themselves?
Ms. Crocker. Thank you for that question, Chairman Coons.
It is my view, and agree very much with the position and
approach of the Biden-Harris administration on this, that we
are far better served to be at the table and in good standing
in terms of our financial payments to the organization in order
to be able to effectively drive the kinds of reforms that we
want to see across the system around accountability,
efficiency, effectiveness. And also dealing with some of the
credibility issues that, frankly, exist in different parts of
the system, whether that is the anti-Israel bias at the Human
Rights Council that you and Senator Young also raised earlier
or some of the issues--or some of the issues at UNESCO.
So I think for sure it is better for us to be in good
standing from a financial perspective. But also I think it is
just important to recognize, and this gets also to Senator
Hagerty's questions earlier, that it is important for us to be
able to be at the table with the full weight of United States
from a diplomatic perspective backing us.
And I certainly saw firsthand when I was Assistant
Secretary for International Organization Affairs, the important
role that our bilateral and multilateral missions faced--they
play and the importance of making sure that they are well
resourced. And that we have strong people across the board able
to raise these issues and raise them at the right levels in
countries around the world because when we are operating at
full strength diplomatically as the United States, there is no
one that can really go to bat with us.
So if we want to go whether it is toe to toe with the
Chinese or with the full strength that we need to be at to push
the reforms we want to see across the system, I fully agree
that we need to both be in good financial standing and also in
our strongest position possible from a diplomatic perspective.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you. Thank you both for that
answer and to all five of our nominees today for your
willingness to continue your service to the United States and
for your dedication to taking on these important posts and
positions.
As I referenced at the beginning of this hearing, questions
for the record are due by the close of business this Thursday
the 16th. A number of members who have participated today have
indicated they intend to submit QFRs. So please do so respond
promptly so that we can conclude the hearing process and
hopefully move forward with your confirmation votes.
Thank you, Senator Hagerty, for serving as the ranking
member of this confirmation hearing.
And to the five of you, congratulations, good luck. I
personally look forward to supporting your nominations and hope
to stay in regular touch with you as we go forth to serve the
people of the United States, depending on the action of the
Senate in the coming weeks and months.
So, with that, this hearing is concluded. Thank you all
very much.
[Whereupon, at 3:57 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator James E. Risch
Question. As you noted during your hearing and in your meeting with
SFRC minority staff, the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) is the
least developed of the nonproliferation regimes. What practical steps
must we take to strengthen the BWC?
Answer. There are a range of practical steps that can be taken to
strengthen implementation, increase transparency, and promote the safe
and secure use of the life sciences for peaceful purposes - but only if
its members can find the political will. If confirmed, I will work to
break the longstanding political deadlock in the BWC and advance such
practical steps.
Question. Given the limitations of the BWC, what new actions must
the U.S. take outside the convention to address biological threats?
Answer. The BWC reflects the global norm against biological weapons
and provides international legal underpinning for measures taken by
responsible countries to prohibit and prevent BW, but complementary
U.S. efforts are essential. New efforts to raise the bar for
international biosafety and biosecurity are needed. International
capabilities to detect, respond to, and attribute BW use need to be
strengthened as well - and because such use could mimic a natural
outbreak, this means that the links between international public health
and international security institutions must be reinforced.
Question. According to 1 FAM 457.3, the Biological Policy Staff is
charged with ``developing and promoting measures to prevent misuse of
advances in the life sciences, to include participation in U.S.
Government and international groups on health security issues; outreach
to the scientific community and private industry; and promoting
international standards and norms.'' During your tenures in ISN, what
specific initiatives or steps have you spearheaded or participated in
to fulfill that mandate? Please provide examples. What would you like
to do more of to meet this challenge?
Answer. Although the Biological Policy Staff is constrained by its
small size, it has taken a number of steps in this area, including
briefing on U.S. experiences and advocating that other countries
develop oversight mechanisms for potentially high-risk research;
organizing and participating in workshops to assess, test, and refine
qualitative frameworks for assessing risks and benefits; establishing
ties between the U.S. National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity
and its French equivalent; and a G7 Experts' Meeting on Strengthening
Laboratory Biorisk Management last year. More work in all these areas
is needed.
Question. According to the Department of State website, the
Biological Policy Staff works with foreign partners on the oversight of
emerging technologies such as synthetic biology. What specific
initiatives and steps have you spearheaded or participated in to
address the challenges posed by synthetic biology?
Answer. A number of offices in ISN work to address issues posed by
synthetic biology and other emerging technologies. This has included
promotion of voluntary screening guidelines for providers of synthetic
DNA; collaboration with iGEM international on outreach regarding dual-
use awareness and risk assessment; work in the BWC and elsewhere to
evaluate and promote risk assessment frameworks, including the approach
set out by the National Academies recently in Biodefense in the Age of
Synthetic Biology; and promoting new export controls on desktop DNA
synthesizers and related technology.
Question. Does ISN have the authorities, personnel, and resources
it needs to address the proliferation of biological weapons?
Answer. ISN has significant authorities to address BW
proliferation, highly qualified and motivated personnel, and an
important suite of threat reduction programs. However, biological
weapons proliferation is an enormous challenge both politically and
technically. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
identify and address specific needs and opportunities to ensure our
effectiveness in this important mission.
Question. Does ISN play any role in approving or disapproving life
sciences or biological research collaboration with other countries that
could pose dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses,
and toxins, even if such collaboration is funded by another federal
agency? If so, please describe ISN's involvement.
Answer. ISN does not fund nor directly approve any life sciences
research. The United States has policies pertaining to Federally funded
research on high consequence pathogens and dual-use research of
concern, which are applicable regardless of where the research is
conducted. These policies establish a high bar for funding based on a
careful assessment of risks and benefits and require steps to mitigate
any risks. ISN ensures that Federal policy development takes into
account our international obligations and urges other countries to
adopt similar policies that minimize the potential misuse of life
sciences research.
Question. Do you agree that ISN must have a stronger role in
decisions to share weaponizable biotechnology with China and other
countries that may not be in compliance with BWC obligations?
Answer. ISN is the focal point within the State Department for
policies to prevent the misuse of life sciences, and we participate in
the interagency processes that establish the oversight policies for
sharing research [and technology] that might pose concern. Our role
ensures that the policy development considers both our international
obligations from the BWC and the international implications of our
policies. We believe this requires careful consideration of risks and
benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate the risks,
including for sharing technology with those we have concerns regarding
their compliance with the BWC.
Question. What is the U.S. doing to address Russia's offensive
biological weapons program?
Answer. As the lead bureau on the BWC, ISN works closely with the
Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance, as well as others
within the Department and the interagency to address this and other
threats. To counter Russia's offensive biological weapons program, the
United States has engaged with allies and partners and imposed export
restrictions on certain Russian organizations associated with Russia's
BW program. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts through direct
bilateral information exchanges with key allies and partners and
consider a variety of export-control and sanctions related actions
against Russia.
Question. Does the loss of Afghanistan to the Taliban increase the
likelihood of terrorist bioweapons labs on Afghan territory? What must
the U.S. do to address any such threats, or other terrorist BW
capabilities?
Answer. The accessibility of weaponizable biological materials is
of great concern to me. If confirmed, I will increase assistance to
countries in South and Central Asia to reduce threats emanating both
out of and into Afghanistan.
Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate.
What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it,
in the context of the NPT?
Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear
weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in
bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the
NPT Review Conference.
Question. Should the IAEA be subject to political considerations of
any particular government and its negotiations on other matters, or
should the IAEA only consider strict compliance issues?
Answer. The United States strongly supports the professional,
technical, and independent work of the IAEA to verify States'
compliance with their NPT-required safeguards agreements and to
undertake additional monitoring and verification activities as
requested by the IAEA Board of Governors. A strong, credible
international safeguards regime is a core United States national
security interest.
Question. At what point do the advances of the Iranian nuclear
program make any return to the nuclear deal irrelevant?
Answer. I am carefully evaluating Iran's expansion of nuclear
activities, as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency. As
Secretary Blinken has made clear, continued Iranian nuclear advances
bring us closer to the point where a mutual return to compliance with
the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action would fail to reproduce the
nonproliferation benefits the deal originally delivered. The
administration remains committed to pursuing a diplomatic solution to
Iran's nuclear program. If confirmed, I will make clear the window of
opportunity will not remain open indefinitely.
Question. Iran has successfully stymied the IAEA's investigation of
Iran's past nuclear activities. How can the IAEA restart this
investigation and keep it going effectively?
Answer. I am deeply concerned that Iran has yet to provide the IAEA
with the information it needs to resolve questions regarding potential
undeclared nuclear material. Iran must cooperate fully and
substantively with the Agency without further delay in a way that leads
to resolution of these issues. The U.S. is working with Allies and
partners to reinforce support for the IAEA and the Director General
(DG) as they pursue these serious issues. If confirmed, I will be
watching closely whether Iran provides the necessary level of
cooperation, starting with the DG's meetings with senior Iranian
officials in Vienna this week and in Tehran in the near future.
Question. Considering the Iran nuclear archive and the findings in
the 2021 Arms Control report, can the U.S. confirm today that Iran has
solely peaceful intentions for its nuclear program?
Answer. I would refer you to the Intelligence Community regarding
Iran's intentions. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action provided the
strongest verification and monitoring measures ever negotiated to help
ensure Iran's nuclear activities are exclusively peaceful. Resumption
of mutual compliance with the deal would ensure the renewed
implementation of these important measures, as well as restrictions on
the size and scope of Iran's nuclear activities.
Question. Do you believe that Iran engages in nuclear hedging? Why
or why not? In that context, is it advisable in your view to lift
nuclear and terrorism sanctions on Iran?
Answer. The administration is committed to ensuring that Iran does
not obtain a nuclear weapon and to addressing the many other issues of
concern related to Iran. If confirmed, I would remain committed to
engaging in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a return to mutual
compliance with JCPOA commitments, and would recommend against
providing the sanctions relief described in the JCPOA unless there is a
return to mutual compliance. Regardless of the status of the JCPOA, the
administration will continue to utilize sanctions to respond to Iranian
policies that are contrary to U.S. national security interests.
Question. If confirmed, how would you plan to work within the
administration to encourage the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) to investigate Iran's potentially ongoing nuclear weaponization
work, which the nuclear archive indicates Tehran hid and dispersed at
research institutes, universities, and military sites after 2003?
Answer. Iran's history of deception regarding its past nuclear
weapons program is not new. Verifiably ensuring Iran never resumes such
activities, despite Iran's past denials, is a core purpose of the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action, which provides for the most intrusive
verification and monitoring procedures ever negotiated. The
administration will continue to seek a mutual return to compliance with
JCPOA commitments, which would ensure that its critical verification
and monitoring measures are restored.
Question. If confirmed, how can you assure Congress that political
considerations or multilateral issues are not used to avoid holding
Iran accountable for its noncompliance with safeguard agreements?
Answer. The United States has made clear our serious concerns
regarding potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran,
as reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It is
essential that Iran fully comply with its legally binding obligations
under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its comprehensive
safeguards agreement with the IAEA to resolve these important matters
without further delay. The stability of any diplomatic outcome
regarding Iran's nuclear program relies on the credible resolution of
these serious issues and Iran's full compliance with its safeguards
obligations.
Question. Do you support the Countering America's Adversaries
Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)? If confirmed, will you fully implement
it?
Answer. Yes, I support and, should I be confirmed, am fully
committed to implementing CAATSA, especially Section 231, for which the
Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation leads U.S.
implementation. If confirmed, I will urge all our partners and allies
to refrain from major new purchases of Russian military equipment that
could risk mandatory sanctions under CAATSA Section 231.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Benjamin L.Cardin
Question. How do you envision the United States' role in bolstering
the international nuclear nonproliferation regime?
Answer. The Interim National Security Strategic Guidance--issued
less than two months after the President took office--noted that the
threats posed by WMD proliferation, ``cannot be effectively addressed
by one nation acting alone. And none can be effectively addressed with
the United States on the sidelines.'' The United States led in the
creation of the international nuclear nonproliferation regime, such as
the establishment of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the
International Atomic Energy Agency, and it is vital that we continue to
lead efforts to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons.
Question. Should the United States continue to work to prevent new
states from possessing their own nuclear weapons?
Answer. Yes. The President's Interim National Security Guidance
states that ``as we re-engage the international system, we will address
the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons.'' The Guidance also
states that nuclear proliferation poses an existential danger.
Addressing these threats requires that we minimize the number of states
possessing nuclear weapons, and the administration places a high
priority on using the tools of national security to achieve this
objective. Renewed American nonproliferation leadership will be
essential to reducing the dangers posed by nuclear weapons.
Question. Which new or expiring agreements require the bureau's
near-term focus? How should the United States balance the goals of
increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with
the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of
sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology?
Answer. The United States is in negotiations for peaceful nuclear
cooperation agreements with Jordan, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and
Thailand. If confirmed, I would support the negotiation of additional
peaceful nuclear cooperation agreements, which are needed for
significant exports of U.S. nuclear material and equipment, to increase
access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under the highest
standards of nuclear security and nonproliferation and continue the
United States' longstanding policy of limiting the spread of enrichment
and reprocessing capabilities around the world.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. What are your views on the threats posed by biological
dual-use research of concern?
Answer. I take threats posed by dual-use research of concern (DURC)
seriously. In fact, one of ISN's missions is to prevent the life
sciences from being misused for biological weapons development. Dual-
use research of concern warrants careful oversight and risk/benefit
analysis. The ISN Bureau has advocated for thoughtful national
oversight of such research in international forums, such as the
Biological Weapons Convention, for almost a decade and, if confirmed, I
will continue to do so.
Question. Would Chinese interest in dual-use research of concern be
consistent with your understanding of the Chinese national strategy of
military-civil fusion?
Answer. Military-Civil fusion seeks to develop a singular ecosystem
within which all dual-use technology is simultaneously advancing
military and civilian programs. Key to this is the removal of the
traditional barriers between the national defense and national economic
systems. Whether specific types of dual-use research of concern might
be exploited in this way would likely depend on the extent to which the
research was specifically relevant to People's Republic of China
military applications and objectives.
Question. Should the United States be involved in, or support,
potential dual-use research of concern conducted in China?
Answer. The United States has federal funding and oversight
policies for research that might pose particular concerns, including
dual-use. These policies require careful consideration of risks and
benefits, and where appropriate, measures to mitigate those risks.
Policy development is led by the National Security Council and by the
White House Office of Science and Technology Policy and decisions about
the funding of specific research proposals are made by the responsible
funding agency. The ISN Bureau ensures that policy development
considers both our international obligations and the international
implications of policy choices.
Question. Can you explain the ISN Bureau's international outreach
related to dual-use research of concern in their role as ex-officio
member of the Nation Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity (NSABB)?
Answer. The ISN Bureau's international outreach on dual-use
research of concern has consisted of a variety of advocacy and
awareness-raising efforts, including participating in or organizing
workshops and briefings and working to develop common understandings
internationally. With the exception of efforts to facilitate
collaboration between the NSABB and its French counterpart, this
outreach is unrelated to the ex-officio role.
Question. Did the ISN Bureau, in their role on the NSABB, support
lifting the moratorium on gain of function research with viruses in the
United States in 2017?
Answer. The Department of State's role on the NSABB is a non-voting
ex officio position. ISN neither advocated for lifting of the
moratorium nor participated directly in the decision taken by the
NSABB.
Question. Would Chinese military research into weaponizing
pathogens such as coronaviruses be a concern under the Biological
Weapons Convention (BWC)?
Answer. Research into the weaponization of any pathogen by any BWC
State Party would be a matter of concern. If confirmed, I will work
with my colleagues in the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and
Compliance to address any concerns regarding compliance with the
Convention.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to undertake a full-scale
investigation into the transfer of dual-use technology, know how, and
money by the U.S. Government to Chinese research institutions engaged
in synthetic biology and engineering chimeric pathogens through gain of
function experiments?
Answer. A number of mechanisms exist to guard against the risk that
transfers of U.S. technology will be misused. If confirmed, I will work
to ensure that these mechanisms are effective and are fully utilized,
taking into account lessons learned.
Question. At any time, were you instructed to shudder or stop the
Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance (AVC)
investigation into the potential Chinese BWC concerns by Biden State
Department appointees or other administrative staff?
Answer. No. As I understand it, the AVC Bureau, under the previous
administration, commissioned an internal inquiry into COVID origins.
This ad hoc inquiry was conducted as part of a larger contract. I defer
to the AVC Bureau about details of this contract. I understand the
group briefed State Department staff during both the Trump and Biden
administrations.
Question. What was your role as acting T Assistant Secretary in
supporting the AVC Bureau's research into potential Biological Warfare
links to the PLA's Academy of Military Medical Science, (AAMS) which
was referenced in the January 15 Fact Sheet?
Answer. I had no role in relation to this research, nor in the
development of the January 15 Fact Sheet.
Question. I understand the ISN and AVC office directors responsible
for Biological Warfare warned of a potential ``can of worms'' that
would be opened if AVC investigated Chinese BW programs and potential
ties to research being done at the WIV. What, specifically, was the
concern with regard to a ``can of worms?''
Answer. ISN personnel at no point objected to such an investigation
by AVC or warned against such investigation. Assertions to the contrary
are incorrect.
Question. Why would the State Department Weapons of Mass
Destruction programs, who are responsible for holding the PRC
accountable to their international obligations, not opt to investigate
every potential lead? If confirmed, will you allow the State Department
investigation to continue into potential military links to the research
at the WIV?
Answer. The Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance
has primary responsibility for issues related to assessing compliance
with arms control agreements, and continues to monitor and assess
information related to countries' compliance with the BWC, working
closely with IC colleagues and others in the interagency. If confirmed,
I will work closely with AVC and other partners to address such
concerns.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. What can the United States do to reinforce the norms of
the Chemical Weapons Convention?
Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
is the lead on the Chemical Weapons Convention. However, if confirmed,
I commit to implementing Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and
Warfare Elimination Act while also coordinating with AVC to limit the
proliferation of chemical weapons.
Question. Is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons (OPCW) up to the task? What reforms would you recommend to make
it more effective?
Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
is the lead on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
(OPCW). If confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to limit the
proliferation of chemical weapons.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, are you committed to fully enforcing INKSNA
and other U.S. non-proliferation sanctions?
Answer. Yes. Sanctions are a critical tool that contribute to
nonproliferation goals. If confirmed, I would join the Department's
commitment to implementing its sanctions authorities, including the
requirements of the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
(INKSNA). The Department recently transmitted five INKSNA reports to
Congress--in Feb 2020, Sept 2020, Nov 2020, Jan 2021, and July 2021--
clearing a backlog of previously delayed reports. This has led to
sanctions against 46 foreign entities/individuals for proliferation
activities, including against 18 entities for supporting Iran's missile
program.
Question. What is your assessment of the effectiveness of sanctions
measures in supporting nuclear non-proliferation?
Answer. Sanctions are an effective tool in impeding, rolling back,
and countering proliferation and changing the behavior of those who
provide aid or support to proliferators. Sanctions are one of a number
of important tools in the counterproliferation toolkit, and they can be
deployed in a targeted and strategic manner.
If confirmed, I will work closely with other agencies, particularly
with the Department of the Treasury, to fully implement all U.S.
nonproliferation sanctions, and to work with allies and partners to
ensure U.N. sanctions are also implemented and enforced.
Question. Is Iran in compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty? If so, how could Iran be compliant with the NPT when it has not
answered the IAEA's questions on undeclared nuclear material and
activities?
Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
agreement to declare to the IAEA all peaceful nuclear material and
related activities in Iran. Iran's failure to provide substantive or
technically credible responses to the IAEA's questions related to
possible undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran is cause
for serious concern and raises serious questions regarding Iran's
compliance with its NPT and IAEA safeguards obligations. These concerns
are under active discussion in the IAEA Board of Governors. If
confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's ongoing investigation in
Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and
activities, as well as continued IAEA Board action as necessary to
ensure Iran complies with its NPT-related obligations.
Question. Do you think the Biden administration should commit to
not lifting or waiving sanctions on Iran until it, at a minimum,
complies with the IAEA's requests on undeclared nuclear material and
activities?
Answer. The long-term stability of any diplomatic solution to the
Iran nuclear challenge relies on the credible resolution of these
serious safeguards concerns. The administration strongly supports the
IAEA's ongoing investigations regarding possible undeclared nuclear
material in Iran. Iran must provide the IAEA full cooperation without
further delay. The foundation for any long-term solution is strong and
credible verification; credible resolution of the serious safeguards
concerns reported by the IAEA Director General must be a brick in that
foundation. In addition to the assurances that would be provided if it
does so, a mutual return to compliance with JCPOA commitments, which
include the strongest verification and monitoring measures ever
negotiated, would ensure that these critical measures are restored.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The four Nuclear Security Summits successfully led to
elimination or downblending of global civilian stocks of weapons usable
fissile material. If confirmed, what diplomatic efforts will you take
to encourage countries to reduce stocks of fissile material in their
military programs and other non-military stocks that are not subject to
IAEA safeguards?
Answer. The United States will continue to lead by example in
eliminating surplus plutonium and downblending highly enriched uranium
that are no longer needed for defense purposes. The United States has
called on states to declare moratoria on production of fissile material
for weapons, and if confirmed I will continue those efforts. In
addition, I will support U.S. and international efforts and diplomacy
related to placing fissile material no longer required for military
purposes under IAEA safeguards and arranging for its appropriate
disposition.
Question. Extension of the State Department travel ban to North
Korea and the need to obtain a specific license from the Treasury
Department have made it more difficult for generous Americans and
others to provide life-saving assistance to North Koreans--assistance
that is explicitly exempted under U.S. law. If confirmed, will you work
with your State and Treasury Department colleagues to issue new
guidance that clearly defines what additional goods related to food and
medicine to be exempted from U.S sanctions?
Answer. The U.S. Government actively seeks to facilitate the
provision of humanitarian assistance in the DPRK as a matter of U.S.
policy, and maintains a number of sanctions exemptions and
authorizations related to humanitarian aid. It has also led efforts to
streamline the process for humanitarian exemptions in the U.N. Security
Council DPRK sanctions committee. The DPRK itself has created the most
significant barriers to the delivery of aid by closing its borders and
limiting access for the personnel responsible for implementing such
projects. If confirmed, I will work to support efforts aimed at helping
humanitarian aid reach vulnerable people in the DPRK.
Question. In 2019, President Trump unsigned the Arms Trade Treaty
(ATT)--a global treaty that regulates the conventional arms trade--
despite the fact that the treaty simply requires other countries to
uphold the same domestic legal standard we have: to not transfer arms
to countries if it is believed they will be used to violate
international humanitarian law. Will the United States rescind the
Trump administration's letter to the United Nations stating that the
United States did not intend to ratify nor fulfill the obligations of
this treaty?
Answer. If confirmed, I support reviewing the implications of
decisions taken to date on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), both in the
United States and in the ATT Conferences of States Parties, to
determine the proper relationship of the United States to the Treaty. I
believe this review should be situated within the larger context of
U.S. policy on conventional arms transfers. The United States is the
largest arms exporter in the world, and it is imperative that U.S.
transfers of conventional arms are consistent with our laws, values,
and interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative
for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing
to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past
noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT
obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to
past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives
for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel
related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?
Answer. If being in ``good standing'' means being in compliance
with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), then the United States
has, including in the 2021 Compliance Report, indicated concern with
regard to Iran's compliance with Article III of the NPT. Given Iran's
past non-compliance with its obligations under the NPT and Iran's NPT-
required safeguards agreement and its present failure to fully address
the IAEA's current questions related to implementation of that
safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State
Party to the NPT cannot be described as ``good.''
Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If
no, please explain why
Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.
Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.
Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes,
please explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Paragraphs 10-15 of United Nations Security Council
Resolution (UNSCR) 2231 describe a so-called `snapback mechanism' which
reverses the termination of sanctions on Iran described in paragraph
7(a) of that resolution. The resolution requires a ``JCPOA participant
state'' to notify the U.N. Security Council of an issue it believes
constitutes ``significant non-performance'' of commitments under the
JCPOA. By no later than December 2019, the State Department had
conducted a legal analysis which concluded that ``there is a legally
available argument we can assert that the United States can initiate
the snapback process under UNSCR 2231 by submitting a notification to
the Security Council of an issue that the United States believes
constitutes significant non-performance.'' Do you agree with that
conclusion, i.e. that there is a legally available argument for the
United States to initiate the snapback process? If not, why not?
Answer. The U.S. initiation of the ``snapback'' of previous U.N.
sanctions on Iran in 2020 resulted in an impasse at the U.N. Security
Council that, as a practical matter, undermined its ability to address
Iran's destabilizing activities. The United States will continue to use
domestic authorities to address Iran's proliferation activities--
including Executive Order 13949, which authorizes blocking sanctions
related to the supply, sale, or transfer of arms or related materiel to
or from Iran.
Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of
INKSNA if Russia sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile
technology?
Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
(INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion
to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive
items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the
Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear
Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other
sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the
Department is committed to implementing sanctions under INKSNA. For
example, in July 2021, sanctions were imposed against three Russian
entities, Asia-Invest LLC, Charter Green Light Moscow (CGLM), and NPP
Pulsar LLC (Russia), for transferring sensitive items to Iran's missile
program.
Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of and
INKSNA if China sold advanced weapons to Iran, including missile
technology?
Answer. The Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation Act
(INKSNA) requires reports to Congress identifying, and the discretion
to impose sanctions against, foreign persons that transfer or receive
items controlled by the four multilateral export control regimes, (the
Australia Group, the Missile Technology Control Regime, the Nuclear
Suppliers Group, and the Wassenaar Arrangement), as well as other
sensitive items, involving the subject countries. I understand that the
Department is committed to implementing sanctions authorities under
INKSNA, and that, for example, in November 2020, sanctions were imposed
against two PRC entities, Chengdu Best New Materials Co Ltd and Zibo
Elim Trade Company, Ltd. for transferring sensitive items and
technology to Iran's missile program.
Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article
VI obligations?
Answer. The State Department's most recent Compliance Reports does
not find China to be in violation of its obligations under Article VI
of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty's. The AVC Bureau has the lead
on compliance reporting to Congress.
Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to
dampen China's nuclear buildup?
Answer. The answer to this question involves a range of national
security instruments, but given the responsibilities of the position
for which I have been nominated, I will respond from the perspective of
nonproliferation. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with
respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue
those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in
multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. C.S. Eliot Kang by Senator Chris Van Hollen
Question. Do you agree that greater enforcement of international
sanctions against North Korea would strengthen U.S. leverage in nuclear
talks with Pyongyang?
Answer. Yes. The DPRK's unlawful weapons of mass destruction (WMD)
and ballistic missile programs constitute serious threats to
international peace and security and the global nonproliferation
regime. A series of United Nations Security Council resolutions have
put in place sanctions to address the threat posed by the DPRK
Government's weapons programs and proliferation activities and to deny
it the means to advance its WMD and ballistic missile programs. If
confirmed, I will continue to promote their full global implementation
and look forward to supporting the administration's efforts to pursue
calibrated and practical diplomacy with the DPRK.
Question. What steps would you recommend the administration take to
pressure other countries, in particular China, to enforce international
sanctions against North Korea?
Answer. DPRK-related sanctions implementation by other countries,
including the PRC and Russia, has been uneven. I am clear-eyed that
while our interests on the Korean Peninsula overlap at times, our
priorities often differ significantly. If confirmed, I will continue to
engage the PRC and Russia on DPRK issues and encourage both to play a
positive role. I will continue to work with other U.N. Member States to
promote full global sanctions implementation and enhance their capacity
to fulfill their U.N. obligations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to fully comply with the Otto
Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and Enforcement Act of 2019
(title LXXI of Public Law 116-92; 133 Stat. 2244)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's compliance
with the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, including as
amended by the Otto Warmbier North Korea Nuclear Sanctions and
Enforcement Act of 2019.
Question. In your view, does cooperation on naval nuclear
propulsion constitute an allowable peaceful use under the U.S.-
Australian civilian nuclear cooperation agreement, submitted to
Congress pursuant to section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as
amended [P.L. 83-703; 42 U.S.C. 2153 et seq? If not, would
such cooperation require congressional approval?
Answer. The 2010 U.S.-Australia Agreement Concerning Peaceful Uses
of Nuclear Energy would not apply to cooperation on naval nuclear
propulsion. Any cooperation will be undertaken consistent with
requirements of the Atomic Energy Act, including with respect to any
necessary agreements and requisite Congressional review in accordance
with its provisions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator James E. Risch
Question. China is growing its nuclear arsenal at an alarming rate.
What impact will this have on the NPT? How should the U.S. address it,
in the context of the NPT?
Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear
weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue those objectives both in
bilateral engagements with China and in multilateral fora such as the
NPT Review Conference.
Question. How will you evaluate if the NPT Revcon is a success? If
confirmed, what will you do to make it a success?
Answer. NPT Review Conferences are held every five years to review
the operation of the Treaty. There are no fixed standards for success,
and past RevCons have reached consensus on various forms of final
outcome documents. At a minimum, I expect that NPT Parties will
recognize the continuing importance of the Treaty and reaffirm their
commitment to the Treaty. If confirmed, I will work to build the
broadest possible consensus on principles, goals, and specific actions
to strengthen the NPT regime.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Are the provisions of the NPT still relevant over fifty
years later? How do you assess the effectiveness of the treaty for U.S.
nonproliferation policy?
Answer. I believe that the provisions of the Treaty are still
highly relevant and vital to the preservation of U.S., as well as
international, security. The NPT is the international legal foundation
for efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, one of the
greatest threats to our national security. Almost all countries have
joined the Treaty, which has helped forestall the widespread
proliferation of nuclear weapons predicted in the 1960s. The Treaty is
among the most effective international regimes, contributing to the
norm against nuclear proliferation as well as robust international
nuclear safeguards, common nuclear supplier policies, and action on
nuclear arms control.
Question. How do you view the NPT's three tenets, nonproliferation,
disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy? Should one be
prioritized over the others?
Answer. Each of these tenets--or ``pillars,'' as we often call
them--represents a common interest of all NPT Parties. All states
benefit from and can contribute to each. They should not be treated as
competing interests. However, since some other Parties often emphasize
the disarmament or peaceful uses pillars, we encourage all Parties to
recognize that nonproliferation is an essential foundation for these
other two. Further steps toward disarmament will be hindered if more
nuclear proliferation occurs, and states are reluctant to supply
nuclear wherewithal to others unless they are assured it will be used
for solely peaceful purposes.
Question. How should the United States balance the goals of
increasing states' access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy with
the nonproliferation goals of preventing the further spread of
sensitive fuel cycle nuclear technology (enrichment and reprocessing)?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work within the context of the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to make good on its objective of
expanding access to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, while
promoting the highest standards of nuclear safety, security, and
nonproliferation and continuing the United States' longstanding policy
of limiting the spread of enrichment and reprocessing capabilities
around the world. Proliferation of such technologies is not necessary
to meet the NPT States Parties' peaceful uses needs.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Todd Young
Question. The United Arab Emirates Ambassador to the United States
earlier this year asked why under current U.S. policy an adversary--the
regime in Iran--would be allowed to have an enrichment program while
U.S. partners and allies were committed to nuclear programs without
enrichment or reprocessing. How would you answer the ambassador's
question?
Answer. The United States has long sought to limit the spread of
uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing capabilities. Under the
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran committed to strict
limits on both the level and scale of its enrichment program and
related research and development activities, as well as limits on
reprocessing. The administration believes that diplomacy and a mutual
return to compliance with the JCPOA are the best path to reestablishing
limits on Iran's nuclear program and ensuring Iran never acquires a
nuclear weapon.
I have long applauded the constructive decision by the United Arab
Emirates in 2008 to voluntarily refrain from domestic enrichment and
reprocessing-related activities. If confirmed, I will continue to urge
other countries to follow in a similar path and will support using all
measures at our disposal to limit the spread of these sensitive
technologies both in the region and globally.
Question. How should the administration address Middle Eastern
states seeking enrichment and reprocessing capabilities to match Iran's
if Washington re-enters the JCPOA and accepts the continued existence
and future growth of Tehran's enrichment program?
Answer. The United States has a longstanding policy of limiting the
further spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies to the
greatest extent possible, and we employ a range of tools to that end.
The United States shares a common interest with regional partners in
ensuring through diplomacy that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
If confirmed, I will urge regional states to rely on the existing
international market for nuclear fuel and services, rather than seeking
to acquire or develop such capabilities, and to apply the highest
nonproliferation standards, including by bringing into force an IAEA
Additional Protocol if they have not yet done so.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. What leverage do we still have with Iran to halt further
development of their nuclear program and restrain their destabilizing
actions in the region?
Answer. If confirmed as Special Representative, I would not have
direct responsibility for these issues, but I believe the high priority
Iran places on sanctions relief gives us leverage in the negotiations
on a mutual return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPOA). A mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA and to
build on that basis are central to the administration's efforts to
restrict Iran's nuclear program, secure diplomatic support for this
goal, and address Iran's destabilizing activities in the region.
Question. I am pleased that the Biden administration has extended
the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (new START) until 2026.
However, I remain concerned about Russia's nuclear program,
particularly given its continued malign actions near and far beyond its
borders. What more can be done to ensure continued dialogue with Russia
on this matter, and how will you, if confirmed, ensure that we are able
to conduct inspections as agreed to in New START?
Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If
confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately
informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with
Russia. The administration has launched a Strategic Stability Dialogue
with Russia to discuss strategic stability issues, including future
arms control and risk reduction. The administration is also working
with Russia to determine when New START inspections can be resumed
safely.
Question. How can we build on the New START extension to cover
tactical (i.e. short range missiles, nuclear artillery, etc.) and
emerging nuclear weapon technologies (i.e. Skyfall, nuclear warhead
unmanned subsurface vehicles, etc.)?
Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
is the lead on bilateral nuclear arms control with Russia. If
confirmed, I commit to coordinating with AVC to ensure that Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) States Parties are appropriately
informed of U.S. dialogue and bilateral treaty implementation with
Russia. The administration will use the time provided by extension of
the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with
Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all
Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems and non-
strategic nuclear arms.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. In April 2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative
for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing
to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that ``given Iran's past
noncompliance with both its safeguards agreement and its NPT
obligations, its failure to fully address IAEA questions related to
past activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive
device, and the emergence of new questions surrounding Iran's motives
for retaining and concealing documents, equipment, and personnel
related to its past nuclear weapons program, Iran's standing as a non-
nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment? If not, why not?
Answer. The United States has, including in the 2021 Compliance
Report, indicated concern with regard to Iran's compliance with Article
III of the NPT. Given Iran's past non-compliance with its obligations
under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement and its
present failure to fully address the IAEA's current questions related
to implementation of that safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as
``good.''
Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)? If yes, please explain why. If
no, please explain why
Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.
Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT? If yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. In 2005, the United States found Iran to be in non-
compliance with Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty--as well as its comprehensive safeguards agreement with the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)--and reported these findings
to Congress. These findings concerned activities related to Iran's pre-
2004 efforts to develop a nuclear weapon, records of which were
retained in the Iranian ``nuclear archive'' acquired by Israel in 2018.
The IAEA is now seeking to resolve issues involving possible undeclared
nuclear material and activities in Iran, and still awaits the necessary
substantive cooperation from Iran on its safeguards investigations. The
IAEA Board of Governors has expressed serious concern regarding the
lack of progress on these issues and has called on Iran to fully
cooperate with the IAEA without further delay.
Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
standing of the NPT? If so, why? If not, why not?
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes,
please explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article
VI obligations?
Answer. I understand the State Department examined the issue of
China's compliance with NPT Article VI in connection with the 2021
compliance report and determined it did not merit inclusion. If
confirmed, I commit to follow up with the AVC bureau, which is the
Department lead on compliance reporting, and to support and advocate
for the administration's efforts to engage China in nuclear risk
reduction talks.
Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to
dampen China's nuclear buildup?
Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament, one of
the pillars of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
responsibility and demonstrate greater transparency and restraint with
respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. The United States will pursue
those objectives both in bilateral engagements with China and in
multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Adam Scheinman by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. In your view, has China exhibited good faith efforts to
pursue nuclear negotiations with the United States or any other party
of the NPT?
Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. It is
urgent for China to take on greater responsibility, transparency, and
restraint with respect to its nuclear weapons arsenal. If confirmed, I
would work to pursue those objectives both in bilateral engagements
with China and in multilateral fora such as the NPT Review Conference.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to providing regular updates
to the committee on the Biden administration's effort to determine
whether or not China has violated Article VI of the NPT?
Answer. The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) Bureau
has the lead on compliance reporting to Congress. If confirmed, I
commit to working with them and Congress on matters related to the NPT.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Robert Menendez
State Department Attrition
Question. The Institute for the Study of Diplomacy recently
released a report that found that almost a third of current foreign
service officers are seriously considering leaving the Department. This
finding reflects a broader trend of attrition within the foreign
service over the past decade.
What steps will you take, if confirmed, to improve foreign service
retention and to ensure that the foreign service is motivated,
engaged, and functioning to the highest degree of their
professional capabilities? What steps will you take to ensure
that the Department retains foreign service officers from a
diversity of backgrounds?
Answer. On his first day in office, Secretary Blinken addressed the
Department's workforce and underscored that our task ``starts with
rebuilding morale and trust'' within our ranks. The Department is
developing new approaches in support of the President's directive to
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. As part
of this effort, the Secretary appointed Ambassador Gina Abercrombie-
Winstanley as the Department's first Chief Diversity and Inclusion
Officer and, if confirmed, I plan to work closely with her to ensure
that diversity and inclusion practices are integrated strategically
into personnel-related policies. I also plan to promote workplace
flexibilities and to highlight for the workforce resources available to
assist employees: FSI workshops and engagements; 24/7 online access to
WorkLife4You to address personal issues, including mental health; and
TalentCare, the single touchpoint for resources for well-being,
community, safety, and workplace flexibilities.
If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening our efforts to
support, retain, and develop our already top notch Foreign Service and
Civil Service employees to confront the foreign policy challenges of
the 21st century.
Question. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to address
foreign service officers' concerns regarding assignments, promotions,
bias, and family matters?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ask Department experts to examine
whether there is a significantly higher rate of attrition for certain
populations, and I commit to further analyzing mitigation measures to
ensure the Department remains an employer of choice for all of our
employees. Understanding why employees leave the Foreign Service is a
crucial step in increasing retention. The Department has launched a
revamped centralized exit survey to better understand the reasons
employees may decide to leave, and the Department has utilized the
Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey to drill down on bureau level issues
that affect retention in support of the President's directive to
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. I am
committed to examining employee concerns, including assignments,
promotions, bias, family member employment, education of dependents,
and any other areas, which lead to a loss of our most valuable human
resources. If confirmed, I will pursue programs and solutions that
remove barriers to retention of our top talent.
Diversity
Question. I remain extremely concerned that the foreign service
does not sufficiently reflect the makeup of this country and lags
behind most of the rest of the federal government in hiring and
retaining a diverse workforce. I appreciate that Secretary Blinken has
made this a priority from day one. The fact remains, however, that much
work lies ahead. Our diplomats and State Department personnel represent
America to much of the world. It is critical that we have foreign
service and civil service professionals who represent all the richness
that our nation has to offer.
How do you intend to ensure that the foreign service recruits and
retains a diverse workforce?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM
continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically
into personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity
and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's
priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring,
workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion,
including through professional development and advancement.
If confirmed, I am committed to listening to our members of the
Foreign Service and ensuring we retain high performers by investing in
their professional development and strengthening programs that mentor
individuals for success, provide actionable feedback on performance,
chart career progression, provide more interagency and other detail
opportunities, and create more viable pathways to ensure professional
growth.
Question. How do you plan to ensure that diversity is represented
at all levels of the workforce, especially at senior levels? What
specific steps do you plan to take with respect to mentoring young and
mid-level professions, to eliminate bias in promotions, and to
otherwise improve access to senior positions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with the Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer (CDIO) to ensure that the Department represents the
diversity of the American people. The Department is developing new
approaches in support of the President's directive to revitalize the
foreign policy and national security workforce. GTM and the CDIO's
office are working to track and ensure progress on performance metrics
on diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility as outlined in the
soon-to-be released Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan. The
Department has already taken steps to widen the candidate pool of
applicants for senior-level positions through mentorship programs,
outreach to employee affinity groups, and the inclusion of interviewing
parameters to ascertain the candidates' commitment to diversity and
inclusion. In addition, the Department ensures that every promotion
board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender balanced, and
that all panel members receive unconscious bias training. If confirmed,
I will continue these efforts to develop our diverse workforce, reach a
wider candidate pool, and include more candidates from underrepresented
backgrounds for senior positions.
Question. How will you promote diversity, equity, and inclusion in
your own hiring and leadership?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure that GTM
continues to integrate diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility
practices strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment
with the Secretary's and administration's priorities. This includes
fair and transparent interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities,
and encouraging a culture of inclusion through professional development
and advancement for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and Inclusion
Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure that the
Department represents the diversity of the American people. As the
Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger, smarter,
more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office are
building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent
Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the
Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out
the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion
initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.
Question. Do you commit to establish and demonstrate inclusive
leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work environment?
How will you each carry that out in practice?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to establish and demonstrate
inclusive leadership practices and to build and maintain a safe work
environment. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in the workforce to
promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is heard, respected,
and valued. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time
Ambassador, I have led numerous teams comprised of employees from a
wide variety of backgrounds and worked deliberately to foster inclusive
work environments.
I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau
of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I
worked directly on accountability mechanisms. If confirmed, I will use
this experience to work with the Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer
and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these accountability
mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of inclusion.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I remain extremely concerned that the Department's
response to attacks on personnel, so-called Anomalous Health Incidents,
remains woefully inadequate and that the Department is not consistently
providing prompt and equitable treatment for affected personnel and
family members.
Do you commit to making the response and treatment of personnel a
top priority if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to making the response and
treatment of personnel a top priority of mine.
Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of State personnel?
Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of State personnel.
Question. What steps, specifically, will you take to improve
communication with affected personnel, ensure the workforce is
sufficiently aware of the symptoms to watch for and how to report
suspected incidents, and ensure all medical treatment is covered and
reimbursed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Care Coordination Unit
and Health Incidents Response Task Force (HIRTF) team on communication
with affected personnel and the workforce writ large, and ensure that
employees are apprised of their benefits. The Senior Care Coordinator
and her team will continue to meet regularly with the group of injured
employees and will remain available for individual meetings with those
employees. If confirmed, I will meet with these employees as well. I
will ensure that the GTM team also works with HIRTF to establish a
webpage with information for Department personnel and will help amplify
the page in our DG Digest and other communications. DS and MED has and
will continue to take every opportunity to remind members of the State
Department family of the response protocols for all personnel under COM
security responsibility.
Assignment Restrictions
Question. I remain concerned about how assignment restrictions are
imposed, the limitations they impose on State Department personnel, and
the ability for personnel to appeal restrictions. Such restrictions
have historically had a disproportionate effect on communities of
color, and can impede career advancement.
Do you share these concerns, and how do you intend to address these
concerns, if confirmed?
Answer. I share your concerns about assignment restrictions. If
confirmed, I will support the Department's review of legally available
options and broader policy reforms regarding this process, with the
goal to better leverage the expertise and capabilities of our entire
workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment restrictions
are based on a number of factors and are intended to mitigate security
concerns related to foreign preference and foreign influence, where
security clearances for individuals with these circumstances would
otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to serve the
Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in one or more
countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute to the
Department's overall mission and vision. The Department is determined
to leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make
our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national
security information remains protected and security concerns are
mitigated.
Question. What steps will you take to help improve the promotion
board process and ensure that promotions are based on merit and not
unduly influenced by bias?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to
increase the accountability for diversity & inclusion in evaluations.
Global Talent Management (GTM) makes every effort to make the
Department's Selection Boards as diverse as possible, in accordance
with the Foreign Service Act of 1980. The Department ensures that every
promotion board panel is racially and ethnically diverse, gender
balanced. Diversity of experience and perspective is also valued and
this coming year, GTM will recruit Foreign Service Specialists to serve
on Generalist Boards. Board members are also required to take diversity
awareness and unconscious bias training, prior to beginning service.
GTM has revised Selection Board procedures to focus on assessing
potential for success at the next level versus past performance,
valuing multifunctionality, and complexity of work over geography - and
ensure that each Board member receives consistent guidance and
training.
Workforce Training
Question. Workforce training is a key element to professional
development, especially as it relates to improving management
practices.
Do you believe the Department should provide more opportunities for
professional development training, particularly for management,
and if so, what steps will you take to do so?
Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional
development opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce,
including for managers and supervisors, by increasing both the number
of programs offered and the number of employees participating. This
includes incentivizing supervisors to empower employees to take
advantage of long-term training opportunities, developmental rotations,
domestic and overseas TDY opportunities, and details, as well as
filling gaps left behind due to staffing shortages. For example,
creating ``backfill positions,'' (which in and of themselves would also
provide professional development experience) would support bureaus
experiencing staffing gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing
career development opportunities.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that diversity,
equity, and inclusion are incorporated into professional development
training and mentorship opportunities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that diversity, equity,
inclusion, and accessibility are incorporated into training,
professional development opportunities, and mentoring programs
throughout the Department in support of the Secretary's Office of
Diversity and Inclusion's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan
(DISP). This includes continuing to train and educate supervisors about
the importance of recruiting and retaining diverse teams and
emphasizing that creating an environment of inclusion is essential
aspect of good leadership. While training alone cannot transform the
Department, I fully believe that it plays a central role in promoting
culture change. If confirmed, I look forward to building a stronger,
more inclusive State Department.
Mental Health
Question. As you know, the recent events in Afghanistan will likely
bear heavily on many State Department personnel, whether that be
because they previously served in Afghanistan or because they worked
closely on the evacuation efforts.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to ramp up mental health
services and to encourage State Department employees to seek
counseling and support when needed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our colleagues in the Bureau
of Medical Services (MED) to ensure that we, as an organization,
continue to hone processes to lower the barriers, perceived or
otherwise, that stand in the way of our employees seeking and receiving
the care they need. I will support the Department's efforts to
communicate to employees that the act of seeking help from a counselor,
psychotherapist, or other mental health professional to address grief,
anxiety, family or marital issues, or other concerns, by itself, is not
considered derogatory in a security clearance determination, and to
dispel the perceived notion that seeking mental health care might
adversely affect clearances and career trajectory.
Question. How will you communicate the availability of mental
health resources and improve accessibility to them?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet State Department personnel on the
channels and platforms they listen to and learn from. We will use all
available conduits, including staff emails, internal webpages, internal
TV channels (a.k.a. BNET), newsletters, handouts, webinars, and message
boards to make mental health resources and mental health care part of
the ongoing, daily discussion at the Department of State. These will
complement the in-person communication of available resources already
happening through MED's psychologists and social workers in Employee
Consultation Services (ECS) as well as psychiatrists overseas.
If confirmed, I will aim to improve accessibility and destigmatize
mental health care. I will support the Department in making resources
easily available where and when they are needed, meeting State
Department personnel where they are overseas and at home. The
Department does this now in-person whenever possible through Regional
Psychiatrists posted overseas or ECS clinicians domestically. ECS has
also expanded capacity recently to travel to overseas sites to work
collaboratively with our psychiatrists to address crises, deteriorating
morale, or burnout at posts. If confirmed, I will ensure that we are
able to maintain this valuable service. I will work with MED to ensure
continued availability and leverage of technologies such as WebEx,
Microsoft Teams, and Zoom for the benefit of our employees and
families.
Work-Life Balance
Question. The Department has made significant improvements
regarding work-life balance, but many aspects, particularly related to
moving and living overseas, reflect an outdated reality.
What steps can the Department take to improve work-life balance for
all employees, including those balancing family obligations?
What do you intend to focus on to further improve work-life
balance, if confirmed?
Answer. As our community readies for a return to on-site work, I am
committed, if confirmed, to preserving the workplace flexibilities upon
which employees have come to depend. This includes supporting the
ongoing implementation of the Mobility Assessment Tool (MAT) to assess
telework eligibility for domestic positions based on job function,
training needed for a more efficient hybrid and remote workforce, and
further expanding the Domestic Employee Teleworking Overseas (DETO)
program, which enables domestic direct hire Department employees under
certain conditions to telework from overseas in order to accompany
their spouse to foreign posts of assignment. If confirmed, I will also
listen to and assess workforce needs, including through Global Talent
Management's (GTM) Innovation Portal.
Civil Service
Question. As you know, many have commented that a stark divide
exists between the foreign service and the civil service, in part due
to the opportunities that are available to foreign service officers,
but not to those in the civil service.
What is your assessment of the civil and foreign service divide? If
confirmed, what steps will you take to help bridge this gap?
Answer. The strength of the Department's workforce is due in large
part to the blending of unique but complementary skills and experiences
among the various corps. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to
strengthen our partnership and bridge any perceived gap. If confirmed,
I'm committed to listening to the entire workforce and ensuring we
develop and retain high performers. I support expanding professional
development opportunities and increasing not only the number of
programs, but the number of employees participating.
If confirmed, I will also invest in Civil Service professional
development tools and training that chart career progression, prepare
employees to take on leadership roles earlier in their careers, and
create pathways for those aspiring to the Senior Executive Service.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to develop the
State Department workforce capabilities with respect to strategic
competition with China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the continued efforts of the
Bureau of Global Talent Management, the Foreign Service Institute, and
the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs to create stronger
incentives for officers to increase their Chinese language skills and
regional expertise. Concepts already in progress include a TransPacific
Fellowship program in Taipei; revamping language and hardship
incentives; and revising the promotion precepts to place additional
emphasis on super-hard language skills in promotion reviews. Currently,
the Department has 24 additional Chinese Language designated positions
worldwide that are not located in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The
Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs has several lines of effort
with the Bureau of Global Talent Management, the interagency, and the
Secretary to grow and develop our pool of China experts to coordinate
State's policy, outreach and engagement with partners and allies on
China, to implement cutting-edge polices with rapid interagency input,
and to advise Department, interagency, and like-minded government
partners on effective competition with China.
In 2020, the State Department stood-up a Mandarin Language Task
Force to answer the continuing critical need for regional expertise and
advanced Chinese language skills. The Task Force has already delivered
an Advanced Mandarin Training Program, with students starting in-
country, in-depth language training in Summer 2021.
If confirmed, I will also encourage deploying our employees with
China expertise to Posts throughout the world to better track China's
activities globally.
Question. What is your view on the assignments restrictions
process? What steps can be done to conduct such a process with greater
transparency and clarity?
Answer. Though assignment restrictions presently affect a small
percentage of the Department's workforce, the Department is reviewing
legally available options and broader policy reforms regarding this
process. The aim is to better leverage the expertise and capabilities
of our entire workforce as well as to increase transparency. Assignment
restrictions are based on a number of factors and are intended to
mitigate security concerns related to foreign preference and foreign
influence, where security clearances for individuals with these
circumstances would otherwise be denied, leaving them wholly unable to
serve the Department. Individuals who are restricted from serving in
one or more countries have capabilities and expertise that contribute
to the Department's mission and vision. The Department is determined to
leverage the diversity and skills of our workforce in ways that make
our policy more robust and transparent, while ensuring our national
security information remains protected and security concerns are
mitigated.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Diversity
Question. The Director General of the Foreign Service has
traditionally played a significant role with respect to State
Department diversity and inclusion programs.
If confirmed, what specific knowledge and experiences from your
time at the State Department will you apply to your work in
diversity and inclusion?
Answer. As a senior leader at the Department of State and two-time
Ambassador, I have built and led numerous teams comprised of employees
from a wide variety of backgrounds, and worked deliberately to foster
inclusive work environments. If confirmed, I will expect everyone in
the workforce to promote a culture of inclusion where every voice is
heard, respected, and valued.
I previously served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau
of Human Resources, now the Bureau of Global Talent Management, where I
worked directly to strengthen accountability mechanisms. If confirmed,
I will use this knowledge to work with the Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer and Office of Civil Rights to strengthen these
accountability mechanisms, which are a key component of a culture of
inclusion.
Question. How will you collaborate on these matters with the State
Department's Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, who is occupying a
newly created position? Please explain the intended contours of your
working relationship.
Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer (CDIO) Ambassador Abercrombie-Winstanley to ensure
that the Department represents the diversity of the American people. As
the Secretary has said, diversity and inclusion make us stronger,
smarter, more creative, and more innovative. The CDIO and her office
are building on the efforts established by the Bureau of Global Talent
Management (GTM) and GTM will collaborate with the CDIO on the
Department's Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan which will lay out
the framework to implement wide-reaching diversity and inclusion
initiatives along with concrete benchmarks and performance metrics.
If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit, develop and
retain a workforce that represents America in support of the
President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national
security workforce. I will ensure that GTM continues to integrate
diversity and inclusion practices strategically into personnel-related
policies in alignment with the CDIO's vision and the Secretary's and
administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent
interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a
culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement
for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service, as well as our Locally
Employed Staff.
Professional Education and Training
Question. Many stakeholders, including former State Department
officials, have long expressed concern that the State Department values
and emphasizes the professional education and training of its personnel
to a much lesser degree than not only other U.S. agencies, but also the
diplomatic corps of other countries such as China. Some note that this
issue partially reflects agency culture and management practices,
observing that there are widely-held views in the State Department that
education and training programs do not enhance one's career and may
damage promotion prospects.
Please share your views on whether the State Department's agency
culture and management practices discourage personnel from
pursuing training and professional development opportunities,
especially in the Foreign Service. What changes, if any, should
the State Department consider with respect to Foreign Service
promotion criteria, time-in-class restrictions, or other
policies to provide more incentives for personnel to seek out
such opportunities?
Answer. The Department of State recognizes that our greatest asset
is our people. Both Civil Service and Foreign Service employees are
encouraged to participate in details and long-term professional
development opportunities, many of which are highly sought after and
prestigious. Time-in-class extensions are granted for periods of long-
term training, including language training, to ensure employees will
not be penalized by pursuing opportunities that enhance their skills.
Foreign Service Selection Boards are instructed to place an emphasis on
continued development of professional expertise and multifunctionality
and to consider positively the successful acquisition and/or use of a
foreign language. If confirmed, I will continue to explore incentives
for Department personnel to pursue training and professional
development to ensure our workforce has the skills and expertise needed
to further U.S. security.
Professional Education and Training. Many stakeholders, including
former State Department officials, have long expressed concern that the
State Department values and emphasizes the professional education and
training of its personnel to a much lesser degree than not only other
U.S. agencies, but also the diplomatic corps of other countries such as
China. Some note that this issue partially reflects agency culture and
management practices, observing that there are widely-held views in the
State Department that education and training programs do not enhance
one's career and may damage promotion prospects.
Question. As Director General, what changes would you propose to
training and professional development programs for Foreign Service and
Civil Service staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support expanding professional
opportunities for our Civil and Foreign Service workforce by increasing
both the number of programs offered and the number of employees
participating. The Department is developing new approaches in support
of the President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and
national security workforce. This includes incentivizing supervisors to
empower employees to take advantage of long-term training
opportunities, developmental rotations, domestic and overseas TDY
opportunities, and details, as well as filling gaps left behind due to
staffing shortages. For example, full-time professional development and
training/backfill positions would support bureaus experiencing staffing
gaps when Civil Service employees are pursuing career development
opportunities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. For years now, Government Accountability Office reports
have pointed out the lack of diversity in the Department of State, and
in particular at higher levels of leadership. These recommendations
were repeated again in the latest report last year, which Secretary
Blinken acknowledged, and yet we have not seen the numbers change.
If confirmed, what will be your first steps as Director General to
truly address diversity at the State Department? Will you
commit to ensuring a fair assignments process, and to making
data on diversity in the various bureaus and posts widely
available?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit and
retain a workforce that represents America in support of the
President's directive to revitalize the foreign policy and national
security workforce. I will ensure, if confirmed, that GTM continues to
integrate diversity and inclusion practices strategically into
personnel-related policies in alignment with the Chief Diversity and
Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and administration's
priorities. This includes fair and transparent interviewing and hiring,
workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a culture of inclusion through
professional development and advancement. If confirmed, I commit to
ensuring the continuation of a fair assignments process, and to making
data on diversity in the various bureaus widely available consistent
with applicable law, including PII privacy laws, and the EEOC's
regulatory requirements.
Question. Is the State Department still deploying Foreign Service
Officers to posts where reports of directed energy attacks have taken
place? If so, what assurances are you providing to these individuals?
If confirmed, how will you prepare our Foreign Service officers
accordingly?
Answer. The interagency community is actively examining a range of
hypotheses but has made no determination about the cause of these
incidents or whether they can be attributed to a foreign actor. All
Foreign Service employees receive regular updates about anomalous
health incidents (AHI) through various means of communication. AHIs
have been a top priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for
the Health Incident Response Task Force (HIRTF) to strengthen the
Department's communication with the workforce, provide care for
affected employees and family members, and better protect against these
events in the future as the Department continues to work closely with
the interagency to find the cause of these AHI. If confirmed, there is
nothing I will take more seriously than the health and security of the
workforce. HIRTF is actively working to communicate response protocols
to the field, in the form of ALDACs, via Regional Executive Directors
to their respective bureaus, and workforce messaging from the desk of
the Secretary. Regional Security Officers cover AHIs during their
newcomer and regular security briefings at overseas posts. Further, if
confirmed, I will collaborate with HIRTF and the Foreign Service
Institute to deploy AHI-related content into the Security Overseas
Seminar (SOS). The SOS is mandatory for all direct-hire federal
employees posted overseas and highly recommended for Eligible Family
Members (EFMs) and Members of Household.
Question. Can I get your commitment that, if confirmed, you will
ensure that it will be State Department policy for all individuals who
desire it to have access to the Walter Reed medical facility?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to ensure all our
employees have access to the best medical care available. The
Department has established relationships with several centers of
medical excellence including Walter Reed Medical Center. I will
continue to advocate for access to Walter Reed along with other health
care centers recommended by the Bureau of Medical Services or preferred
by the individual.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat by Senator Cory A. Booker
Promoting Diversity
Question. Prioritizing diversity, equity, inclusion, and
accessibility at the State Department is essential. Ensuring that the
Department's personnel is representative of the American people is
critical to ensuring the effectiveness of our diplomacy and ensuring
that the United States leads by example when championing human rights
around the world. To remove barriers low-income students and students
of color face to participating in internship opportunities and help
foster a more diverse Foreign Service and workforce at the Department
of State, I have introduced a bipartisan bill, the Department of State
Student Internship Program Act, to ensure that internships at the State
Department are remunerated. This is just one of many steps that can be
taken to improve diversity.
What other changes do you think could be made to help increase
diversity in the State Department's recruitment?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing conversations
with you and others in Congress on the one-semester paid internship
program in your bill and the House-passed Department of State
Authorization Act of 2021.
The Department's top recruitment priority is enhancing diversity
among career candidates, in support of the President's directive to
revitalize the foreign policy and national security workforce. If
confirmed, I will review proposals to continue the Department's efforts
to build a more diverse workforce. The recruitment team created a new
Volunteer Recruitment Corps which leverages the Department workforce,
particularly members of the Department's employee affinity groups, to
augment outreach to prospective applicants. The team added virtual
private sector recruitment best practices, including candidate sourcing
via national networks and databases.
The Department expanded the Pickering and Rangel Fellowships by 50
percent, starting with the 2021 program year, and recruited record
numbers of outstanding, diverse candidates for both. The Department is
considering new Fellowships to meet Specialist career track hiring
needs and diversity and inclusion initiatives, as we have done for
Information Specialists with the Foreign Affairs IT Fellowship (FAIT).
Question. My internship bill will help to address recruitment, but
retention of employees of color has been another major problem at the
State Department. What do you believe are the most important steps the
State Department can take to increase retention?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead GTM in its role to recruit,
develop and retain a workforce that represents America. I will ensure
that GTM continues to integrate diversity and inclusion practices
strategically into personnel-related policies in alignment with the
Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer's vision and the Secretary's and
administration's priorities. This includes fair and transparent
interviewing and hiring, workplace flexibilities, and encouraging a
culture of inclusion through professional development and advancement
for both the Foreign Service and Civil Service.
If confirmed, I am committed to listening to the workforce and
ensuring we retain high performers by investing in their professional
development and strengthening programs that mentor individuals for
success, provide actionable feedback on performance, chart career
progression, provide more training and interagency and other detail
opportunities, and create viable pathways for those in the Civil
Service and Foreign Service as they aspire to advance their careers.
Question. My internship bill will require additional financial
resource. What initiatives can the State Department pursue immediately
to increase diversity that do not require additional resources?
Answer. Currently 16 regional Diplomats in Residence are based
around the country, hosted by universities but responsible for
recruitment of professionals and students in a geographic region, not
just on campus. Seven are hosted by Historically Black Colleges and
Universities and Hispanic Serving Institutions. The all-virtual
environment enabled our Diplomats in Residence and recruiters to attend
more virtual career fairs, host online information sessions, intensify
activity on social media platforms to include working professionals,
and reach far more people across the country in FY 2020 than in the
previous years, including a 39 percent increase in participation in
diversity-focused events. If confirmed, I will encourage even more
digital engagement with diverse, prospective candidates with skills
sets that will enhance our national security.
The State Department encourages all employees to recruit diverse
talent by using their professional affiliations and networks to amplify
Department career opportunities. The new Volunteer Recruiter Corps,
launched in January 2021, has opened recruitment activities to more
Department employees, leveraging the Department's existing talent and
diversity. Half of the initial 500 participants are members of the
Department's 17 Employee Affinity Groups (EAGs) and all EAGs are
represented in the Volunteer Recruiter Corps. If confirmed, I will
consult with the recruitment team on broadening and further engaging
the Corps.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator James E. Risch
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
Question. As the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) marks
its 70th anniversary, global displacement is at an all-time high.
Demands for life-saving assistance will only increase as the disaster
in Afghanistan, exacerbated by a hasty U.S. withdrawal, continues to
unfold, forcing hundreds of thousands of vulnerable Afghan to seek
safety and shelter as refugees.
Question. If confirmed, how will you approach ameliorating
conditions for the existing 2.6 million registered Afghan refugees (2.2
million of whom are registered in Iran and Pakistan, which presents
extraordinary challenges), in addition to the inevitable exodus of
hundreds of thousands more Afghans feeling rule by the Taliban?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage actively with the leadership of
the key U.N. humanitarian agencies in Geneva as well as NGOs to ensure
coordination and help monitor evolving needs inside and outside
Afghanistan. The United States is currently working with these and
other partners to review and strengthen humanitarian preparedness and
priority interventions in the region in the event of new refugee
outflows from Afghanistan, and the Geneva-based agencies will be
crucial to this ongoing effort. If confirmed, I will ensure that the
U.S. mission in Geneva coordinates closely across the interagency and
engages regularly with the Geneva-based humanitarian agencies,
including UNHCR, and with key donors and other partners to ensure the
U.N. system is appropriately responding to Afghan's evolving needs,
inside and outside Afghanistan.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that U.S.
assistance for Afghan refugees provided through U.N. agencies,
including UNHCR, reaches its intended beneficiaries and does not
materially benefit the Taliban?
Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the
region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian
assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan.
U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through
our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the
Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in
Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other
implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include
extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and
other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in
place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination
with international partners to stress the importance of remaining
united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian
assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If
confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the
international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access,
freedom of movement and employment opportunities for aid workers of all
genders, and the safety and security of humanitarian staff.
At the same time, humanitarian access in places like Central
African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, South Sudan,
Syria, and Yemen remains highly constrained. With humanitarians
increasingly under attack, these areas have become the most dangerous
places in the world for aid workers. To further complicate matters,
some UNHCR-supported camps (most notably in the DRC following the
Rwanda genocide in 1994, but also more recently in the displaced
persons camps in South Sudan), have served as hotbeds for recruitment
by armed actors and other abuses, including extreme violence against
women and girls.
Question. What more can UNHCR do to facilitate and secure
humanitarian access, prevent diversion by malign actors, protect
humanitarians and beneficiaries from attack and abuse, and promote
accountability?
Answer. As the world's largest single donor to global humanitarian
response efforts, the United States has a longstanding commitment to
ensuring appropriate access and effective delivery of assistance. By
working with partner nations and through important international
mechanisms, including, inter alia, the U.N. Security Council, the
United States has always been a leading voice to reinforce the crucial
principle of U.N. neutrality and push for all appropriate access.
If confirmed, I will work with UNHCR, other U.N. humanitarian
agencies, NGOs, and other member states to identify, highlight, and
address factors that hinder humanitarian access and accountability,
from risks to humanitarian staff to bureaucratic obstacles imposed by
governments that delay or divert assistance, as well as mechanisms,
such as biometrics, that could be used to strengthen accountability
around assistance. While the United States is the largest single donor
to UNHCR, close coordination with other like-minded actors also
supports the effective delivery of life-saving assistance to those in
need with the safety and security of aid workers at front-of-mind. If
confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. leadership on these issues through
engagement with diplomatic counterparts, U.N. humanitarian agency
leadership, public facing engagements, and through governing and other
executive bodies on which the United States sits.
Question. Under what circumstances, if any, should assistance to
camps for displaced persons be halted?
Answer. Considerations for halting assistance to camps is a complex
process and must take into account the context of the camps and the
conflict. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the U.S. continues to
provide support on the basis of need, whether those in question are in
camps or are integrated with host communities, and that assistance to
refugee camps is delivered according to international standards. If
confirmed, I will actively pursue burden-sharing with other donors,
national refugee inclusion policies with refugee host countries, and
work to advance relief to development coherence where possible.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to impressing upon the
U.N.'s Geneva-based humanitarian assistance agencies, and UNHCR in-
particular, the importance of establishing and utilizing biometrics and
other verification mechanisms that will enable the agencies to track
refugees and internally displaced persons throughout the life of their
displacement, improve operational planning, eliminate redundancies, and
enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of donor contributions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these methods are
implemented in an effective and transparent manner that improves
accountability for donor contributions and contributes to the larger
goal of providing quality assistance to beneficiaries. If confirmed, I
will also urge reluctant states to conduct joint biometric
registrations with UNHCR, where possible, with the aim of building the
capacities of host nations to eventually take over the responsibility
for registering refugees on their territories. Finally, if confirmed, I
will encourage other states to utilize biometric registration and
identity management for refugees, particularly those unwilling or
unable to do so, while attentive to the risk of such data falling into
the hands of those who might misuse it.
Question. What concrete steps do you plan to take to reform the
U.N. Human Rights Council in order to eliminate Agenda Item 7 and
improve council membership?
Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
disproportionate focus on Israel. When the U.S. has had a seat at the
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and have seen
changes, such as a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting
Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S.
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S.
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the
Council, we have been able to engage with our allies and partners to
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for
seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I will work closely with U.S.
friends and allies to push back on the People's Republic of China's
efforts to erode respect for human rights in favor of its authoritarian
aims and will work to expand space for civil society engagement in the
Council's work, something the PRC has worked to restrict in recent
years.
Question. What points of leverage will you use to secure reforms at
the U.N. Human Rights Council?
Answer. I am committed to seeking reforms of the U.N. Human Rights
Council, if confirmed. U.S. engagement at the HRC can be a force for
positive change, and we must continue to prioritize needed reforms as
part of our re-engagement. If confirmed, I will ensure U.S. leadership
on a robust reform agenda. Past experience has shown that when the
United States is at the table, working closely with U.S. friends and
allies, as well as non-traditional partners, we can make progress on
addressing the Council's problematic anti-Israel bias. If confirmed, I
will also press for U.N. member states to more carefully consider the
human rights records of countries running for election to the Council
and encourage countries with good records to run. If confirmed, I will
ensure that U.S. expectations around Council reforms are prioritized in
our diplomatic engagements in Geneva.
Question. What would you define as ``success'' for U.N. Human
Rights Council?
Answer. The United States firmly believes that we advance America's
national interests best when we have a seat at the table in the
multilateral system, including the Human Rights Council (HRC). Through
robust U.S. advocacy since our return to the Council as observers in
February, we have pushed to ensure the Council has shined a powerful
light on Beijing's human rights abuses in Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong
Kong; pressured regimes around the world, such as Belarus, Burma,
Eritrea, Syria, and Venezuela, by sharpening investigative mechanisms
into their human rights violations and abuses; and worked to advance
equality for all, protecting women's human rights, advancing the human
rights of LGBTQI+ individuals, and assuming a leadership role on racial
justice.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure the Council focuses
on its core mission--to shine a light on the world's worst human rights
abusers--and on the need to protect civilians. I will also work closely
with other member states to improve the Council's record through a
considered reform effort and to address the Council's credibility gap
due to its anti-Israel bias and its poor membership.
Question. If the Council does not eliminate Agenda Item 7, will the
United States continue to run for election at the UNHRC?
Answer. Yes. U.S. membership on the Council puts us in a much
stronger position from which to continue to push against anti-Israel
actions at the HRC and pursue our broader human rights agenda,
including ensuring the HRC addresses other serious human rights
situations around the world. If confirmed, I will prioritize continued
efforts to eliminate Agenda Item 7 as well as other needed reforms of
the HRC.
Question. In May, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) created a
new commission of inquiry to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. The new commission's mandate is much broader in scope
chronologically, geographically, and substantively than the mandates of
its predecessors.
The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the UNHRC,
with Secretary Blinken asserting that despite the Council's flawed
record on Israel ``the best way to improve the Council is to engage
with it and its members in a principled fashion.'' Blinken committed
that the U.S. would be at the Council ``table using the full weight of
our diplomatic leadership'' and said we ``strongly believe that when
the United States engages constructively with the Council, in concert
with our allies and friends, positive change is within reach.'' Yet the
mandate and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry
represents a change for the worse rather than the better.
Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May,
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to
influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader
efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council,
in line with other U.N. member states. If confirmed, I will also engage
regularly with the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear
U.S. opposition to the Commission. The United States does not intend to
cooperate with the Commission.
Question. If confirmed, will you use the full weight of our
diplomatic leadership to stop the UNHRC from attacking Israel?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to working with Israel and our other
allies and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate the HRC's
attacks on Israel. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United
States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in Geneva and
in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world, to address
the Human Rights Council's longstanding anti-Israel bias.
Question. How specifically would you plan to defense Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with U.S.
friends and allies, as well as non-traditional partners, to address the
Council's problematic anti-Israel bias and will engage regularly with
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S.
opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates. If confirmed, I will
work to reduce the number of Israel-related resolutions at the Council,
make clear U.S. opposition to all anti-Israel mandates and aim to
reduce the impact of such mandates, and bolster the number of countries
aligned with U.S. views on the need to permanently tackle the Council's
bias against Israel. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
uses its voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to
unfairly single out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms
that are biased against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S.
opposition to anti-Israel efforts.
Question. Will you ensure that no U.S. taxpayer dollars are used to
fund this UNHRC commission of inquiry?
Answer. The Commission of Inquiry, like all other HRC mandates, is
funded by the U.N. regular budget. As such, there is no means to ensure
that no funding for this mandate comes from the United States regular
contributions to the U.N. budget. However, if confirmed, I will ensure
that the United States uses its voice strongly at all opportunities to
register our opposition to this commission.
Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) Government is
actively trying to reshape international institutions to advance its
malign economic and governance model, including the United Nations. If
confirmed, how will you work with our democratic allies and partners to
build resiliency to attempts by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to
undermine the integrity of multilateral institutions and longstanding,
widely held democratic values, including with regard to the important
work of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N. High
Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and the
World Intellectual Property Organization?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the
Department to strengthen our alliances and partnerships as well as
improve outreach to other countries based on shared multilateral
priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. The United
States has had success coordinating with allies and partners to advance
an affirmative vision that supports and defends the rules-based
international order and deters the PRC's attempts to undermine core
U.N. principles. As part of this effort, if confirmed, I will ensure we
make clear through our diplomatic engagements that the PRC's actions to
bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
sovereign equality. If confirmed, I will also prioritize working with
allies and partners to support qualified and independent candidates for
senior leadership positions at the Geneva-based organizations and
counter the PRC's attempts to set the agenda in standard-setting bodies
and to include ideological language in U.N. documents. This will enable
us to better defend and improve the work of U.N. institutions in
Geneva, including the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the U.N.
High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Health Organization, and
the World Intellectual Property Organization.
Question. Do you commit to monitoring such attempts and taking
appropriate actions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, this will be one of my top priorities.
The United States is best able to address these issues when we are
actively engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized agencies
and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-engagement
with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work with our
allies and partners to defend the foundational values of the U.N. and
international rules, standards, and norms. If confirmed, I will seek to
improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and impartiality; take
targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such as its use of the
U.N. and international organizations to promote the Belt and Road
Initiative or incorporate its ideology into U.N. documents. If
confirmed I will also support qualified and independent candidates for
key positions and ensure that we advance our priorities on issues
ranging from human rights to emerging technologies, including in
standard-setting organizations.
Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have
overtly advanced CCP goals, instead of acting independently to advance
the global good. It is clear the United States has had mixed success
with elections for heads of International Organizations in the past and
is taking more robust and coordinated steps to advocate for qualified
and independent candidates in U.N. bodies. If confirmed, will you
prioritize robust strategies to secure the election qualified and
independent candidates to lead the highly specialized U.N. agencies
based in Geneva?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be the election
and appointment of qualified, independent candidates to leadership
positions in the U.N. system. Such personnel are critical to ensuring
the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational
principles and values. They also bring strong technical and policy
skills that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N.
system, which, in turn, bolster U.S. efforts on U.N. reform and good
governance. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has
established a new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and
coordinating elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-
minded candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office
works closely with our multilateral missions, including Geneva, to
ensure the United States identifies and advocates on behalf of
interested candidates for key positions across U.N. organizations and
agencies. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with top U.N.
leadership and our partners and allies to advocate for the placement of
qualified applicants and candidates, including U.S. citizens, at the
U.N. and in specialized and technical agencies.
Question. How do you propose to counter China's malign influence at
the WHO? Please be specific.
Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge
when we are engaged and leading at organizations, including the WHO. If
confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the WHO to reassert U.S.
leadership and work with allies and partners to push back against the
PRC's attempts to reshape international institutions, rules, standards,
and values.
The United States is taking a leadership role in discussions on
strengthening and reforming the WHO as an opportunity to push forward
critical reforms that will, inter alia, focus on better pandemic
preparedness and response, efficiency and effectiveness, transparency,
and accountability. This includes working to improve WHO transparency
and accountability through more effective implementation of the
International Health Regulations and insulating the WHO Director-
General from political influence and pressure. If confirmed, I will
prioritize U.S. leadership on these and other reforms to improve WHO's
performance and accountability and bolster global health security. U.S.
leadership on these issues at the WHO is critical both to ensuring
progress on strengthening global health security and rebuilding WHO
credibility but also to pushing back on the PRC's efforts to undermine
the organization's accountability, transparency, and governance. If
confirmed, I will also ensure close engagement with like-minded
partners and WHO leadership to push for Taiwan's meaningful
participation at the WHO, including participation at the World Health
Assembly.
Question. How will you ensure that COVAX, the vaccines pillar of
the WHO-supported Access to COVID-19 Tools (ACT) Accelerator, does not
become a vehicle for subsidizing and distributing substandard Chinese
vaccines?
Answer. Gavi will not use funds from the generous U.S. contribution
supporting COVAX to purchase vaccines produced by Chinese companies.
U.S. funds have either already been spent down to purchase vaccines
made by non-Chinese manufacturers or are being used to support the
purchase of Pfizer vaccines or vaccine readiness efforts in recipient
countries. Given the immense need for vaccines around the world to help
control and end the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. Government is
supportive of COVAX's efforts to rapidly roll-out vaccines authorized
by the World Health Organization (WHO) as safe and effective. We
understand that a condition for distribution via COVAX is a WHO
authorization via an emergency use listing (EUL). If confirmed, I will
ensure close engagement with Gavi to understand its current and future
plans for vaccine roll-out and work with the organization as it tries
to identify additional sources of vaccine to address its supply
challenges, with more vaccines made by non-Chinese companies expected
to come online in the coming months.
Question. What are the top five reforms that you believe the United
States should pursue at the WHO?
Answer. The World Health Organization is in need of reform and, if
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to make the WHO stronger, more
independent, and fit for purpose. The United States is using its
leadership role on WHO strengthening and reform efforts to focus on
improving WHO's ability to prevent, detect, and respond to future
pandemics by:
Improving surveillance and alert systems, including through
partnerships with Member States and nonstate actors;
Increasing transparency and the ability of the WHO and Member
States to quickly and effectively respond to outbreaks,
especially through strengthened implementation of and
compliance with the International Health Regulations; and
Increasing the WHO's cost effectiveness and sustainability.
The May 2021 World Health Assembly (WHA) established a Member State
Working Group on Strengthening WHO Preparedness for and Response to
Health Emergencies (WGPR) to propose actions for WHO reform based on
the recommendations by three independent review panels and Member
States for consideration at the next World Health Assembly. If
confirmed, I am committed to energetically supporting these efforts,
ensuring strong U.S. leadership to push for a set of practical and
meaningful reforms that will address performance, management, and
accountability issues at the organization.
Question. Do you believe the WHO should lead emergency health
operations, or would it be better placed to focus on the technical and
normative aspects of its mission?
Answer. The WHO engages in vital emergency health work around the
world, including, for example, the work it is doing to provide critical
healthcare assistance, including to combat the polio epidemic in
Afghanistan. But the COVID-19 pandemic revealed troubling gaps in
global public health investments, capacities, and norms. The United
States reengaged in the World Health Organization in January in order
to advance critically needed reforms, reassert our role as a leader in
global health security, and help the world combat the COVID-19
pandemic. The United States took an active role in working with G7 and
other partners to lay the groundwork to strengthen WHO's global health
emergency preparedness and response. If confirmed, I will support a
more transparent, effective, and agile WHO that will be better placed
to detect, report, and respond to emerging health emergencies.
Question. In preparing for the next World Health Assembly, do you
agree that diplomatic engagement, including with regard to negotiating
governance reforms at the WHO, would be best left to competent
diplomats reporting to the Secretary of State while the technical
aspects of the International Health Regulations are left to the
Department of Health and Human Services? Do you see a difference?
Answer. The Department of State continues to advance WHO reforms in
close collaboration with the Department of Health and Human Services
(HHS). We take a whole-of-government approach that leverages all
agencies' competencies. For example, the U.S. delegation to the WHO
Working Group on WHO Strengthening for Preparedness and Response to
Health Emergencies includes key representatives with subject matter
expertise and multilateral skills from State, HHS, USAID, and the
National Security Council. The strong cooperation between State, HHS,
and other relevant agencies will ensure that the United States achieves
the best possible results from the WHO reform process. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure that the U.S. brings to bear the full weight of its
diplomatic and technical leadership to drive WHO reform efforts and the
ongoing work and oversight of the organization.
Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure that Taiwan is
granted full observer status at the WHO and the World Health Assembly,
regardless of Chinese obstructionism?
Answer. It is deeply unfortunate that Taiwan's expertise and
experience on COVID-19 were missing from the 2021 World Health Assembly
and for the previous several years. The United States has continued to
express its concern to the World Health Organization leadership, and if
confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to build support for Taiwan's
participation at the World Health Assembly through diplomatic
engagement with WHO member states, WHO leadership, and media and other
outreach to raise public awareness.
If confirmed, I will continue U.S. policy to work closely with
like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's
meaningful participation at the WHO, World Health Assembly, and other
U.N. bodies, as well as its efforts to shrink space for civil society's
meaningful participation in U.N. fora.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. As we know, women's access to health care, including
sexual and reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a
significant role in their empowerment. It also dramatically reduces
maternal and newborn deaths. Yet the previous administration undertook
a campaign against inclusive policies and language that has undermined
U.S. credibility on gender equality and women's empowerment.
Can you speak to how you will work within the U.N. system in Geneva
to promote access to health care for women?
Answer. The United States is best able to promote access to health
care for women when we are engaged and leading in international
organizations. If confirmed, I will contribute to the administration's
re-engagement across the multilateral system by working with partners
and allies to improve global health capabilities and equitable access
to health care for women and girls. The administration has prioritized
the promotion of women's global health and equity, and that action is
evident in U.S. efforts to increase access to comprehensive health care
for women and girls; to restore appropriate references to gender in
U.N. documents; to address health disparities; to advance sexual and
reproductive health and rights; to prevent and respond to gender-based
violence (GBV); and to address the gender-specific health effects of
the COVID-19 pandemic.
If confirmed, I will advance these priorities across the U.N.
organizations in Geneva, including through raising these priorities
with leadership of key U.N. humanitarian organizations, working with
likeminded partners, and ensuring the United States uses its voice in
governing and executive boards to ensure continued progress and to make
clear the strong U.S. support for women's health and gender equity.
Question. Will you commit to ensuring that the United States talks
about gender--both by once again using the word and promoting the
idea--in our engagement with the United Nations?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will promote gender equity and
equality and women's empowerment across the full spectrum of Geneva-
based agencies and in all the work they conduct. This will include
promotion and protection of the rights of LGBTQI+ persons and the
return of U.S. use of and support for the term ``gender'' in our
statements at the U.N. and in negotiated U.N. documents.
If confirmed, I will also restore the U.S. voice in support of
women's and girls' sexual and reproductive health and rights, including
access to voluntary family planning, as a key element of the Biden-
Harris administration's broader commitment to promoting women's health
and advancing gender equity and equality in the United States and
around the world.
Question. Women's access to health care, including sexual and
reproductive health care like modern contraceptives, plays a
significant role in their ability to advance their education,
participate in the economy and support their families and communities.
Can you speak to how you will work in this post to promote access
to comprehensive health care across U.N. offices in Geneva?
Answer. The best way to promote equitable health care access,
including for women, is for the United States to demonstrate leadership
on these issues on the global stage, including within international
organizations such as the U.N. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-
Harris administration's determined reengagement and leadership by
working across the U.N. agencies in Geneva and with likeminded partners
to identify and pursue all appropriate means of promoting equitable and
comprehensive access to health care, including sexual and reproductive
health care.
This means not only strengthening actions through bodies such as
the World Health Organization, but also ensuring that women's and
girls' health remains a central objective for organizations such as the
U.N. Refugee Agency, U.N. Women, UNICEF, the U.N. Population Fund, and
others charged with supporting human health and wellbeing. If
confirmed, I look forward to invigorating U.S. diplomatic engagement in
Geneva to focus on these crucial needs.
Question. If confirmed, how will you approach restoring
relationships with U.S. allies and U.S. leadership within the U.N.
system?
Answer.
The Biden-Harris administration has charted a course to mend and,
where needed, modernize America's alliances. If confirmed, I will
support those efforts by strengthening U.S. leadership at the Geneva-
based international organizations, rebuilding partnerships, advocating
for qualified and independent U.S. and likeminded candidates for U.N.
positions, and pushing for necessary reforms. I firmly support the
administration's belief that the United States is most influential when
it is at the table, working in partnership with allies, and when it is
engaged across the multilateral system from a position of strength and
leadership.
That is the intent in seeking election to the U.N. Human Rights
Council, and in returning with renewed vigor to dozens of other
multilateral bodies. If confirmed, I will prioritize reestablishing
strong relationships with likeminded partners and allies to advance
common priorities and forming relationships with non-traditional
partners that can be critical to U.S. efforts to ensure the U.N. system
remains grounded on its foundational principles and aims and is not co-
opted by those who seek to undermine the rules-based international
order.
Question. In your opinion, has the lack of U.S. leadership at the
U.N. allowed for countries that seek to overturn democratic norms to
push their agendas within the U.N. system? Where should we be most
concerned about this, and what are the first steps to undoing these
efforts?
Answer. The United States is best able to address efforts to
undermine and weaken the U.N. system when we are engaged and leading at
the U.N. and its specialized agencies and related organizations. If
confirmed, I will use our re-engagement with the U.N. system to
reassert U.S. leadership and work with our partners and allies to push
back against attempts to reshape the U.N. and international rules,
standards, and values. We are seeing these attempts play out in
different ways across the U.N. system, including in the human rights
space, in specialized and technical organizations, and in standard-
setting bodies.
If confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness,
transparency, and impartiality; take targeted actions to oppose efforts
by some countries to use the U.N. and international organizations to
promote signature foreign policy platforms or insert national ideology
and policy into U.N. documents; support qualified and independent
candidates for key positions; and ensure that we advance our priorities
on issues ranging from from global health security to humanitarian
assistance and human rights to emerging technologies, including in
standard-setting bodies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has a long history
of anti-Israel bias. The Council has repeatedly chastised Israel and
held it to a double standard, while ignoring gross human rights abuses
around the world. To this day, Israel is the only country subject to a
permanent spot on the Council's agenda.
If confirmed, how will you counter anti-Israel bias at the U.N.
Human Rights Council and other U.N. agencies?
Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC), particularly with respect to the HRC's
disproportionate focus on Israel and the HRC's problematic membership.
When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to advocate on
Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction in the
number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will prioritize
working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as non-
traditional partners, to address the HRC's problematic anti-Israel bias
and will engage regularly with the Office of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel
mandates. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States uses its
voice and position in Geneva to push back on efforts to unfairly single
out Israel, works to counteract existing mechanisms that are biased
against Israel, and consistently makes clear U.S. opposition to anti-
Israel efforts.
Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets toward
Israel from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the ridiculous
step to establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate
Israel. What are your thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S.
cooperate with commission?
Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
the U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) following the conflict in Gaza in
May 2021. The session exemplifies the HRC's disproportionate focus on
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
confirmed, I will work to influence the scope and timeline of this
Commission as part of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated
fairly by the Human Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member
states. The United States does not intend to cooperate with the
Commission.
Question. The Biden administration has chosen to reengage with the
UNHRC in the hopes of improving the council's record. Yet this mandate
and membership of the new UNHRC commission of inquiry represents a
change for the worse rather than the better.
If confirmed, will you use the full weight of American diplomatic
leadership to stop the UNHRC from engaging in anti-Israel bias?
Answer. I am committed to working with Israel and our other allies
and partners to reduce and eventually eliminate attacks on Israel by
the Human Rights Council. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the
United States uses the full weight of our diplomatic leadership, in
Geneva and in our bilateral and multilateral missions around the world,
to address the HRC's longstanding anti-Israel bias.
Question. The Chinese Communist Party has sought to use U.N.
bodies-including the UNHRC-to aggressively promote a new definition of
human rights. For instance, in 2017 and 2018, the CCP was able to offer
resolutions that called for ``people-centered development,'' building a
``community of common human destiny,'' and ``mutually beneficial
cooperation in the field of human rights.'' These resolutions--which
passed--downplay an individual's inherent human dignity and gives
authoritarians around the world tacit acceptance for abuse.
If confirmed, how will you combat the CCP's sophisticated efforts
to revise international human rights norms at the U.N.?
Answer. The United States will continue to be vigilant and work
with others to ensure we have the broadest possible defense of the
multilateral system's values and norms and are best placed to counter
the PRC's efforts to erode global human rights norms and pursue its
authoritarian aims. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues across
the Department to strengthen current alliances and partnerships as well
as improve outreach to other countries based on shared human rights
priorities, both in Geneva and through bilateral channels. As part of
this effort, the U.S. will also make clear that the PRC's actions to
bully and coerce undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
sovereign equality. If confirmed, pushing back on the PRC's efforts to
reshape global human rights norms at the U.N. will be one of my top
priorities, and I will use the full weight of U.S. diplomatic
leadership toward these efforts.
Question. One of the many consequences of the Biden
administration's disastrous Afghanistan decision is that the Taliban is
now in a position to appoint a new envoy for Afghanistan at the U.N. If
appointed, this envoy will assume Afghanistan's membership on the
Commission for the Status of Women. This is ludicrous considering the
Taliban has been and still is, one of the worst oppressors of women's
rights.
If confirmed, how will you encourage the U.N. to invoke Rule 29 to
ensure a Taliban appointee does not become Afghanistan's envoy
to the U.N.?
Answer. The United States has consistently emphasized the
importance of any future government in Afghanistan to respect the human
rights and fundamental freedoms of all Afghans. This includes the
rights of women, children, and minority groups. The United States is
closely watching the Taliban's actions across the country in this
regard, and we will judge them by their actions, including with respect
to their representational efforts at the U.N.
As Secretary Blinken has said, the Taliban want international
legitimacy. It is vital that the international community work in unison
to send a clear message that legitimacy is earned through concrete
actions. If confirmed, I will work to reinforce these efforts across
the Geneva-based organizations, including ensuring appropriate focus of
the U.N. Human Rights Council on the human rights situation in
Afghanistan.
Question. If confirmed, how will you use your position to ensure
that U.N. humanitarian assistance does not benefit the Taliban?
Answer. The United States is the largest single donor of
humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, and we will continue our life-
saving support for vulnerable populations in Afghanistan and in the
region. If confirmed, I will support all efforts to ensure humanitarian
assistance in Afghanistan directly benefits the people of Afghanistan.
U.S. humanitarian assistance is provided on the basis of need through
our international and non-governmental partners, and not through the
Taliban. U.N. agencies that deliver U.S. humanitarian assistance in
Afghanistan follow similar risk mitigation requirements as other
implementers of U.S. assistance. These risk mitigation measures include
extensive vetting to reduce the risk of the diversion of funds and
other resources. Monitoring and strict notification requirements are in
place to flag issues that could impact assistance delivery.
If confirmed, I will support the Department's close coordination
with international partners to stress the importance of remaining
united in our approach to Afghanistan and delivering humanitarian
assistance with impartiality, neutrality, and independence. If
confirmed, I will also support the Department's work with the
international community to encourage unhindered humanitarian access,
freedom of movement for aid workers of all genders, and the safety and
security of humanitarian staff. If confirmed, I will engage regularly
with U.N. humanitarian leadership in Geneva in support of these
efforts, as well as with other donor countries.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Cory A. Booker
Re-establishing U.S. Leadership in U.N. Bodies
Question. China has secured leadership roles in a number of U.N.
bodies over the last few years, including the Food and Agriculture
Organization (elected in 2019), International Telecommunication Union
(re-elected in 2018), International Civil Aviation Organization (re-
appointed in 2019 and leaving office in August 2021), and U.N.
Industrial Development Organization (re-appointed in 2017), at the time
when the prior administration withdrew the United States from a number
of U.N. bodies, dealing a double blow to our influence with the U.N.
system. The Biden administration has taken steps to rejoin a number of
bodies.
What further steps does the administration plan on taking to re-
establish U.S. leadership with the U.N. system and to ensure
that either the United States or our allies regain leadership
roles in important U.N. bodies?
Answer. The election and appointment of qualified and independent
candidates to positions in the U.N. system are critical to ensuring
that the U.N. operates effectively and in line with its foundational
principles and values. Qualified U.S. citizens and nationals from like-
minded countries bring strong technical, policy, and management skills
that enhance the performance and outcomes within the U.N. system,
which, in turn, bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good governance.
The Bureau of International Organization Affairs has established a
new office focused in part on managing, supporting, and coordinating
elections and appointments for qualified U.S. and like-minded
candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system. That office works
closely with posts such as Geneva to ensure the United States is well-
positioned to identify and advocate on behalf of interested candidates
for key positions across multiple U.N. organizations and agencies. If
confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with senior U.N. leadership as
well as our allies and partners to advocate for placement and election
of qualified and independent applicants and candidates, including U.S.
citizens, at the U.N. and in its specialized and technical agencies. If
confirmed, I will also prioritize working closely across the
interagency, with U.S. bilateral and multilateral missions, and with
Congress to ensure that we dedicate robust diplomatic efforts to
leadership election and appointment campaigns.
Question. What can the State Department do to counter China's
growing influence within the U.N. system?
Answer. The United States is best able to respond to this challenge
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N. and its specialized
agencies and related organizations. If confirmed, I will use our re-
engagement with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work
with our allies and partners to push back against the PRC's attempts to
reshape international institutions, rules, standards, and values. I
will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness, transparency, and
impartiality; support qualified and independent candidates for key
positions; ensure that we advance our priorities on issues ranging from
human rights to emerging technologies, including in standard-setting
bodies; and take targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC efforts, such
as its use of the U.N. and international organizations to promote the
Belt and Road Initiative or its incorporation of PRC ideology and
policy into U.N. documents. If confirmed, I will also work closely with
like-minded partners to counter the PRC's efforts to restrict Taiwan's
meaningful participation in U.N. bodies and its efforts to shrink space
for civil society's meaningful participation in U.N. fora.
Question. The African bloc within the U.N. is a large bloc of
countries that tends to vote together and can be decisive with respect
to votes at the United Nations. China has done a lot economically and
diplomatically to successfully court this bloc, for example convincing
almost all African countries to abandon Taiwan in favor of China.
What can the State Department do to work with this bloc to better
explain U.S. positions and have it vote with the United States
at the U.N.?
Answer. The United States shares many priorities with countries in
Africa, yet too often in multilateral fora our votes do not align. If
confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the Department to improve
outreach and partnerships with African and other G-77 countries on our
shared multilateral priorities, both in Geneva and through our
bilateral channels. As part of this effort, we will also make clear
that the PRC's actions to coerce and bully countries to support its
positions at the U.N. undermine the U.N.'s foundational principle of
sovereign equality and work with those countries to defend our shared
interests at the U.N.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, what specific reforms will you push for at
the Human Rights Council? How will you fight anti-Israel bias at the
U.N. Human Rights Council?
Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic
membership. When we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to
advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed, I will
prioritize working closely with U.S. friends and allies, as well as
non-traditional partners, to address the Council's problematic anti-
Israel bias and will engage regularly with the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights to make clear U.S. opposition to
problematic anti-Israel mandates.
We have also seen that when the United States plays an active and
constructive role on the Council, we have been able to engage with our
allies and partners to keep off some of the countries with the worst
human rights records and to encourage and support countries with better
records to run for seats. More broadly, if confirmed, I would work
closely with U.S. friends and allies to push back on the People's
Republic of China's efforts to erode global human rights norms in favor
of its authoritarian aims and will work to expand space for civil
society engagement in the Council's work, something the PRC has worked
to restrict in recent years. If confirmed, I will ensure the United
States prioritizes these specific reforms.
Question. Following the launching of thousands of rockets at Israel
from Gaza this May, the Human Rights Council took the step of
establishing a permanent commission of inquiry to investigate Israel,
the only such permanent agenda item of the council. What are your
thoughts on the commission? Should the U.S. cooperate with commission?
Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the conflict in Gaza in May,
2021. The session exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on
Israel. The establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry
distracts from the diplomatic work necessary to provide greater
dignity, freedom, and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded partners to
influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part of broader
efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human Rights Council,
in line with other U.N. member states. The United States does not
intend to cooperate with the Commission, and if confirmed, I will make
clear U.S. opposition to the Commission through regular engagements
with the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and diplomatic
counterparts.
Question. As you know, China continues to seek leadership posts and
influence inside key standards-making bodies like the International
Telecommunication Union (ITU), World Intellectual Property
Organization, and International Organization for Standardization. What
do you believe is required to effectively push back on Chinese efforts
to codify CCP-friendly international standards?
Answer. The United States has consistently participated in the
activities of key standard-setting bodies to ensure U.S. interests are
represented, while standing as a bulwark against PRC interests. This is
achieved by ensuring that organizations are transparent and accountable
to membership, focused on mandates and core competencies, and led by
independent, qualified candidates.
Strong leadership and engagement in international technology
standards development activities are essential to the national security
and economic security of the United States. If confirmed, I will
prioritize electing qualified and independent candidates to lead
important standard-setting bodies, including the election of American
citizen Doreen Bogdan-Martin as Secretary-General of the ITU, and
robust strategies to work with our allies and partners to strengthen
the international standards development process in alignment with our
shared values and principles. I will also work to ensure the U.S.
private sector can appropriately engage in standard-setting processes
and will strengthen relationships with leadership of the Geneva-based
standard-setting bodies so that the U.S. can most effectively advance
our interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Bathsheba Nell Crocker by Senator Todd Young
Question. The U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has been subject to
bipartisan criticism for endemic anti-Israel bias. It has in recent
years taken a leading role in promoting economic measures against
Israeli Jews and in territories where Israeli Jews live. The Human
Rights Council has published a blacklist of companies doing business in
the West Bank and East Jerusalem--including American companies. The
move puts these companies at severe reputational and potentially even
legal risks, pursuant to American statutes prohibiting participation in
such boycott efforts.
What specific steps do you intend to take to ensure that the
Council retracts databases and other lists seeking to pressure
companies into curtailing activities with Israel?
Answer. The United States opposed the creation of the database and
release of the report, as mandated by the Human Rights Council in 2016,
and continues to oppose any work to update it. The United States has
not provided and has no intention to provide any information to OHCHR
for the database. If confirmed, I will also encourage other countries
not to provide any information for the database. The United States
continues to engage with the High Commissioner in Geneva to make its
views and opposition clear and to push for retraction of the database.
If confirmed, I will continue this effort.
Question. How long do you assess it will take you to ensure that
the Council retracts all such databases and other lists?
Answer. I cannot offer a specific timeline. However, I can assure
you that, if I am confirmed, the United States, and I personally, will
continue to engage regularly with the High Commissioner in Geneva to
urge the retraction of this database and push to ensure that the
database is not further updated.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are your views on the future of the Minsk Group and
how we can promote a better future in the region amid increased Azeri
and Turkish aggression?
Answer. The United States takes its role as one of the three OSCE
Minsk Group Co-Chairs--with France and Russia--very seriously. If
confirmed, I will support the mandate of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs to
help Armenia and Azerbaijan negotiate a peaceful, comprehensive
settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and will support efforts
invigorate the Minsk Group Co-Chair process to find a lasting solution
that brings peace and stability to the South Caucasus region. If
confirmed, I will also look for opportunities for broader OSCE
engagement in the South Caucasus region to promote peace, security, and
stability.
Question. So how will you use the OSCE platform to draw attention
to human rights abuses and the erosion of the rule of law in Turkey?
Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding and the
erosion of the rule of law in Turkey. If confirmed, I will speak
frankly about democracy and human rights concerns with my Turkish
counterparts. I will also raise these concerns in statements at the
Permanent Council and other OSCE venues to ensure that all
participating States are held accountable for their OSCE commitments.
Question. What would you do as ambassador to make sure that Turkey
is unable to derail the OSCE's work on these important issues?
Answer. All participating States, including Turkey, freely adopted
OSCE commitments on respect for human rights, the rule of law, and
democracy. If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms to hold Turkey and
other states accountable for their failures to uphold these
commitments. I share your concern that countries could seek to evade
criticism of their records by obstructionist tactics, as is currently
the case with Russia's blocking of procedural decisions regarding the
Human Dimension Implementation Meeting. If confirmed, I will continue
to take the firm U.S. position that such tactics are unacceptable and
work with allies and partners to uphold the principle that the human
rights record of all participating States is subject to review.
Question. Given the Kremlin intransigence, what steps will you take
within the OSCE to ensure that the Kremlin is held accountable for
abuses against its own people?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue spotlighting Russia's
failures to uphold its freely made commitments on human rights, rule of
law, and democracy. I will amplify the voices of embattled civil
society activists, human rights defenders, and independent journalists.
I will raise the cases of political prisoners and call out abuses. I
agree the Kremlin has obstructed the work of the OSCE inside Russia for
many years, including in the runup to this year's parliamentary
elections. After obstructing independent media coverage and genuine
opposition participation, and after imposing unjustified restrictions
on OSCE observation, the OSCE rightly decided not to observe this
year's elections. However, that does not mean Russia will evade the
spotlight or international accountability. If confirmed, I will
continue the U.S. Mission to the OSCE's efforts to call out the
Kremlin's failures to abide by its OSCE commitments.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Todd Young
Nontransparent Behavior with Respect to Its War Games
Question. Russia's history and continued practice of under-
reporting, mischaracterizing, or permanently repositioning forces under
the rubric of exercises is dangerously destabilizing. Many of the
confidence- and security-building measures contained in the OSCE's
Vienna Document are designed to provide transparency regarding military
activities, including military exercises in the field. If it chose to,
Russia could demonstrate its commitment to international stability by
ensuring it is transparent before, during, and after military
exercises. This would give other OSCE participating States greater
confidence that Russia will refrain from an unlawful threat or use of
force. Unfortunately, Russia does not consistently fulfill the
transparency measures it committed to in the Vienna Document. If
confirmed, I will continue to call upon Russia to meet its
international obligations and its commitments under the Vienna Document
and will use the OSCE platform to call out its destabilizing military
activities while keeping our allies and partners united.
Is the Vienna document still relevant given how frequently Russia
violates its spirit and intent? What reforms are most pressing
to maintain OSCE as a relevant institution?
Answer. The Vienna Document remains a pillar of military
transparency and confidence-building in Europe and Eurasia. If
confirmed, I will work to build support for Vienna Document
modernization so its provisions are better adapted to new military
realities, including by working with allies and partners to push Russia
to participate constructively in results-oriented negotiations.
Russia's repeated failures over the years to fulfill certain of its
Vienna Document commitments in good faith undermines other states'
confidence in Russia's commitment to international stability. However,
the United States and our allies are better off with these commitments
in place, in part so we can hold Russia to account.
The OSCE's comprehensive security concept linking respect for human
rights within states to cooperation and peace among states helps the
United States advance its interests within the organization, and this
concept remains highly relevant today. Useful reforms would include
those mandating a timely adoption of the Unified Budget and steps to
facilitate OSCE's core functions, including holding all three
implementation/review meetings annually. If confirmed, I look forward
to consulting with Congress on the question of reforms and will
steadfastly defend the continued independence of OSCE institutions and
field missions, which do invaluable work to advance our interests.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with OSCE to counter
the growing belligerence of Russia and its encroachment into Belarus?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by Russia's malign activities in
Belarus, including its insertion of Russian propagandists into
Belarusian state-controlled media outlets to replace Belarusian
journalists and Belarusian technical personnel, who were either fired
due to their participation in the pro-democracy movement or quit in
peaceful protest. Other Russian ``advisors'' have also been deployed to
Belarus to assist the regime with consolidating power.
The United States, together with 16 other participating States,
invoked the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism in September 2020 to investigate
human rights abuses in Belarus. The Moscow Mechanism is a unique OSCE
tool that allows for an investigation to be launched without consensus
and independently of the OSCE Chairmanship. The resulting OSCE
Rapporteur's report on Belarus thoroughly documented ongoing human
rights abuses and made specific recommendations, such as calling for an
end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch of
an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If
confirmed, I will use all applicable OSCE platforms and tools to
support the human rights and democratic aspirations of the Belarusian
people and the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of
the Republic of Belarus.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. Over the past year, the world has suffered the crippling
impact of COVID-19, which has disproportionately affected our most
vulnerable citizens and allowed some governments to exploit the
pandemic to limit fundamental freedoms. Corruption threatens peace,
prosperity, and human rights across the region, and the Kremlin remains
intransigent in its overt violence against its neighbors as well as its
covert attempts to undermine democratic institutions elsewhere.
As Ambassador, what would be your top priorities for the U.S.
Mission to the OSCE?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize respect for democracy and
human rights and continue efforts to push back on Russian and PRC
malign influence across the OSCE region, particularly Russia's
aggression in Ukraine, and redouble U.S. engagement to resolve
protracted conflicts in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and Nagorno-Karabakh.
I will focus on addressing conventional military concerns and updating
the Vienna Document, as well as addressing ``hybrid'' threats such as
election interference, energy coercion, disinformation, cyber
operations, and transnational repression. I will prioritize
establishing stronger anti-corruption measures, and work with allies
and partners to strengthen the resilience of frontline democracies.
Finally, I will use OSCE platforms and institutional tools to defend
human rights and human dignity, promote democratic reforms, and push
back against growing restrictions on civil society, media and internet
freedom, judicial independence, and the rising tide of intolerance.
Question. How can the OSCE contribute to its mission of promoting
human rights and democracy in Belarus and countries undergoing similar
situations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and
tools to shine a light on the appalling human rights situation in
Belarus while affirming our support for democratic norms and
institutions. While it is up to the people of Belarus to decide their
political future, the OSCE must continue to hold the authorities in
Belarus accountable for their actions. The successful invocation of the
OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United States and 16 other countries in
2020 resulted in the issuance of a report documenting ongoing human
rights abuses and offering policy recommendations, such as calling for
an end to torture, the release of all political prisoners, the launch
of an inclusive national dialogue, and new, free and fair elections. If
confirmed, I will continue calling Belarus and other participating
States to account when they violate their human rights obligations or
disregard the OSCE commitments they freely pledged to uphold.
Additionally, I will continue support for the OSCE's independent
institutions, which conduct invaluable human rights programming,
spotlight repressions against journalists and human rights defenders,
and provide support to vulnerable populations.
Rise in Violence:
Question. Since 2015, I have served as the Special Representative
on Anti-Semitism, Racism, and Intolerance for the OSCE Parliamentary
Assembly. We've seen, in recent months, current events trigger latent
bias in our communities. We go back to 9/11 where we saw the rise of
hate against the Muslim community, which was translated into violence
against Muslim Americans. We saw during COVID-19 latent bias against
the Asian American community. Once again, as a result of recent
violence in the Middle East, we see a rise of anti-Semitism here in the
United States and around the world.
The center's Early Warning Project provides an innovative risk
assessment tool using methods to spotlight countries where mass
atrocities have not begun, but where the risk of such violence
is high. The warning signs are there. As Ambassador, how are
you planning on addressing this issue with many OSCE
participating states?
Answer. I share your alarm at the rise of anti-Semitism, anti-
Muslim hatred, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance in the OSCE
region that, if left unchecked, can lead to mass atrocities. Whole-of-
government approaches, such as efforts to implement the Elie Wiesel
Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act and the Global Fragility Act,
provide the Department, in collaboration with other agencies,
opportunities to innovate, leverage and utilize valuable tools for
early warning and early action regarding mass atrocities. Various
nongovernmental organizations also provide useful metrics for assessing
risk of mass atrocities. At the OSCE, the Conflict Prevention Center
staffs a round-the-clock Situation Room to look for early warning signs
and bring them to the attention of participating States.
If confirmed, I will condemn hate in all of its forms, and use the
OSCE's diplomatic, educational, and programmatic tools to build
international coalitions to act swiftly whenever and wherever there is
a risk of violence or mass atrocities. In this regard, preventative
diplomacy is critical. If confirmed, I will also continue U.S. support
for the tolerance projects of the Office for Democratic Institutions
and Human Rights and encourage active engagement by the High
Commissioner on National Minorities to address the triggers of inter-
ethnic conflict and engage in conflict prevention at the earliest
possible stage.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Ted Cruz
Nord Stream 2
Question. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is opposed by OSCE countries.
In 2019, the OSCE passed a resolution ``expressing particular concern
about the Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream pipeline projects and their
potential to be used for the political or economic coercion of supply-
dependent participating State.''
Congress has of course mandated the use of sanctions to stop Nord
Stream 2 from coming online, and on September 15 you testified ``I
think it's very important that the U.S. continues to be ready to use
all of the authorities contained within PEESA and CAATSA which are the
laws of the land when it comes to this.'' The statement is in tension
with statements from other Biden administration officials, who have
publicly said that the pipeline cannot be stopped, in part because it
has been physically completed. European allies that believe the
pipeline should be stopped have, in turn, emphasized that there are
still several months to prevent its certification and activation.
Please clarify your September 15 testimony by describing what
authorities within PEESA and CAATSA should be used.
Answer. The Protecting European Energy Security Act (PEESA) and the
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) both
provide the administration with authorities to sanction foreign persons
who engage in certain activity related to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I
understand the administration remains committed to implementing CAATSA
and PEESA, as amended, and that work continues to examine entities
involved in potentially sanctionable activity.
Question. Please assess whether you believe the Nord Stream 2
pipeline can still be stopped from coming online.
Answer. It is my understanding that while the physical work
required to construct the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is either finished or
close to being finished, it could take several more months before
German authorities are ready to certify the pipeline for use. If
confirmed, I will continue to oppose the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and
work to strengthen the energy security of our allies and partners.
If confirmed, I will use OSCE platforms and tools to push back
against the Kremlin's coercive energy policies and advance a more
secure and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and other frontline
European countries. I would continue to support the OSCE's work to
build the capacity of participating States to protect their energy
networks, diversify their energy mixes, improve the investment climate
in the energy sector, and reduce the environmental footprint of energy
production, use, and transport.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Michael Carpenter by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How can we apply more pressure in Belarus within the OSCE
context? Can we do more to support the democratic movement led by
Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available OSCE platforms and
tools to spotlight the appalling human rights situation in Belarus,
urge the Lukashenka regime to engage in a facilitated dialogue with the
democratic opposition and civil society, and support the Belarusian
people's democratic aspirations. The OSCE must continue to hold
Belarus' authorities accountable for their severe human rights abuses
and allow for the voices of civil society and democratic leaders to be
heard. The 2020 invocation of the OSCE's Moscow Mechanism by the United
States and sixteen other countries resulted in a report documenting
human rights abuses and making policy recommendations supported by the
United States, such as an immediate end to violence and torture,
unconditional release of all political prisoners, launch of an OSCE-
facilitated national dialogue inclusive of civil society and the
political opposition, and new, free and fair elections under
international observation.
Question. I was able to visit Georgia earlier this summer and was
initially encouraged by the progress undertaken by the April 19
agreements. However, recent events over the course of the summer
indicate that there is still insufficient political will to advance the
April 19 agreement.
The next round of elections is scheduled for early October--what
role will the OSCE take in observing these elections?
Answer. The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights (ODIHR) has deployed an election observation mission (EOM) for
Georgia's October 2 local elections. The EOM will consist of 12
international experts, 30 long-term observers, and 350 short-term
observers. Observers will monitor all aspects of the election,
including implementation of electoral reforms, the campaign
environment, media coverage, and election dispute resolution. Short-
term observers will monitor the opening of polling stations, voting
processes, the counting of ballots, and tabulation of results. The EOM
will assess the elections for compliance with OSCE commitments and
standards, and international obligations related to the holding of free
and fair elections.
Question. What can be done to ensure that the elections are free
and fair, and that if so, all parties accept the results to allow
Georgia to move forward politically?
Answer. The Georgian Government, all political parties, all
candidates, and election officials have an important role in upholding
the highest standards of integrity before, during, and after Election
Day. A robust OSCE election observation mission in Georgia will help
establish a clear factual record of election processes and conduct, as
will nonpartisan domestic election monitoring. The United States has
provided substantial bilateral assistance over the years to promote
professional and transparent election administration and nonpartisan
domestic election monitoring. If confirmed, I will continue efforts in
support of democratic reforms and encourage enhanced OSCE engagement in
Georgia. Timely implementation of inclusive and transparent democratic
reforms can reduce political polarization and help Georgia advance its
Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:20 a.m. in
Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson,
Young, Barrasso, Cruz, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senators Klobuchar, Casey, Toomey, Padilla,
Feingold, Heinrich, and Lujan.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominations for five very
important positions. On the first panel, we will hear from Mr.
Thomas Nides to be the ambassador to Israel, Mr. David Cohen to
be the ambassador to Canada, and Dr. Cynthia Telles to be
ambassador to Costa Rica.
We are also pleased to have a number of our colleagues here
to introduce some of these nominees. I will turn to them in
order.
Senator Klobuchar, I understand you will be introducing Mr.
Nides.
STATEMENT OF HON. AMY KLOBUCHAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA
Senator Klobuchar. Thank you very much, Chairman, and to
Ranking Member Risch as well. The work this committee does
touches the lives of people all over the world and we thank you
for that.
Right now in the wake of new leadership in Israel, it is a
critically important moment in our alliance with our friend and
ally, and we have with us today someone with the experience,
credibility, and respect to serve as our ambassador to Israel
and he just happens to have been born in Minnesota, as usual.
And I am so proud to introduce my good friend, Tom Nides.
With Tom today is his son Max, who will testify to the fact
that his dad is wise and patient all the time, right, Max?
Okay, good.
And I want to tell you a little bit about Tom. He grew up
in Duluth as the youngest of eight siblings. His father,
Arnold, served as the president of Temple Israel and of the
Duluth Jewish Federation, and his mother, Shirley, was a
teacher. His sister, Jane, told the Duluth News Tribune that
their parents would be going crazy with joy if they were alive
to see their son nominated to serve as ambassador to Israel.
I was amused the day that Tom was nominated to read the
headline in the Duluth News, which said simply this: ``Man who
grew up in Duluth nominated Ambassador to Israel.''
Tom was innovative from a young age. As a senior at Duluth
East High School, he was tasked with finding a speaker for his
high school graduation. Being the proud Minnesotan he was, he
wanted Walter Mondale, who just happened to be Vice President
of the United States.
He learned that the best time as a high schooler to catch
the Vice President's Chief of Staff was at 5:30 in the morning.
He reached out and Walter Mondale agreed to speak at his high
school graduation.
A year later, Tom and I met as interns for the Vice
President and I remember walking in and seeing him sitting at
the desk as a 20-year-old, his legs sprawled up on the desk
above him, sitting on the chair with a vice presidential pin on
his lapel.
And I watched him answer the phone and say, ``Tom Nides
with the Vice President's office'' in a tone that would
convince anyone that he was no 20-year-old intern but he was,
in fact, the chief of staff.
While I was assigned to do the furniture inventory and
write down the serial number of every lamp and desk, Tom got to
save the Lake Superior foghorn for the city of Duluth, and just
like everything else, he got it done.
Since then, he continued to serve ably and, most
importantly for our work here, optimistically in many
leadership positions, including in the halls of Congress and in
two presidential administrations.
He was a trusted adviser to Congressman Tony Coelho and to
Speaker Tom Foley. He worked for Mickey Kantor in the office of
the United States Trade Representative and he later served as
Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources with
Secretary Clinton under President Obama.
During that time, he distinguished himself as a key voice
on Israel and an advocate for humanitarian support for our U.S.
allies. For his outstanding service, he was awarded the
Secretary of State's Distinguished Service Award, our country's
highest diplomatic honor.
His private sector and trade background as well as his
strong background in Middle Eastern policy makes him the
perfect choice to serve as our ambassador to Israel, one of our
strongest and most enduring allies.
Members on both sides of the aisle understand that the deep
friendship between our two countries is based on shared values
and that Israel's interests in the Middle East are strongly
aligned with our own. Support for Israel can never ever become
a partisan issue.
Now more than ever, we need an ambassador dedicated to
fostering lasting peace and stability. I am confident that as
ambassador Tom will further the close alliance between our two
nations and our commitment to prosperity in the region for
generations to come.
He will do a phenomenal job, Mr. Chair, and I strongly urge
the committee to support his nomination. Thank you to the
members of the committee.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Casey, Senator Toomey, I understand you will be
introducing Mr. Cohen. I will ask Senator Casey to go first and
then Senator Toomey.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thanks very much. I am honored
to be here with you and appreciate this opportunity as well as
thanking the ranking member for this opportunity to say a few
words about my friend, David L. Cohen, to serve as ambassador
to Canada.
I am especially grateful to be joined by Senator Toomey. We
do not always appear together on big issues. But today, we are
united in our recommendation and our commendation of the work
of David Cohen.
I have known David for more than a quarter of a century and
I have seen him in all kinds of circumstances, most of them in
connection with public service.
Many of you know that in addition to being a very
successful lawyer and doing the work of a lawyer and an
advocate, he served as chief of staff to the mayor of
Philadelphia, Ed Rendell.
To be chief of staff of a mayor of one of America's largest
cities is about as difficult a job as anyone can imagine. But
he did it well and he served the people of Philadelphia with
distinction.
I think it also bears repeating that sometimes the most
difficult jobs in public service also are the jobs that teach
you a lot about what public service is. David understands the
commitment you have got to make to be a public servant and I
think he has demonstrated that over and over again.
In addition to his work for the city and his work as a
lawyer, later, of course, he joined Comcast, and I tried to
itemize or list all of the roles he played at Comcast and I
will just give you just a partial list of the work that he did
serving in major leadership positions at Comcast, whether it
was legal work or government affairs, communications,
administration, real estate, did a lot of work in diversity and
inclusion to help lead a major corporation in the city of
Philadelphia and, of course, charitable giving.
All of those roles he played. All of that work he did and
more helped Comcast to grow and to be such an important
corporate partner in Philadelphia for so many institutions in
the city.
His community service, I think, is unparalleled, and
whether it is at Penn Medicine, the work he did at the
Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce, the work he has done with
organizations like the Urban League and on and on. We could
list many more.
I do not think I have to remind members of this committee,
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, about the importance of
our relationship with Canada, our second largest trading
partner, ever more so important in the context of the
challenges we face today, whether it is fighting COVID-19 or
future viral security challenges, managing climate change,
addressing the opioid crisis, trade issues, economic issues, on
and on.
A lot of those issues, of course, involve many, many
Pennsylvania businesses and businesses across the country that
rely upon the stability and the strength of this relationship.
I would say this in conclusion, Mr. Chairman. This is my
fifteenth year serving in the Senate and in those years I have
seen David commit himself to excellence in every task that he
was presented with.
I also got to know over those quarter century or more his
wife, Rhonda, who, in her own way, has contributed so much to
public service. I asked Rhonda just before this hearing--I
said, Rhonda, is David ready? And she said, yes, and that is
all I needed to know. He is ready to do this job in a
critically important time in our nation's history.
The last thing I will say is this. There is a line in the
Scriptures, ``To whom much has been given, much is expected.''
The good Lord gave David a lot--an intellect, a strength of
character, a commitment to helping people, and we have asked
him to do a lot, and much is and has been expected of him and
he has never failed to deliver. I have no doubt that will be
the case when he serves as our ambassador to Canada.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Toomey?
STATEMENT OF HON. PAT TOOMEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Toomey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch, members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Thank
you for allowing me to introduce briefly my friend, David
Cohen, and express my enthusiastic support for his nomination
to be our next U.S. Ambassador to Canada.
And thank you, David, for your willingness to serve. I was
delighted to see your wife, Rhonda, is here with you and I
appreciate the sacrifices required of individuals but also
their families when they choose to go into public service and I
am glad to see that you are up for this challenge.
There is a passage about David in Buzz Bissinger's
excellent book, ``A Prayer for the City.'' It is a book that
chronicles the administration of Philadelphia Mayor Ed Rendell,
which, as Senator Casey pointed out, it is an administration in
which David Cohen served as chief of staff.
I think the passage is relevant for today's hearing so I am
going to read it briefly. It is about David Cohen and it says,
and I quote, ``It wasn't just his prodigious capacity for work
that made him so good at what he did. It was his patience as a
negotiator, the way in which he determined the result he
wanted, and then, as Macedon put it, exhibited a willingness to
stay with something forever until he got there.
In the meantime, he never got frustrated. He never
personalized or railed or sought vendettas. Once again, the
normal human impulse to get angry and become agitated that
never even surfaced,'' end quote.
Mr. Chairman, I think there is a word for this kind of
quiet, thoughtful, persistent approach to getting things done.
It is called diplomacy. David is a longtime resident of
Pennsylvania, a very active member in the community, as Senator
Casey pointed out.
I think it is important to point out that while serving as
chief of staff to Mayor Ed Rendell through the '90s he played a
central role in pulling the city out of really dire fiscal
circumstances and placing it on a stable footing.
He led a prestigious U.S. law firm prior to joining Comcast
Corporation in 2002. Senator Casey mentioned some of the many
roles that David has played at Comcast.
I would just point out that in addition to helping to forge
Comcast into a telecommunications powerhouse, David also helped
to establish Comcast as a really exceptional corporate citizen
for Philadelphia and Pennsylvania and our country including,
among many other things, donating millions of dollars to myriad
charitable causes across the country.
David's many career accomplishments are accompanied by an
extensive record of service. As Senator Casey pointed out, he
has long served on many, many boards and advisory panels
supporting Philadelphia in particular in its academic,
athletic, arts communities.
Just to name two, he was for over a decade the chairman of
the Board of Trustees for the University of Pennsylvania, and
currently he sits alongside Senator Casey and myself on the
U.S. Semiquincentennial Commission.
All the members of this committee understand full well how
important Canada is as one of America's allies and neighbors.
We rely on Canada as a major trade, energy, and security
partner.
Frankly, Pennsylvania's proximity to Canada gives us a
particularly strong tie to that country and our representation
of Canada is all the more important for folks in the
Commonwealth.
The fact is President Biden made an outstanding choice in
choosing David for this post. David Cohen's very strong
business background, his deep understanding of government at
all levels, and his passion for service prepared him well for
this role.
Mr. Chairman, I enthusiastically support his nomination and
encourage my colleagues to do likewise. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
And last but not least, our distinguished colleague from
California, who is going to introduce Dr. Telles.
Senator Padilla?
STATEMENT OF HON. ALEX PADILLA,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Padilla. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Risch, and members of the committee.
It is my honor to introduce Dr. Cynthia Telles this morning
from the great state of California, and President Biden's
nominee to serve as ambassador to Costa Rica.
As a clinical professor in the UCLA School of Medicine's
Department of Psychiatry and a widely published researcher, Dr.
Telles is widely recognized for her work in health care and
especially in improving the lives of those with mental illness.
For more than three decades, Dr. Telles has directed UCLA's
Spanish-speaking psychosocial clinic, where she has helped
train a generation of clinicians to provide culturally-
competent mental health services for Latino communities.
In addition to her work in health care, Dr. Telles brings
life experience from the region and from serving on a number of
nonprofit organizations and government commissions.
As a longtime member of the board of directors of the
Pacific Council on International Policy, she has worked closely
with industry and governmental actors to promote global
engagement in Los Angeles, throughout California, and beyond.
She has served as a commissioner in the city of Los
Angeles, America's second largest city, for almost 20 years, as
well as having served on the board of the California Community
Foundation and for nearly a decade serving on the board of the
California Endowment, California's largest health foundation.
Dr. Telles also continues a family legacy of public
service, including deep ties to Costa Rica. Her father, Raymond
Telles, was the first Latino to serve as a U.S. ambassador,
appointed by President Kennedy in 1961. Dr. Telles grew up
determined to fight for the world's inequities from a young
age.
During her father's ambassadorship, she lived in Costa
Rica, where she found her calling for both public service and
public health. Dr. Telles is a uniquely well-qualified person
to represent the United States and Costa Rica, an important
regional partner.
She brings a wealth of experience, dedication, and
compassion to her role representing the United States and Costa
Rica.
I strongly support her nomination, and I urge for her swift
confirmation.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Padilla.
With that background, maybe we should have Dr. Telles work
with us here in Washington to solve a few things.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you to all the
senators who made presentations.
Let me turn now, first, to a little bit of committee
business before I get to the nominees. I want to appreciate the
ranking member's willingness to move forward with nine nominees
that the committee was scheduled to consider today.
We postponed the hearing this afternoon out of a deference
to one of our members, but that has been rescheduled for next
week.
I am also glad that you agreed to a few of the nominees
that I proposed for hearings next week and that you indicated,
albeit with many caveats, that you may be ready to notice more.
I, certainly, hope that materializes.
I remain deeply concerned, however, by the delays and
obstacles facing the bulk of nominees when it comes to securing
your approval for their hearings.
It is inexplicably taking an average of six weeks, almost
40 days, from the time a nominee's file is complete to the time
that the minority is willing to move forward, and that is just
for a hearing. This is almost four weeks slower than it took
during a similar period in 2009.
I ask how that is possible. As you know, we have a massive
backlog at the State Department, USAID, and other nominations
pending before the committee. We have almost reached 80 and the
number continues to grow.
The nominations pending include ambassadorships to China,
Japan, and countries throughout Latin America, Africa, and
Europe, places where competition with China and Russia is real,
where we need ambassadors in place to project U.S. power, to
assist our citizens, and to promote our companies.
I would just ask Senator Risch, I appreciate the work we
have done so far. I need your full cooperation and
participation to tackle this backlog.
I would just note that when faced with similar numbers in
2009, the majority and the minority worked together to move 57
nominees in just one month.
There is no reason we cannot do that if we work together.
To date, I have noticed only nominees who the ranking member
has agreed to. In fact, I have bent over backwards to restore
the tradition of comity that was abandoned in the last
Congress.
But the slow pace and many obstacles to moving nominees is
unacceptable. It is dangerous. We are less safe when our
national security agencies are so short staffed.
We have to fix this problem. We owe it to the Senate and we
owe it to all Americans, and I look forward to working with you
to try to achieve that.
Let me turn to our nominees. Welcome, and thank you and
your families for your willingness to serve the country in this
capacity. I will briefly address each of the positions that you
have been nominated for.
Mr. Nides, welcome back to the committee. I am pleased to
see such a qualified and capable nominee for one of our most
vital allies. Your extensive experience in management,
including as the Deputy Secretary of State, will surely serve
you well in navigating the particulars of our embassy in
Jerusalem.
As Israel settles into its new government, it is critical
that we have an experienced diplomat in place to help pursue
many of our shared U.S. and Israeli interests across national
security, technology, cultural, and religious exchanges.
And while some may try to exploit any small fissures or
differences in policy opinions between our two countries, this
committee, the Senate, and the Congress as a whole have
repeatedly confirmed our unwavering support for Israel's
security, its right to defend itself in the face of neighbors
who continue to threaten to wipe it off the map.
Finally, to all our friends who may or may not be watching
in Israel and here, let me wish you all a Hag Sukkot Sameah,
and I look forward to hearing from Mr. Nides.
I am also pleased that we are reviewing the nomination of
our next ambassador to Canada. Our alliance with our northern
neighbors, one of the most important partnerships that we have
united by shared security interests and strengthened by
expansive economic ties, our nations are linked by a common
commitment to democratic principles and to tackling the most
pressing challenges on the global stage.
It is with the deepest respect that we also remember that
our Canadian brothers and sisters fought alongside our men and
women for decades, most recently in Afghanistan.
Yet, during the last administration this most essential
alliance was too often marked by tensions and tariffs, marred
by insults aimed at Canadian leaders, and neglected by an
absentee U.S. ambassador.
It is imperative that we rebuild our relationship with
Canada, deepen our collaboration to address the challenges
posed by China and Russia, and work together to address the
threats posed by climate change.
Mr. Cohen, I have no doubt you are the right person to
tackle these challenges and, upon confirmation, will be a
strong and effective ambassador.
I am also pleased that we are considering the nomination of
our next ambassador the Costa Rica. As it celebrates its
bicentennial, Costa Rica stands out for its consistency on the
global stage and leadership on environmental stewardship.
Costa Rica is also an example of democratic resiliency in
Central America at a time when the region is plagued by weak
rule of law and leaders who have embraced authoritarian
tactics.
It is also unique that we are considering a candidate whose
father served as ambassador to Costa Rica under President
Kennedy.
I am pleased that Dr. Telles, if confirmed, will carry
forward a family commitment to strengthening our partnership
and advancing U.S. interests in Costa Rica. We look forward to
hearing your testimony.
Let me now turn to the distinguished ranking member,
Senator Risch, for his opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your
comments regarding nominations. They are always difficult, and
as I have said publicly and privately to you, having been a
governor I know how important nominations are and it is
impossible to govern if you do not have your team in place.
I do want to review, however, the record on the numbers.
First of all, I am going to compare the 116th Congress to the
117th Congress.
In the 116th Congress, the average Senate Foreign Relations
Committee nominations processing time with you as the ranking
member was 94 days.
On the average, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
nomination processing time in the 117th Congress so far with me
as the ranking member it has been 44 days, 50 days less. The
average processing time, obviously and clearly, is 50 days
less, and the numbers do not lie.
On some specifics, take for instance, the Assistant
Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, Labor. Under the Trump
nominee, Robert Destro, was 276 days. The Biden nominee, Sarah
Margon, was 76 days.
The U.S. U.N. representative, Andrew Bremberg was 245 days
as the Trump nominee, and under this administration, the Biden
nominee, Bathsheba Crocker, was 56 days.
The Assistant Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy,
and Human Rights at Justice--excuse me, Assistant Secretary--
Civilian Secretary of Security, Democracy and Human Rights,
Marshall Billingslea, was 378 days. Uzra Zeya was 34 days.
U.S. for Arms Control under President Trump, Marshall
Billingslea, was 244 days. Bonnie Jenkins under this
administration was 34 days.
Ambassador to Mexico, Chris Landau, was 57 days under
Trump. Ken Salazar under this administration for ambassador to
Mexico was 17 days.
The number of days from file complete to business meeting
for U.S. management--the department Secretary of Management,
Brian Bulatao, was 319 days. The Biden nominee, Brian McKeon,
was 18 days.
The Assistant Secretary for Political Military Affairs,
Clarke Cooper, under Trump, nominee was 260 days, whereas
Jessica Lewis was 49 days as the Biden nominee.
The Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs, David
Schenker, the Trump nominee, was almost one year, 358 days.
Barbara Leaf was 68 days.
Other key positions held by Democrats during the Trump
administration, the legal advisor to the Department of State,
CJ Mahoney, was 187 days from file complete to hearing. Sarah
Cleveland, the file has not been complete.
The ambassador for Pakistan, Bill Todd, the Trump nominee,
was 180 days from file complete to hearing. Of course, there
has been no nominee.
Mr. Chairman, I would ask unanimous consent that this
matrix be entered into the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to follows:]
=======================================================================
Nomination Processing Time
(116th Congress vs. 117th Congress)
(As of September 22, 2021)
Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 116th
Congress (with Sen. Menendez as Ranking Member): 94
days\1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ (conservative estimate based on staff research)
Average SFRC nomination processing time in the 117th
Congress so far (with Sen. Risch as Ranking Member): 44
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
days
Average processing in 117th Congress = 50 days faster than
116th Congress
Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Trump Nominee Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S Democracy, Human Rights, Labor (DRL) Robert Destro Sarah Margon
276 days 76 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U.S. U.N. Representive Andrew Bremberg Bathsheba Crocker
245 days 56 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S for Civilian Security, Marshall Billingslea Uzra Zeya
Democracy, and Human Rights (J) 378 days 34 days
(NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S for Arms Control (T) Marshall Billingslea Bonnie Jenkins
244 days 34 days
(NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ambassador to Mexico Chris Landau Ken Salazar
57 days 17 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Trump Nominee Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
U/S Management / Deputy Brian Bulatao Brian McKeon
Secretary for Management 319 days 18 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S for Political Military Clarke CooperJessica Lewis
Affairs (PM) 260 days 49 days
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A/S for Near Eastern David Schenker Barbara Leaf
Affairs (NEA) 358 days 68 days from hearing
date (Business Meeting
expected in September)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Number of Days from File Complete to Hearing Date
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Trump Nominee Biden Nominee
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Legal Adviser to the CJ Mahoney Sarah Cleveland
Department of State (L) 187 days from file (FILE INCOMPLETE)
complete to hearing
(NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ambassador to Pakistan Bill Todd NONE
180 days file complete
to hearing
(NOT CONFIRMED)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
=======================================================================
Senator Risch. I commit to you to continue to work as best
I can, again, realizing that there is always stress on these.
We take our vetting responsibilities seriously just as you did
when the President was another party.
I respect that. I appreciate it, and we are going to
continue to do the best we can to vet these people and as
quickly as we possibly can.
Moving to the panel that we have before us today, I want to
thank the nominees and, of course, their families for the
sacrifice that they will share.
On the nomination for ambassador to Israel, Israel is
America's most vital ally in a very turbulent region. It faces
serious threats and it is in the national security interest of
the United States to ensure Israel is adequately equipped to
meet these challenges.
I am deeply disappointed that the House of Representatives
have attempted to pull the Iron Dome funding from the
Continuing Resolution. I expect the Senate will remedy that
issue very quickly.
Since the Biden administration took office, we have seen no
movement to expand or strengthen the Abraham Accords. I think
most everyone that moves in the area of foreign relations
agrees that the Abraham Accords were tremendous steps forward
in the relationship we have and others have in the Middle East.
Many of us have concerns that the administration has
instead doubled down on the failed Palestinian policies of the
past. I am also disappointed the administration continues to
provide assistance to the Palestinians without securing any
concessions on the egregious ``pay to slay'' program.
Instead of normalizing this appalling practice through
deeper relationships with the Palestinian Authority and the
Palestinian Liberation Organization, the administration should
pursue changes in Palestinian policies that glorify and promote
violence and terrorism.
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these important
issues.
On the nomination for the ambassador to Canada, first of
all, I appreciated the opportunity to meet personally with the
nominee and we discussed the importance of a couple of issues
that are important to me and important to America.
One is the Columbia River Treaty. The other is the opening
of the Canadian border, and I was pleased to hear his thoughts
on that and appeared to be on board as far as both issues are
concerned.
The Columbia River Treaty remains an important issue to the
entire Northwest delegation. I expect that you will prioritize
these negotiations, should you be confirmed, as we discussed.
As for the U.S.-Canadian border, I am disappointed in the
administration's decision on Monday to extend restrictions on
nonessential travel from Canada to the United States at land
ports of entry.
These restrictions are causing significant economic and
emotional distress to communities such as those in north Idaho
that depend on well-regulated cross-border traffic. The
administration should reconsider this decision and reopen our
land border with Canada as soon as possible.
Finally, the nomination of ambassador to Costa Rica. Costa
Rica is an outpost of democratic governance in Central America
and a valuable trade, security, and diplomatic partner.
As many as 50,000 Americans call Costa Rica home, in large
part due to its political and economic stability. Nevertheless,
Costa Rica's democratic model has come under acute pressure due
to instability generated by the Ortega regime in Nicaragua and
the COVID-19 epidemic.
Costa Rica has also sought deeper relations with China,
which comes with its own set of challenges. I hope to hear how
you plan to manage those U.S. relations with this strategic
partner in Central America.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
Just very briefly, I must say that, of course, one has to
compare apples with apples and oranges with oranges in terms of
dates.
The reality is, is that for the first nine months of the
Trump administration it took an average of just 22 days--22
days--to get a nominee scheduled for a hearing, despite many
serious and well-documented vetting issues.
It is currently taking an average of 36 days, over three
weeks longer than that period of time, for the minority to
clear nominees with completed files for hearings. That is a
challenge, and bottom line is we have nearly 80 people.
The final thing I will say is that, unfortunately, the
previous administration did not vet nominees so looking at
numbers was extremely meaningless.
We had nominees that had unprecedented vetting issues,
lying to this committee, lying to the IRS, indictments, racism,
#MeToo issues that all came out as a result of the vetting.
That is why it took time.
I do not want to belabor it. But I do want to work with the
ranking member because, as I have heard him say and he said
again today, that as a governor he understands the importance
of having people in place in the executive branch to execute. I
agree with him in this context as well, and hopefully, we can
get to a point where we are promoting the number of nominees
for the process.
We still have the floor issues that have been vexing us,
which is maybe beyond this committee's pay grade but,
nonetheless, is a critical issue where Republican members
exclusively are holding up nominees on the floor to the
detriment of the national security and interests of the United
States.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, I hope we do not mix the issue of what is
happening on the floor versus what is happening in the
committee. Like you, I am likewise frustrated with what is
happening on the floor and, certainly, this is an issue that
should be tackled by the senior members of leadership of both
of our teams and get this removed so we can move forward on
that.
I am not going to debate the quality of the appointments.
Obviously, that would take many, many more days than what we
have here. I will just say that I do commit that I am going to
continue to work with you to move as rapidly as we can.
I have no doubt that we will wind up with similar
frustrations but we will work through them as best we can.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
We ask each of you to summarize your testimony in about
five minutes or so. Your full statements will be included in
the record, without objection.
And we will start with Mr. Nides to make his presentation.
STATEMENT OF THE HON. THOMAS R. NIDES OF MINNESOTA, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL
Mr. Nides. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
members of the committee. It is a privilege to appear today. It
is an honor to be asked to serve as the ambassador to the State
of Israel.
I want to thank President Biden, Secretary Blinken for the
confidence in me, and I am grateful to share this day with my
family.
I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words
of introductions. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been
friends for over 40 years having served as interns together for
Vice President Walter Mondale. I am so, so grateful for her
friendship.
As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth,
Minnesota, the youngest of seven children. My parents were
leaders in a vibrant but small Jewish community. My dad was the
president of our temple, our chairman of our local UJA. My mom
was a leader of both Hadassah and Sisterhood, who grew up
believing being Jewish was more than a religion but a way of
life.
Most importantly, my parents have pressed upon my siblings
and me the importance, as they say in Hebrew, tzedakah, or
charity, giving to your community and caring about others.
During my first trip to Israel, I worked on a kibbutz where
I discovered the importance of this very young and vulnerable
nation. As Jews everywhere are celebrating the holiday of
Sukkot, there is no greater honor than to be asked to
strengthen the ties between the United States and the State of
Israel.
My many trips to Israel, both in the Government and the
private sector, have strengthened my commitment to sustain
Israel as a democratic and Jewish state.
The U.S.-Israel relationship has long been based on both
common values and strategic interests to remain united in our
shared commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and
regional security.
Should I have the honor of being confirmed, let me just
spend a moment on a few of the priorities that will guide me.
First, the United States remains unwavering in its
commitment to Israel's security supported by a 10-year/$38
billion Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our
closest security partners in countering the broad spectrum of
threats.
Chief among them is the critical threat that Iran poses.
President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that
Iran will never develop a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's
security serves America's national security interests, ensures
that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure
partner.
Second, United States remains committed to advancing the
depth and breadth of our bonds between our people, including
our ever-expanding economic relationship.
Israel's startup nation economy is welcoming for U.S.
businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the
more than 300 foreign investment research and development
centers in Israel. And, as importantly, President Biden has
announced he will work with Israel in hopes of them joining the
Visa Waiver Program.
Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
is a defining feature of the 21st century, and the United
States views close cooperation with Israel on foreign
investment as critical to our security and intelligence
partnership.
Third, the United States values working with fellow
democracies to oppose international institutional biases
towards Israel, and I look forward to working with Israel to
protect the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful
assembly, creating an atmosphere all voices can be heard.
Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate
and delegitimize Israel. If confirmed, while respecting the
rights of all Americans for free speech, I will continue the
tireless work of this administration to firmly reject the BDS
movement and boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.
Fourth, the Abraham Accords. Yes, the Abraham Accords are
critical to the region's stability and prosperity. I will
personally support every effort to expand cooperation among
Israel and the countries of the Arab and Muslim world, and I
hope to strengthen the Abraham Accords and identify
opportunities to expand Israel's relationship in additional
countries in the Arab and Muslim world.
While we support the normalization between Israel and other
countries, it is not a substitute for Israel-Palestinian peace,
and we seek to harness existing and future agreements and make
tangible improvement for the Palestinian people with a view of
preserving the vision of a negotiated two-state solution.
I am committed to doing so my part to rebuild the
partnership between the Americans and the Palestinian people.
The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues
that face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful
dialogues only strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds
between Americans and Israelis.
Before I close, I would like to say something, that if I am
fortunate to get confirmed, this will be my second time working
at the State Department with some of the most talented and
dedicated individuals I have ever had the honor to be with.
I would be remiss in not thanking every one of them for
their service. I am humbled and grateful to serve this country
and to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership.
And thank you for the opportunity to testify, and I look
forward to your questions.
Thank you, Senator.
[Prepared statement of Mr. Nides follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Thomas R. Nides
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today.
It is an honor to be asked to serve as Ambassador to the State of
Israel. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me. I am grateful to share this day with my family.
I would like to thank Senator Klobuchar for her kind words of
introduction. As the Senator mentioned, she and I have been friends for
over 40 years, having served as interns together for Vice President
Walter Mondale. I am grateful for her friendship.
As Senator Klobuchar mentioned, I grew up in Duluth, Minnesota the
youngest of seven children. My parents were leaders in a vibrant but
small Jewish community. We grew up believing being Jewish was more than
a religion, but a way of life. Most importantly, my parents impressed
upon my siblings and me the importance of giving back to our community
and caring about others.
There is no greater honor than to be asked to strengthen the ties
between the United States and the State of Israel. My many trips to
Israel, both in government and the private sector, have strengthened my
commitment to sustain Israel as a democratic and Jewish state at peace
with its neighbors.
The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both common
values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared
commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
Should I have the honor of being confirmed, some of the priorities that
will guide my efforts include:
First, the United States remains unwavering in its commitment
to Israel's security, supported by our 10-year, $38 billion
Memorandum of Understanding. Israel is one of our closest
security partners in countering a broad spectrum of threats
ranging from climate change to cyber-attacks to nuclear
proliferation. Chief among these is the critical threat that
Iran poses.
President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that
Iran never develops a nuclear weapon. Upholding Israel's
security serves America's national security interests and
ensures that we will always have a strong, reliable, and secure
partner.
Second, the United States remains committed to advancing the
depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including
our ever-expanding economic relationship. Israel's start-up
economy is safe and welcoming for U.S. businesses, with U.S.
companies establishing two-thirds of the more than 300 foreign-
invested research and development centers in Israel and
President Biden announced we will work with Israel in hopes of
them joining the Visa Waiver Program. Strategic competition
with the People's Republic of China is a defining feature of
the 21st century, and the United States views close cooperation
with Israel on foreign investment risk management as a down
payment on our security and intelligence partnership.
Third, the United States values working with a fellow
democracy to oppose international institutional bias and
promote human rights at home and abroad. I look forward to
working with Israel to protect the freedoms of expression,
association, and peaceful assembly, creating an atmosphere
where all voices can be heard and highlighting efforts to
advance the rights of members of vulnerable communities.
Equally, we must continue to oppose all efforts to isolate and
delegitimize Israel internationally. If confirmed, while
respecting the rights of all Americans to free speech, I will
continue the tireless work of this administration to firmly
reject the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement and
boycott laws which unfairly single out Israel.
Fourth, the Abraham Accords are critical to regional
stability and prosperity. I will personally support every
effort to expand cooperation among Israel and countries in the
Arab and Muslim world, and I hope to strengthen the Abraham
Accords and identify opportunities to expand Israel's relations
with additional countries in the Arab and Muslim world.
While we work to support normalization between Israel and other
countries, it is not a substitute for Israeli-Palestinian peace, and we
seek to harness existing and future agreements to make tangible
improvements for the Palestinian people with a view to preserving the
vision of a negotiated two-state solution. I am committed to doing my
part to rebuild the partnership between the American and Palestinian
peoples.
The priorities listed above are only some of the key issues that
face any diplomat serving in Israel. Frank and fruitful dialogues only
strengthen our partnership and deepen the bonds between Americans and
Israelis.
Before closing, I would like to thank the very talented, dedicated
cadre of public servants who represent the United States faithfully
both here in Washington and abroad. It goes without saying that, if I
am confirmed, the safety and security of all Americans, and not just
those in the Embassy, but all those in Israel and the West Bank and
Gaza, is my top priority.
I am humbled and grateful to serve this country and to work to
strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israeli partnership. Thank you for
the opportunity to testify and I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Cohen?
STATEMENT OF DAVID L. COHEN OF PENNSYLVANIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO CANADA
Mr. Cohen. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch----
The Chairman. Mr. Cohen, if you could put your microphone
on.
Mr. Cohen [continuing]. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and members of the committee, I am proud and humbled to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to serve
as the United States Ambassador to Canada.
I want to thank the President for his nomination, Senators
Casey and Toomey for their kind introductions, and this
committee for its courtesy.
I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda, who has
joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be
more accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44
years of marriage. I deeply appreciate her remarkable
partnership and commitment to my career.
Canada is one of our most important allies and a partner
for our economic prosperity and our national security.
If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to
strengthening our unique bilateral partnership. As President
Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated this year in their
roadmap for a renewed U.S.-Canada partnership, and I quote,
``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada
to revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast
friendship to overcome the daunting challenges of today and
realize the full potential of the relationship into the
future,'' unquote.
In navigating the confirmation process, including meetings
with members of this committee, I have heard many
recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong
relationship between Canada and the United States.
Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some of my key
priorities would be, first, preserving and growing the trade
relationship between Canada and the United States, including as
detailed in the USMCA.
At nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading
partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our
states.
Second, easing border restrictions while protecting public
health in both countries. As Canada and the United States share
the world's longest land border with 120 ports of entry and a
prepandemic daily rate of 400,000 people, crossing over a safe
and vibrant border is important for bilateral relations, trade,
tourism, and the personal and family relationships that form
the bedrock of our cultures.
I understand that the impact of today's restrictions on the
many communities along the border, but I also appreciate the
health sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current
regulations.
Third, Canada and the United States cooperatively manage
multiple watersheds through complex arrangements, several of
which would benefit from modernization.
A modernized Columbia River Treaty regime, for example,
could enhance hydropower and flood risk management in both
countries. I know that many members share this high priority.
Fourth, continue to respect and fortify the trusted and
valuable alliance with Canada on multiple defense
relationships, including NATO and NORAD.
We also must honor our commitments to make the necessary
investments to meet those needs and, of course, our policy
toward China is a key priority today.
Finally, continue to advance common priorities of our
countries on the global stage on issues such as combating
climate change, anti-corruption, and building more diverse and
inclusive societies, including for women and girls.
My varied professional career has been rewarding and,
ultimately, enhanced by leadership roles in multiple nonprofit
organizations. One important theme running through my career
has been the opportunities I have had to serve.
I am also proud of my success in tackling big complicated
issues and in bringing people together to solve problems. I am
excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service
and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in
the role of ambassador to Canada.
If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with the members
of this committee as I represent the President, the Secretary
of State, and this country in Canada.
It would be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200
members of the United States mission in Canada and with the
Canadian Government to advance our shared priorities.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward
to your questions.
[Prepared statement of Mr. Cohen follows:]
Prepared Statement of David L. Cohen
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, I am proud and humbled to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to
Canada. I want to thank the President for his nomination and Senators
Casey and Toomey--two extraordinary public servants who I have had the
privilege of working closely with over many years--for their kind
introductions of me, and I thank this committee for its courtesy.
I also would like to acknowledge my wife, Rhonda Cohen, who has
joined us here today. She has supported me--maybe it would be more
accurate to say that she has put up with me--through 44 years of
marriage. I can say with absolute certainty that I simply would not be
here today were it not for her remarkable partnership and commitment to
my career.
Canada is one of our most important and committed allies and a
partner for our economic prosperity and our national security. But I
understand the significant challenges that lie ahead for both of our
countries. If confirmed, I pledge to devote my full efforts to
strengthening our unique bilateral partnership, to enable both
countries to take advantage of our shared economic and political
interests.
As President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau stated in their
Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada Partnership in February of this year,
``It is in the shared interest of the United States and Canada to
revitalize and expand our historic alliance and steadfast friendship to
overcome the daunting challenges of today and realize the full
potential of the relationship into the future.''
In navigating the nomination and confirmation process, including
meetings with members of this committee, I have heard many
recommendations for expanding and improving the already strong
relationship between Canada and the United States.
Based on these discussions, if confirmed, some key priorities for
me are:
Preserving and growing the trade relationship between Canada and
the United States, including as detailed in the USMCA. At
nearly $1.7 billion a day, Canada is our largest trading
partner and the top export market for more than 30 of our
states.
Easing border restrictions while protecting public health in both
countries. As Canada and the United States share the world's
longest land border, extending 5,525 miles, with 120 ports of
entry, and a pre-pandemic daily rate of 400,000 people crossing
over, a safe and vibrant border is important for bilateral
relations, trade, tourism, and the personal and family
relationships that form the bedrock of our cultures. I
understand the impact of today's restrictions on the many
communities along the border, but also appreciate the health
sensitivities and concerns that have led to the current
regulations.
Canada and the United States cooperatively manage multiple
watersheds through complex arrangements, several of which would
benefit from modernization. A modernized Columbia River Treaty
regime, for example, could enhance hydropower, flood risk
management, and ecosystems in the United States and Canada. I
know that many Members share this high priority.
Continue to respect and fortify the trusted and valuable alliance
with Canada on multiple defense and foreign affairs
relationships, including NATO and NORAD. We also must honor our
commitments to make the necessary investments to meet current
and future challenges to our collective security and preserve
our ability to successfully promote peace and human rights
globally.
Continue to advance common priorities of Canada and the United
States on the global stage on issues such as combating climate
change, anti-corruption, energy independence, and building more
diverse and inclusive societies, including for women and girls
around the world.
My varied professional career has included the practice of law,
government service, and a senior executive business role. That career
has been rewarding, enriching, and ultimately enhanced by leadership
roles in multiple nonprofit organizations. For me, one important theme
running through my career has been the opportunities I have had to
serve. I am proud of my success in tackling big, complicated issues,
and in bringing people together to solve problems.
I am excited by the possibility of extending my passion for service
and applying my collaborative and solutions-based approach in the role
of United States Ambassador to Canada. If confirmed, I look forward to
consulting with the members of this committee as I represent the
President, the Secretary of State, and this country in Canada. It would
be the ultimate honor to work alongside the 1,200 members of the U.S.
Mission in Canada for our Government and with the Canadian Government
to advance our shared priorities.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to your
questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Dr. Telles?
STATEMENT OF DR. CYNTHIA ANN TELLES OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
Ms. Telles. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor for me
to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be
the U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica.
I am grateful and humbled by the trust placed in me and, if
confirmed, I really look forward to working with all of you to
advance our nation's interests in the region.
With your indulgence, I would like to introduce my husband,
Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond Jimenez, who are here with me
today. Their unequivocal love and support mean the world to me.
Also, I would like to thank my beloved parents, Raymond and
Delfina Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me
by example that public service is a noble cause to which he
dedicated his entire career, having served as the first
Hispanic elected mayor of a major U.S. city in 1957 and also
having served as the very first Hispanic U.S. ambassador when
President Kennedy appointed him to serve in Costa Rica in 1961.
If confirmed, it would be my life's greatest honor to
follow in his footsteps.
I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came
to have a special place in my heart. I became very familiar
with its people, its culture, and its challenges. I also was
able to witness firsthand the formation of the Alliance for
Progress with its great dreams of shared prosperity and
democracy.
My father was able to organize a summit for President
Kennedy and all the Central American presidents at the U.S.
Embassy in Costa Rica. I am committed to using that experience
to deepen the enduring bonds between Costa Rica and the United
States and, thereby, to further our mutual interests.
The United States and Costa Rica have shared an exceptional
partnership across decades, one that is based not only on
mutual interests but on shared values of democracy, of good
governance, of human rights. This strong partnership is
critical now more than ever.
We face an unprecedented convergence of challenges in
Central America: increased drug trafficking by transnational
criminal organizations, economic downturn exacerbated by the
pandemic, disruption to the region due to climate change,
uptick in irregular migration, and also foreign influences that
threaten to undermine democracy and our priorities in the
region.
If confirmed, I will work closely with Costa Rica to
promote our shared interests throughout the region. Costa Rica
has been a strong ally in migration management and a regional
leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and providing
international protection for refugees and asylum seekers.
If confirmed, I will, certainly, work to strengthen its
asylum protection and temporary worker programs, and to expand
its capacity in general to deal with migration, including
border protection.
Very importantly, I will work with Costa Rica to address
root causes of migration in the region.
The U.S. and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat
transnational crime organizations. Costa Rica is actually
crucial to this shared mission, given its strategic location
which positions it at the largest transshipment hub from South
America to the U.S. for narcotics bound to our country.
The good news is that in 2020 Costa Rica interdicted a
record 71 metric tons of narcotics, mostly cocaine,
demonstrating not only its commitment and capacity but also,
very importantly, the huge challenges it faces in the region.
If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa Rica's
counter narcotics efforts in every way possible.
For decades, Costa Rica has been a champion of democracy
and recently demonstrating this by calling out that Ortega-
Murillo regime in Nicaragua and the Venezuelan Government to
return to peaceful democracy, to hold free and fair elections,
to release political prisoners, to hold people accountable for
corruption.
Certainly, I will gladly support Costa Rica's efforts to
promulgate our shared values in the region.
Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy
across time, there are recent troubling signs evidenced by high
unemployment, by a large public debt, and by stress in the
public health system due to COVID-19 and increased migration
from Nicaragua.
In addition to the human toll that these pose, these
vulnerabilities can be exploited by our adversaries and
competitors. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening economic
partnership with Costa Rica and to promote mutual prosperity.
Importantly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to combat the
COVID-19 pandemic.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading the embassy team in
San Jose where my highest priorities will be the protection of
U.S. citizens and our interests. I will look forward also to
seeking consultation from this committee.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
am happy to answer your questions.
[Prepared statement of Ms. Telles follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica. I am grateful
and humbled by the trust placed in me.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance our
nation's interests.
I would like to introduce my husband, Joe Waz, and my son, Raymond
Jimenez. Their invaluable support and love mean the world to me.
I would like to thank to my beloved parents, Raymond and Delfina
Telles, who are with us in spirit. My father taught me by example that
public service is a noble cause to which he dedicated his entire
career. He served as the first Hispanic elected mayor of a major
American city in 1957 and, subsequently, as the first Hispanic United
States Ambassador when President Kennedy appointed him to serve in
Costa Rica in 1961. If confirmed, I will be deeply honored to follow in
his footsteps.
I spent several years of my youth in Costa Rica, which came to have
a special place in my heart. I became very familiar with its people,
its culture, and its challenges. I am committed to using that
experience to enhance America's enduring bonds with Costa Rica and,
thereby, to further our mutual interests.
The United States and Costa Rica have enjoyed an exceptional
partnership across decades--one based, not only on mutual interests,
but on shared values of democracy, good governance and human rights.
This strong partnership is critical--now more than ever. We face an
unprecedented convergence of challenges in Central America: increasing
drug trafficking by transnational criminal organizations; disruption
from climate change; economic downturn exacerbated by the pandemic; a
related uptick in irregular migration; and foreign influence that
threatens to undermine democracy and our priorities in the region.
In addressing these challenges, Costa Rica has been, not only a
reliable partner, but an effective role model. If confirmed, I will
work closely with Costa Rican people to promote our shared interests
throughout the region.
Costa Rica has been a strong ally in migration management through
participation in our Comprehensive Regional Solutions Framework. It has
been a regional leader in welcoming vulnerable migrants and guest
workers and providing international protection for refugees and asylum
seekers, including more than 80,000 Nicaraguans and 30,000 Venezuelans
in recent years. Through the U.S. funded Protection Transfer Agreement,
Costa Rica hosts individuals with urgent protection needs from
Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, while they undergo refugee
processing for resettlement. If confirmed, I will work with the
Government to help strengthen its asylum system, support temporary
worker programs, expand its efforts to deal with migration and
protection issues and, very importantly, to address the root causes of
migration.
The United States and Costa Rica collaborate closely to combat
transnational criminal organizations that move illicit drugs to the
U.S. and engage in human trafficking. Costa Rica is critical to this
shared mission, given its strategic location, which positions it as the
largest transshipment hub for South American cocaine bound for the U.S.
In 2020, Costa Rica interdicted a record 71 metric tons of narcotics,
demonstrating, not only its capabilities, but also the enormous
challenges it faces. If confirmed, I commit to strongly support Costa
Rica's counter-narcotics efforts.
For decades, Costa Rica has been a strong champion of democracy.
Recently, its Government demonstrated a commitment to pressure
Nicaragua's Ortega-Murillo regime to hold fair and free elections and
to release political prisoners. Costa Rica has repeatedly called for a
peaceful return to democracy in Venezuela and accountability for
corruption.
In addressing the climate crisis, the United States has no stronger
ally in this hemisphere than the Costa Ricans with their longstanding
commitment to protecting the environment, conserving biodiversity, and
reducing carbon emissions, in fact, outlining a pathway toward net zero
emissions by 2050. If confirmed, I look forward to partnering with them
to advance these shared goals.
Although Costa Rica has enjoyed a relatively stable economy, there
are recent signs of strain evidenced by high unemployment, untenable
public debt, and stress on the public health system due to COVID-19 and
increased migration from Nicaragua. In addition to the human toll,
these vulnerabilities can be exploited by our competitors and
adversaries. If confirmed, I commit to strengthening our economic
relationship with Costa Rica to promote mutual prosperity. In the near
term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to fight the COVID-19
pandemic, which has greatly impacted the country, now in its fourth
major surge. U.S. support to date has included a donation of half a
million Pfizer vaccines.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading our Embassy team in San
Jose and to working closely with you.
My highest priority will be to protect U.S. citizens and to
champion our interests in cooperation with our strong partners in Costa
Rica.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I'm happy
to answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Before we start a round of five-minute questions with
members, there are a series of questions we ask each nominee on
behalf of the full committee and they, really, require a simple
yes or no answer.
I would like to ask each question and get a verbal response
from each of the nominees. These are questions that speak to
the importance that this committee places on responsiveness by
all officials in the executive branch and that we expect and
will be seeking from you. I would ask each of you to provide
just a yes or no answer.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[Witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
The Chairman. All right. Thank you. All of the nominees
have responded yes verbally.
I will recognize myself for a series of questions.
Mr. Nides, this is one of the most important relationships
we have. It is long-standing, enduring, and incredibly bound by
common values that we share with the people of Israel.
I think these are self-evident but I just want to make
sure. You are committed to Israel's right to self-defense, are
you not?
Mr. Nides. Yes, I am.
The Chairman. Under U.S. law, there is a question of
Israel's qualitative military edge. You are committed to
continuing to pursue that under the law, right?
Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
The Chairman. And do you support replenishment of the Iron
Dome missile defense system----
Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
The Chairman [continuing]. Which has saved countless
Israeli and Palestinian lives as well?
Mr. Nides. Yes.
The Chairman. And you spoke to the Abraham Accords, which
we all cherish that other countries have finally come together
in recognizing Israel and we hope that that can be pursued even
more significantly.
Those are all key elements and you have covered many other
things in your opening statement.
Let me turn to Mr. Cohen. Since Canadian authorities
detained the CFO of Huawei in December of 2019, China's
Government has engaged in numerous forms of retaliation,
including the imposition of tariffs and cutting imports of
Canadian products.
However, the most egregious case is the PRC's arbitrary
detention of two Canadian citizens, Michael Spavor and Michael
Kovrig, as well as the seemingly political conviction of Mr.
Kovrig last month. These tactics by China require the
international community to respond with a united purpose. I
have spoken about this quite a bit.
What steps will you take to deepen coordination with our
Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries formulate a
joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive
diplomacy?
Mr. Cohen. Mr. Chairman, I think the good news is that we
start from a proposition, as you observed in your opening
comments, where Canada and the United States share a commitment
to democratic values and I think they share an abhorrence of
much of the behavior of the People's Republic of China.
I think the United States has joined Canada in the
condemnation of the treatment of the two Michaels. I think
Canada almost seems to prefer working in multilateral ways in
its foreign affairs, which sometimes may make it appear that
they are less outspoken than you might otherwise think.
In the case of the two Michaels and arbitrary detention,
they have been very outspoken and the United States has been
very supportive. I think we are all waiting for Canada to
release its framework for its overall China policy, and I think
as ambassador, if I am confirmed, it is an appropriate role to
be engaged in discussions and make sure that Canada's policies
reflect its words in terms of the treatment of China, and that
we do improve the collaboration and coordination between our
two countries in taking on the existential threat that is China
politically, economically, diplomatically, et cetera.
The Chairman. Thank you.
The Congress, as a whole, which is a rarity these days, but
in a bipartisan way put out legislation, including legislation
from this committee that became part of the overarching
legislation on China, recognizing China as our most significant
geostrategic challenge in the world. Our allies are going to be
incredibly important to this.
You and I had an opportunity to speak yesterday. I
appreciate you coming by the office.
I hope also upon your confirmation you can work with our
Canadian partners, who we have a great deal of respect for. We
honor the service and the sacrifices that they have made
alongside of us in Afghanistan and other places as a NATO ally.
But I would hope that they would be more forthcoming on
democracy and human rights issues in the hemisphere. They are a
key hemispheric partner. They sit in the OAS with us.
And yet, I get disappointed at times when, for example, the
Canadians do not join us, for example, on human rights and
democracy in Cuba. It is pretty amazing to me.
I understand Canadians have economic interests in Cuba, but
those should not overcome the human rights and democracy issue.
It is something I hope you will work on upon your confirmation.
Dr. Telles, you mentioned Costa Rica and some of the
challenges that it has now in COVID and some of the economic
impacts on it. How do you think we can work together? What
would be some of your top priorities to work with Costa Rica to
help it meet these present challenges so it can continue to be
what it has been on both refugees, democracy, a stalwart in the
hemisphere?
Ms. Telles. Chairman, thank you for your question. Very
timely and relevant at this point.
And, certainly, as you mentioned, COVID-19 has had a
significant impact on the economic circumstance in Costa Rica
as it has throughout the region and also globally.
One of the things that I would hope to do is to assist the
Government in addressing the issues right now which are
currently plaguing it, including high unemployment, also issues
related to increasing public debt and also the strain that
COVID-19 has placed on its health system.
And I would also suggest in dealing with these shorter-term
issues that may require some financial assistance that we look
to supporting Costa Rica and it's kind of a long-term economic
resilience. And that would, certainly, mean to kind of
strengthening our economic partnership with Costa Rica through
trade and investment.
I would, certainly, reach out very proactively to American
businesses to consider investing in Costa Rica, which has a
very favorable business climate.
Additionally, I think that in terms of the longer-term
resilience issues it will be important for Costa Rica to
continue down the path it has begun already through its
accession to the Organization of Economic Development and
Cooperation, which has, certainly, suggested certain reforms--
economic and governmental reforms--which they are embarking on.
I believe that we also need to get the assistance of
multinational organizations as well as international financial
institutions to assist with long-term recovery.
In terms of your question about refugees, as you know, as I
mentioned, Costa Rica has been an incredible partner, a
regional leader, in terms of providing protection for refugees
and asylum seekers.
And just very recently it, actually, has provided a home as
it welcomed refugees from Nicaragua, in the last three years
probably about 100,000 and from Venezuela close to 40,000 in
the last--it just varies in terms.
I believe--and even though they are very willing and
welcoming, it has, certainly, strained to some extent its
public health system and its infrastructure.
I think that we need to look at some additional
humanitarian assistance to Costa Rica and also to figure out
how we can expand its capacity to receive migrants by
supporting its temporary worker programs, its asylum protection
programs also.
Again, I look forward, if confirmed, to working with the
Government of Costa Rica to address these issues.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me let start with Mr. Nides. First of all, thank
you for your enthusiastic condemnation of the despicable and
anti-Semitic Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement. I
really appreciate your enthusiasm for that position, which I
share and many others share.
We have another member on the next panel who, I think, has
less enthusiasm for that. But we are going to test that when we
get there.
I also want to acknowledge your enthusiastic support for
the Abraham Accords. That is the most enthusiasm I have heard
from anyone from this administration regarding the Abraham
Accords, even though almost everyone agrees that this was one
of the most significant steps that has happened in the Middle
East in decades.
I appreciate that and I also appreciate your personal
commitments to expand the Abraham Accords where possible. That
is a game changer in that region. Certainly, the more relations
that the countries have with each other in the region is good
for them and it is good for the world. Thank you for that.
The Palestinian issue that I am most concerned with is the
``pay for slay'' program, which I assume you are familiar with,
and I would ask your thoughts on that, please.
Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I share your
concern about this abhorrent behavior as it relates to the
``pay for slay.'' Obviously, legislation was passed the Taylor
Force Act, which, we are quite focused on, and if I am
fortunate enough to get confirmed, I have every intention of
working with the Palestinians to try to get progress on this.
But I do not think there is anyone in this administration
that would disagree with you about what has happened there, and
we need to work to get it resolved.
Senator Risch. I appreciate that. I was one of the primary
sponsors on Taylor Force. I had hoped that it had been more
successful than it has been.
But if it is followed closely, it certainly makes inroads
in that and I, along with others, are criticized sometimes
because we are tough on the Palestinians and particularly when
you are talking about money flowing to them because of the
corruption and the way that the terrorists have a way of
siphoning money from our money that is going there to help
people in the country.
I think this is something that really deserves our
continued attention and I am, certainly, going to be tough and
I think everybody is going to be tough on this ``pay for slay''
program, and I hope you will enthusiastically join us as we
continue that battle. Thank you.
Turning to Mr. Cohen, thank you so much for taking the time
to meet with me on the issues with Canada. I, certainly, wish
we had the same relationship with all countries.
Like the Chairman, I am not completely satisfied with their
view on everything. But that is not unusual. There is virtually
no country that we are in complete concurrence with.
Two of the real important issues for me are the Columbia
River Treaty. It is important to all of us on a bipartisan
basis who serve from the Pacific Northwest.
Senator Cantwell and I have been the two leading people on
the negotiations that are going on. She is a very good partner
in that regard. We are in complete agreement on where we need
to go with this.
We talked about the heavy lift that it is and I know you
are ready for that challenge, and we expect to continue that as
it is going and we look forward to your help in that regard.
On the second issue, and that is the opening of the
northern border, we share--my state shares a border with Canada
and we are very painfully and personally aware of the cost of
this closing.
I appreciate your commitment to work on getting that open
as quickly as we can.
For Ms. Telles, the Costa Ricans switched their diplomatic
relations from Taiwan to the PRC in 2007, and ever since then
we have seen the slow creep of Chinese influence in that
country.
Could I have your thoughts on that?
Ms. Telles. Absolutely. Thank you for your question,
Ranking Member Risch.
It is something of great concern, quite frankly. China has
sought for some years now to expand its sphere of influence,
politically and economically, and it would love nothing better
than to have a beachhead in Costa Rica.
And in recent years, in the last few years or so, these
efforts have become much more aggressive. Whether it is through
promises of investment and trade or public diplomacy, they
built them some time ago, as you know, a stadium and a police
academy, but there are more recent offers of a similar nature.
Additionally, they attempted vaccine diplomacy. It did not
work at this point, and they are now very interested, very
aggressively, actually, pushing, trying to further infiltrate
the Costa Rican telecommunications system through the sale at
very good terms of their equipment for cellular phones.
I would say that I think the biggest, I think, or the most
important strategy here would be, really, to strengthen our
economic relationship with Costa Rica in terms of trade and
foreign direct investment, and as I mentioned, I really want to
urge the American companies to really invest in Costa Rica.
That, I think, will be probably one of the biggest
leverages that we will have over time. Right now, we are their
top trading partner and the largest contributor to foreign
direct investment. I would want to preserve that and expand
that.
But also, very importantly, I think it would be important,
certainly, to urge the Costa Ricans to be mindful of our shared
values of democracy and human rights, and also to encourage
them when entering into contracts and list agreements to
prioritize trusted partners and entities that will not
compromise their long-term security.
But I am confident that in working with Costa Rica--it has
been a great partner over many years--that we can achieve these
goals.
Senator Risch. Thank you. I appreciate that clear-eyed
view. Your reference to the relatively small amount of money
that China spends in these countries gets them tremendous
leverage at times, whether it is here, whether it is in the
Small Pacific nations. We have seen that over and over again.
I appreciate your attention to that and we will all be
watching it. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Cardin is
with us virtually.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me start
by thanking all of our nominees for their willingness to serve
our country. We thank you. We thank your families.
These are critically important positions for the United
States and we thank you for being willing to step up in this
responsibility.
Mr. Nides, let me start with you. Thank you for the
opportunity that we had to chat. I know your record over many,
many years and I know your strong support for the importance of
the U.S.-Israel relations.
We have already covered the issue about Israel's right to
defend itself. We have already covered the partnership with the
United States under a Memorandum of Understanding and the
replenishment of the Iron Dome funds, and we have covered also
the dangerous efforts that are made to isolate Israel through
the BDS movement.
I want to talk in a positive note. We recognize that the
need for peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis, that
is in the interest of both Palestinians, Israelis, and the
United States and the region for security.
There have been many opportunities in the past where we
came close but we were not able to complete the negotiations.
It seems to me that we have two things at this moment that give
signs of encouragement. We have already talked about one, the
Abraham Accords, with countries normalizing their relations
with Israel, and, as you point out, additional countries that
are candidates for the Abraham Accords.
And we also have a broad coalition government in Israel
right now that gives us maybe the political opportunity within
Israel to be more aggressive on peace. We recognize the
challenges among the Palestinians and their leadership.
But could you just share with us your thoughts as to
whether this might be the right time to pursue peace between
the Palestinians and Israelis?
Mr. Nides. Senator Cardin, thank you for your question.
I think as President Biden said, I think, yesterday at the
U.N. there is a view that a two-state solution, clearly, is a
goal to try to attempt to achieve. I do not think any one of us
believe that that is achievable in the next couple of weeks.
But I do believe that we need, as a government, to continue
to create the pathway to achieve that and I think we are doing
that through a variety of ways. One, talking about the
importance of a two-state solution. Number two, adding to the
assistance to the Palestinian people.
I think there is $400 million of assistance for the
Palestinian people through a variety of programs to send a
strong message to the Palestinian people and to encourage both
the Palestinians and the Israelis not to take unilateral action
that will make the path towards a two-state solution
impossible.
I, obviously, believe that Prime Minister Bennett's visit
here was a successful one. I think the relationship between the
prime minister and the foreign minister with the Biden
administration is strong.
I hope that relationship will continue to grow as we and,
hopefully, when I have the opportunity potentially to be
confirmed I will reach out to the Palestinian people to
continue to send the message that we not only care, we believe
in the importance of the same freedom and security and
prosperity that the Israelis want to achieve.
Senator, I am, generally, an optimist. You would not take
these jobs if you were not. I am also a realist. But I hope we
are beginning the process to create the environment for that to
happen.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for that response.
Mr. Cohen, let me just ask quickly a question in regards to
U.S.-Canadian relations. We know it is our closest ally from
the point of view of regional. A great relationship between our
two countries.
But I think we have to recognize that there is damage that
has been done. The Canadian Globe and Mail reported on July
22nd that, and I quote, ``The political discord in the United
States remains dangerously deep.''
And although Canada-U.S. relations are improving now that
Donald Trump is no longer President, it will be a long time
before things return to normal, if they ever do.
Now, I do not want to rehash what happened over the past
four years. But I do want to just emphasize the fact, and we
talk to Canadians all the time, there has been damage done in
our relationship.
What is your strategy in order to strengthen the ties as
far as the feelings among the people in Canada and the United
States towards each other?
Mr. Cohen. Senator, I agree with the premise of your
question quite strongly, and I think that it plays to one of my
strengths over the course of my career.
I am going to start with the simplest thing. I am going to
show up. I am going to be there. I am going to reach out.
One of the outcomes of the election on Monday is there are
going to be a number of new cabinet ministers and I want to
make sure that I try to create a relationship and a
communication channel with the Government and make it clear
that I am there to listen. I am there to, obviously, represent
the United States interests, that I am there to be
communicative and two ways communicative, to communicate our
desires and our positions, for example, on issues like China,
as the Chairman raised.
But I am also there to listen to Canadian concerns and to
bring them back and to make sure that I create a reality that
the United States cares about Canada as a strong ally, cares
about what they think, and wants to be a true partner in trade
and diplomacy, in defense, in energy and climate change, in all
of the issues that we share values on and that we work closely
together.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
The next available member is Senator Coons.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank you
to all three of our nominees today. Thank you for your
willingness to continue to support our nation and to serve
overseas and for your families, who are with you today.
It is my honor to work with you and to question you today,
and I intend to support your confirmation before the Senate of
the United States and to welcome and express my appreciation,
Max, to you--Rhonda, it is great to see you again--to Joe and
to Raymond.
All of us are able to sustain our careers in service
because of the support of our families. Thank you for that.
If I might, Mr. Nides, I join many others in saying the
Abraham Accords enjoy bipartisan support. I look forward to
partnering with you and figuring out how we can more fully
implement them.
As the Chairman of the State and Foreign Operations
Subcommittee, I am committed to working with you on ensuring
Israel's security and the continued strengthening of that long,
deep, and important partnership.
I want to ask you about a specific program that was funded,
the Nita Lowey Middle East Partnership for Peace Act. It has
$250 million over five years to support venture capital
investment in the West Bank and people-to-people programs.
Are you familiar with this? How do you think it might
contribute to the very difficult work of developing an
environment for partnership and for peace?
Mr. Nides. Thank you very much, Senator, for the question.
Yes, I am quite knowledgeable about this and I congratulate
the Congress for doing this program in a bipartisan way with
your leadership and many of the Republicans who signed on for
this legislation.
I happen to have gone out to see former Congresswoman Lowey
in Westchester a few weeks ago to talk to her specifically
about the program. The program, as you know, is a $250 million
program over a five-year period of time that marries both the
DFC and USAID to do exactly what needs to be done, which is not
only people-to-people growth but, more importantly, trying to
use these monies to improve both the Palestinian and Israeli
relationships.
Congresswoman Lowey, someone who I have known for a long
time, it was an honor for her, clearly, but shows the
importance of her commitment to the U.S.-Israel-Palestinian
two-state solution idea and for us to focus on that.
I am quite familiar with it. I have already had some
preliminary discussions with folks as I got briefed up on it.
But I think it has got an enormous amount of potential and I
look forward to working with you as we implement programs if I
am fortunate enough to get confirmed.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Tom.
Mr. Cohen, it is great to see you before us and to be with
you again, and I think you will serve as an excellent
ambassador to address some of the issues Senator Cardin just
raised.
Senator Udall and I actually were part of a bipartisan
delegation that went to Latvia a number of years ago where we
visited with a Canadian battalion that was helping lead NATO
security presence in that Baltic country. Just one of many
reminders of the ways in which Canada is not just a critical
trade partner, not just a critical values partner, but is a
real security partner.
How will you work with Canada to advance our shared
security goals through NATO, through NORAD, through their vital
work in peacekeeping and other partnerships that are essential
to our security?
Mr. Cohen. Again, I think I will have the advantage of
starting with the foundation of a long-term friendship and
partnership.
There isn't any resistance to the importance of Canada and
the United States working together on defense arrangements,
including the ones that you have identified.
But as the Chairman pointed out in one of his questions,
there is always room for improvement. Let me put it that way.
When I look at the side of our relationships about benefit
sharing and about making sure that we are all investing
appropriately in these defense partnerships, in NORAD, Canada
has not appropriated the sum of money that is necessary to fund
the modernization and improvement of NORAD that we have agreed
to conceptually.
And although the percentage of the Canadian defense budget
is creeping upwards, it is only at about 1= percent and it is
projected to drop to as low as 1 percent over the next decade
or so.
I think that is an opportunity for dialogue. It is an
opportunity for conversation. It is an opportunity to say if we
really believe in the importance of NATO, if we really believe
in the importance of NORAD, we have to invest appropriately to
make sure that we can deliver on the defense benefits to both
of our countries and to the free world.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
And if I might, Dr. Telles, just a question to follow up on
your previous exchange about foreign direct investment.
I was very encouraged to see Intel's announcement in July
that they will invest $600 million in a long-idled
semiconductor microchip plant in Costa Rica.
How can partners like Costa Rica help partner with us to
support the near shoring of critical technologies as we look to
develop supply chains that are more robust and independent?
Ms. Telles. That is an excellent question, Senator, and I
do think that that Costa Rica could play a very important role
in partnering with us in this respect.
As you know, they have a relatively well-educated well-
trained workforce. They also offer a very positive business
environment, open economy, relatively low levels of corruption
and such.
And so given that they have already--as you know, one of
their main exports is medical equipment, but aside from that
they have a capacity to engage in broader production, and I do
believe that we could certainly encourage this particular
partnership even further.
Senator Coons. Thank you, and I look forward to working
with you to support and strengthen the ability of the Costa
Rican people to both welcome refugees and to be a wonderful
development and security partner with the United States.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
I understand that Senator Young is with us virtually.
Senator Young. Yes, Chairman. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Nides, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has made it clear
that his government opposes the Biden administration's efforts
to revive the Iran deal, and they would ensure Israel has the
ability to go it alone in securing itself from Iranian terror.
I do not necessarily doubt your commitment to the U.S.-
Israel relationship, especially having visited with you, sir.
But this administration seems intent on pursuing certain
policies that, I believe, will only undermine it.
Mr. Nides, how can an administration that claims to be
unequivocal about Israel's security continue to press for
revival of a deal with Iran that Israel's own government
opposes due to the security risks that it presents?
Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question, as you and
I discussed in your office.
I will make two points. One is, as you know, the President
has been quite clear that he is attempting to use diplomacy to
resolve the Iran nuclear situation. He has also made it clear,
as Secretary Blinken has, that he will not stand by to allow
the Iranians to obtain a nuclear weapon.
Obviously, I am not a party, since I have not been
confirmed, to the level of negotiations, but those are the
binding facts of this relationship and the position of this
administration.
Senator Young. If you believe the JCPOA, sir, does enhance
Israel's security--let us just take that as a premise because
you would almost have to in order to reconcile the commitment
to U.S.-Israel relationship and their intent on making sure
that Israel can defend itself with this JCPOA negotiation.
Let us just assume the JCPOA enhances Israel's security.
How do you square that with Israel's opposition to the
agreement and the prime minister's commitment to do whatever is
necessary to secure the people of Israel?
Mr. Nides. Again, Senator, I am not, obviously, currently
involved in the discussions and negotiations, obviously, with
Israel or the conversations going on in Vienna.
I will only say that I think the President has been quite
clear both in his statements yesterday at the U.N. and the
public statements that he and the Secretary of State have said,
is obviously they want to, if possible, use diplomacy to
resolve the situation.
And I think, as this process plays out, and if I am
fortunate enough to be confirmed, obviously, I will be more
informed about the details of that. But that is, certainly, the
policy of the administration and I do believe that there are
ongoing communications between the Israeli Government and the
American Government as it relates to whatever discussions are
going on around the diplomatic channel and non-diplomatic
channel through the conversations among the parties.
Senator Young. Thank you, Mr. Nides.
Mr. Cohen, the United States and Canada are close trade
partners, especially evident in the symbiotic relationship
between my state of Indiana and the Canadians.
As a leader in the automotive industry, Indiana exports
over $7 billion in motor vehicles and motor vehicle parts to
Canada. Canada is also Indiana's largest export destination,
followed by Mexico, according to 2019 statistics.
It is safe to say that we rely on access to partners in
Canada in order to export products all across the globe and
keep our industries humming, and that access was solidified by
the landmark USMCA agreement.
As ambassador, Mr. Cohen, how will you work to mitigate
supply chain disruptions that business continuously faces as
they emerge from the pandemic, and do you see value in
diverting supply chains out of China and closer to U.S. soil?
Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
I think the problem you have put your finger on is
something I alluded to in my opening statement, which is the
pandemic has, clearly, been disruptive to supply chains and the
limitations on travel have complicated things.
I think, in the automotive world, by the way, we are
working through the processes of USMCA to try and deal with
some of the automobile industry issues that were--frankly, were
one of the reasons for USMCA being passed.
If I am confirmed, though, I think this is another case
where my role as ambassador is to help encourage these types of
discussions and, obviously, anytime we can divert supply chains
to our hemisphere as opposed to China is an economic benefit to
the hemisphere and to the United States.
And to the extent that we can accomplish that, I think that
is good policy for the United States and for Canada.
Senator Young. Thank you. I am out of time. I appreciate
your desire to serve, all of you.
Senator Schatz. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Young.
Mr. Nides, in my view, we have a moral obligation to help
the Palestinians that are suffering, and I understand that
there are those who do not share that view.
But could you talk about why U.S. humanitarian assistance
to the Palestinians is not just morally right but good for us
and for the Israelis and serves the long-term interests of a
two-state solution?
Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you very much, and I
wholeheartedly agree with that.
The moneys going to the Palestinians are going to the
Palestinian people, and making life better for the Palestinian
people has been a bipartisan issue. It has not just been a
Democratic issue.
For many years, this committee and the appropriators have
appropriated money for the Palestinian people from everything
from water to education to health care.
I think it makes our national security interests because
that is who we are as a country. I think it helps the Israelis
by keeping things calm not only in the West Bank, which I think
is important for the security, and I think it is important for
us if we believe, ultimately, that the solution is a two-state
solution it provides them an opportunity and a guide path for
that.
I am in complete concurrence and I think it is important
with all the caveats that we all understand and all the rules
which are in place, but giving assistance to the Palestinian
people--not to the Palestinian Authority, but to the
Palestinian people--is in our national security best interests,
and I think and I believe that also in Israel's national
security interest as well.
Senator Schatz. Can you flesh out that last part for us?
Can you talk about the work that the U.S. Government and the
NGO community does to make sure that our assistance goes to
support the needs of the Palestinian people and what guard
rails we will have in place to ensure that the U.S. funding
does not get diverted from a humanitarian mission?
Mr. Nides. Sir, I think we are using our trusted partners.
The auditing that goes on through USAID and our other
development partners is focused on that.
We are very aware and very focused on the Taylor Force Act.
Those monies will be to the Palestinian people. These are
programs that help healthcare, education, water purification, a
variety of programs, and I believe, if I am fortunate enough to
get confirmed to speak for USAID, but I know they are very much
focused on how those monies are being spent and all the guard
rails that are put up in conjunction with the laws and
regulations that are in place.
Senator Schatz. I will submit this question for the record
because I want to get to Mr. Cohen.
But I do want to ask you about the potential for clean
energy partnerships between the United States and Israel.
Mr. Cohen, the Canadian Government passed a law this summer
ratifying its commitment to clean energy by the year 2050. It
still has a lot of work to do. Everybody has a lot of work to
do to flesh out its plan and put funding behind it.
But we do need this kind of ambition and commitment from
our allies if we are going to combat the climate crisis. Can
you talk about how we can make climate action more of a main
part of our bilateral relationship with Canada?
Mr. Cohen. Good morning, Senator. Good to see you.
And I think the premise of your question provides some of
the answer. When we deal with Canada, we are dealing with a
friend that shares our values and that includes around climate
issues.
You have the legislation. You also have Prime Minister
Trudeau's federal carbon pricing, which was layered on top of
that legislation and which was just upheld by the Canadian
Supreme Court. You have got real action being taken by Canada.
I think the best ways to align is better coordination and
continued communication. We have got two current examples of
that. One is the roadmap that I referenced in my opening
statement, which identifies climate and fighting climate change
as one of the priorities of Canada and the United States
working together. That is a statement from the highest levels
of both governments, the president and the prime minister.
And the second thing I would point to is the recent
convening that Climate Secretary Kerry had with Canada and
promised a periodic high-level convening around climate change-
related issues to keep the two countries aligned and to keep
this issue front of mind.
I mean, I think that both are consistent with my sense that
we need coordination, communication, at the highest levels of
our governments.
Senator Schatz. Thank you very much, and thanks to all of
you for your willingness to serve.
Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. I just had a
chance to talk with Senator Klobuchar, who gave you such a nice
introduction, and congratulations.
I want to talk about Iron Dome. The U.S.-Israel
relationship has long been the cornerstone of America's
strategy in the Middle East. Israel constantly faces terrorist
attacks. We have seen it again recently, threats including the
rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza, attacks from Iranian-backed
groups in Lebanon and Syria.
Iron Dome is the first line of defense for Israel. In May,
Israel faced over 4,000 rockets and attacks by the Iranian-
backed terrorist group Hamas. The Iron Dome system intercepted
more than 90 percent in terms of being effective in
intercepting the rockets threatening civilians and critical
infrastructure. It saved lives.
Yet, what we just saw is the House Democrats removed
funding for the Iron Dome that had been included in their
Continuing Resolution funding bill. This just happened within
the last day.
Do you support funding to replenish the Iron Dome defense
system?
Mr. Nides. Absolutely.
Senator Barrasso. And how important is continued U.S.-
Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other cooperative
defense programs?
Mr. Nides. Very.
Senator Barrasso. In terms of Jerusalem, is Jerusalem the
capital of Israel?
Mr. Nides. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. Do you believe it should be the permanent
place of the U.S. Embassy in Israel?
Mr. Nides. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. In 2019, the United States formally
recognized Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Do you
view the Golan Heights as part of Israel?
Mr. Nides. We support the current position vis-a-vis the
threats that we have in Syria with Assad and it is a
strategically very important strategic position for the
Israelis.
Senator Barrasso. In 2018, Congress passed into law the
Taylor Force Act. It prohibits U.S. economic assistance that
directly benefits the Palestinian Authority as long as the
Palestinian Authority continues to pay financial rewards for
terrorism.
I know Senator Risch talked about the importance of this
issue a little earlier in this hearing. Does the Palestinian
Authority continue to subsidize and pay financial reward to
terrorists?
Mr. Nides. I believe they have not stopped these payments.
Senator Barrasso. If confirmed, are you fully committed to
stopping the terror incentive payments by the Palestinian
Authority?
Mr. Nides. If I am confirmed, absolutely will work to
achieve that goal.
Senator Barrasso. There is a new Palestinian Authority law
that, effectively, nationalized all what were once independent
civil society groups. These groups need to now submit plans and
budgets to the Palestinian Authority to review their conformity
with the, quote, ``work plan of the relevant ministry.''
The law also gives the Palestinian Authority power to
dissolve any organization and then seize or transfer its assets
to a similar Palestinian association or institution.
You look at that, the way that they are going to do this,
looking at this and saying would you support the United States
providing taxpayer resources to these organizations if they can
be seized by the resources can be seized by the Palestinian
Authority, which the United States is legally prohibited from
funding directly?
Mr. Nides. Senator, I am not totally aware of exactly the
program you are speaking of but, clearly, the Taylor Force Act
is the law of the land and, obviously, we will abide by any
laws, obviously, on the books.
On that particular one, I am not particularly aware of that
piece of--or that Palestinian legislation or whatever law that
may be in place. But I will, certainly, look into it.
Senator Barrasso. I appreciate your willingness to look
into it.
Israel continues to face direct threats from Iran and its
terrorist proxies. The administration's budget request includes
$3.8 billion in U.S. security assistance to Israel.
President Biden has clearly stated, ``I am not going to
place conditions for the security assistance given the serious
threats that Israel is facing, and this would be, I think,
irresponsible.''
Do you oppose placing conditions on U.S. security
assistance to Israel?
Mr. Nides. Yes, sir.
Senator Barrasso. And how would reducing or conditioning
security assistance to Israel hurt Israel's ability to defend
itself from threats?
Mr. Nides. The reality is the administration does not
support conditionality on the assistance and, as you know, we
are at a $38 billion tenure MOU, and the position of the
administration is we do not support conditionality.
Senator Barrasso. Last week marked the one-year anniversary
of the Abraham Accords, the historic diplomatic U.S.-brokered
agreements between Israel and several of the Arab neighbors.
The Trump administration helped negotiate several historic
developments between Israel, its regional Arab neighbors--the
UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan. They joined Egypt and Jordan
in establishing relationships diplomatically with Israel.
These agreements have created a path to peace through
recognition and engagement rather than isolation and boycotts
of Israel.
Israel's foreign minister recently said the Abraham Accords
club is open to new members as well. Secretary Blinken pledged
the administration will continue to build on the successful
efforts of the last administration to keep normalization
marching forward.
As the ambassador, what role would you play in fostering
peace with Israel in the Arab world?
Mr. Nides. Senator, as I said in my opening statement, I am
quite focused on the Abraham Accords. I think they are good for
Israel. If my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I think
this makes it stronger.
Obviously, my hope is that as we operationalize the current
Abraham Accords countries and then expand it, it will also
benefit the Palestinians as well. I think, obviously, it is
something that is good for Israel. It is, certainly, good for
the United States' national security interests, and we would
love to, at the time, make sure it is also good for the
Palestinians as well.
But I will work closely with the implementation, work to
strive to get the new additional countries into the Abraham
Accords, and I look forward to working with you on that.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Schatz. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
the witnesses. What a great panel.
I am fortunate to have two friends on this panel, Tom Nides
and David Cohen, and Dr. Telles, while we do not know each
other enough for me to call you a friend, your husband, Joe, is
a friend. I am an admirer of yours, but a friend of your
husband. What a good panel. I am really excited to be with you.
I have two questions. Sometimes I ask questions to make a
point, but these are questions because they are things I am
puzzled about. One is for you, Mr. Nides, and one is for you,
Dr. Telles.
Mr. Nides, your opening testimony talks about long-time
U.S. policy dating back to President Truman supporting two-
state, a peaceful Israel, peaceful Palestine living side by
side, and that has always been my thought about the best
outcome there.
But I will say, I have been to Israel and Palestine now
probably more than any other country in the world--I do not
consider myself an expert but I have been a lot--I look for
evidence that Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-
state solution and I am not sure I see it.
I do not necessarily see it in the current government of
Israel that they really want a two-state solution. And when I
am talking to Palestinian leadership, they sort of suggest that
they want it but I do not see a capacity to carry it out.
And when I talk to just everyday people, I often hear two-
state, one-state, that is for politicians. On the Palestinian
side, what I often hear is, we just want equal rights to water
and to voting--equal rights.
I detect a troubling lack of interest in the two-state
solution in Israel and Palestine, and it makes me wonder
whether the U.S. can have a policy for a nation that it does
not necessarily have for itself.
My question to you is what evidence is there right now that
Israeli or Palestinian leadership want a two-state solution?
Mr. Nides. Sir, it is a great question, obviously. We can
only control what we can control and, in our view--this is the
United States' position and this administration's position--is
to set the table, keeping the parties not doing unilateral
action that makes that impossible to achieve and we do that by
a variety of things: assistance to the Palestinians, clear
support to Israel for their own defense, the MOU, providing
opportunities on the Abraham Accords, making sure that we
articulate to the Palestinians that we care about their freedom
and their prosperity and their security.
We, as the United States, can only set the table,
potentially giving us the opportunity to achieve it at some
point, as the President has articulated.
I cannot, obviously, speak for the Israelis or, obviously,
the Palestinians. But, hopefully, if I am confirmed, I can
speak for the United States and we will at least not to
exasperate and divide but encourage the parties coming
together.
Senator Kaine. I think that is about as good an answer as
anyone could give, because I am just not sure there is a lot of
evidence out there right now.
We should do what we can to, hopefully, create
opportunities for progress. But it really troubles me, and we
are in the midst of a painful analysis right now of the last
chapter of U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, and one of
the questions we are having to ask ourselves is did we want
something, a set of things, for Afghanistan that the Afghan
leaders did not want for themselves, and we have to be humble
in asking that question and getting to the bottom of it.
Dr. Telles, here is my question for you. I lived in
Honduras for a while, and when I lived in Honduras in 1980 and
'81, Costa Rica was sort of a real island of stability and a
very tough Honduras was a military dictatorship. There was a
Contra war going on against the Government of Nicaragua,
Guatemala and El Salvador in the midst of brutal civil wars.
Why has not Costa Rica's success had a little positive
infection throughout the Americas? It has always puzzled me
that they have been able, and thank God, they have been able to
be--they have got challenges, too--but an island of stability.
But that was 40 years ago that I was in Central America.
Honduras is not a military dictatorship now but it is equally
troubled, maybe more violent and killing of journalists and
activists.
What is it about Costa Rica that enables it to be
successful? Why has not that model been attractive to its
neighbors?
Ms. Telles. Thank you for your question, Senator, and also
I appreciate your interest in Central America, knowing that you
lived there for a bit and were involved in humanitarian
efforts.
It is a very good question. It is a fact that Costa Rica
has really enjoyed a stable democracy and a relatively
prosperous economy over the years, and it could be a part of
its roots go back to 1949 when, after almost a year of civil
strife a constitution was adopted that really emphasized
democracy but also, importantly, I think, took certain actions
to invest in the people of Costa Rica.
They eliminated their army and they put most of their
resources into public health and into education, and I think
that that went a long way, I think, towards helping to create a
middle class, helping to stabilize its long-term interests.
Why has that not been exported successfully to other
countries? That is a very good question. If you look at some of
the history of Central America, some instability has been
related to military actions which have engaged in coups and
also repression of the people. And so that is just one simple
answer.
But I do hope that Costa Rica can increasingly through its
leadership in the Central American region and its recent
presidency, actually, of the Central American Integration
System will continue to promulgate our shared values of
democracy and human rights, which are very necessary right now
in Central America.
Senator Kaine. I am well over my time, but I really
appreciate both of you for offering good insights into two very
tough questions.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I yield back.
Senator Schatz. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And to each of you, I want to congratulate you on your
nominations. It is a tremendous honor to be nominated to
represent your nation in this way and I wish you the best as
you move through the hearings process.
I would like to start with an area that is of particular
strategic concern, although all of your countries are terribly
important--the countries that you are hoping to represent the
United States to--but that is Israel.
And Mr. Nides, I wanted to reach out to you. Earlier this
year on a 97 to 3 vote, an amendment that I co-authored with
Senator Jim Inhofe was passed to ensure that Jerusalem
continues to be recognized by the United States as the capital
of Israel.
That is pursuant to the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995. The
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 codified U.S. policy, first,
ensuring that Jerusalem would be the capital of Israel and that
Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.
Mr. Nides, as nominee to be our ambassador to Israel, do
you support the Jerusalem Act of 1995 and, in particular, do
you agree that Jerusalem should continue to be recognized as
the capital of the State of Israel by the United States, that
Jerusalem should remain an undivided city, and that the United
States should maintain its embassy to Israel in Jerusalem?
Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for your question, and the
answer is yes. The capital of Israel is Jerusalem. The embassy
is in Jerusalem. If I am confirmed, I will be living in
Jerusalem. Obviously, that is something that I will be looking
forward to.
Obviously, at a certain point, if there is a negotiation
between the Palestinians and the Israelis as it relates to a
final status, long from now, that will be up to the parties.
But from the United States' perspective, Jerusalem is the
capital of Israel.
Senator Hagerty. With respect to the Palestinian
negotiations, I would like to probe further on that.
Mr. Nides. Please.
Senator Hagerty. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett recently
visited here, met with our president.
President Biden told him, told Prime Minister Bennett that
he intends to open a U.S. consulate for Palestine in Jerusalem.
Prime Minister Bennett's response was not positive to that. In
fact, he indicated publicly his opposition to President Biden's
proposal.
Foreign Minister Lapid called Biden's proposal a bad idea.
Indeed, the U.S. embassy currently has a Palestinian affairs
unit at Agron. I visited that facility in June of this year.
If the U.S. Government were to open and maintain an
embassy, a consulate, a legation, some type of function like
that, some type of diplomatic facility in Jerusalem besides the
one that exists inside the U.S. embassy to the State of Israel,
do you think that that course of action is consistent with the
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?
Do you think that that supports the philosophy of that law
that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of the State of Israel?
Mr. Nides. Senator, yes, I do. I, fundamentally, believe
that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. The embassy will be in
Jerusalem. As you know, the issue around the consulate, that
consulate has existed in one form or another for almost 130
years in one form or another.
Obviously, the opening of the consulate if it occurs--and
as you know, the President has indicated, as well as the
Secretary, that we would like to open the consulate--it will
have no impact upon the capital of Israel being Jerusalem.
This is something, obviously, if I am fortunate enough to
be confirmed I will be, obviously, addressing but, obviously,
taking my direction from the President and the Secretary of
State.
Senator Hagerty. I appreciate the position you are in. I
just hope that we take into account the position of our ally,
Israel, our strongest ally in the Middle East, and their
concerns, I think, are very relevant and pertinent to this
discussion.
I would like to turn to another point, very quickly, and
that is yesterday the House decided to remove funding to
resupply and replenish the Iron Dome rocket defense system.
I was very disappointed to see it. I am also happy that
Leader McConnell and Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman
Shelby are proposing a Continuing Resolution that will include
a billion dollars to replenish the Iron Dome.
In fact, earlier this year, I introduced the Emergency
Resupply for the Iron Dome Act of 2021 to immediately resupply
the Iron Dome. I did that along with our colleagues, Senator
Cruz and Rubio, here.
I also visited Israel with Senator Cruz immediately after
the 11-day war. I saw the benefit of having a technology like
that that saved both Israeli and Palestinian lives.
And I want to ask you if you agree that that defensive
capability that we provided through the Iron Dome is actually a
benefit to our relationship with Israel and to their position
there?
Mr. Nides. Absolutely. Senator, I will make just one quick
point.
Number one, the President has been very clear that he
supports the replenishment of the Iron Dome.
Number two, obviously, it is in our national security
interest to support a very, very important ally in the region,
and this is a defensive mechanism. It is to stop rockets from
raining in on Israel.
We are supportive of the replenishment and it is in our
national security interest, and it is our desire and hope that
those funds will be provided to replenish the Iron Dome.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. I am very pleased to hear that
position. Thanks very much.
Senator Schatz. Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Just a
few quick comments and then a couple of questions.
Senator Van Hollen and I just returned from a trip to
Israel to meet with the new Government. Incredibly impressive,
this coalition that has come together, an unlikely one.
The United States is at our best when we are a helpful and
active broker for peace, when we are a friend of Israel but
when we are also acting to try to bring the Palestinians to the
negotiating table. We abdicated that responsibility for the
last four years.
And as you mentioned, Mr. Nides, there was a consulate in
Jerusalem for 150 years. This was a effective nonissue prior to
the closure of that consulate during the Trump administration.
It is an easy thing to do to just go back to the status quo
of a century-plus. But it is important to the Palestinians
because they see it as a way for this administration to signal
that we care about the plight of Palestinians just like we care
about the security of Israel.
Similarly, I support Iron Dome funding. I think we should
telegraph right now that we are going to continue to be a full
partner with Israel in making sure that they can defend
themselves.
But I also think we need to send a message that we are
going to restart our partnership with the Palestinians to try
to address their legitimate humanitarian needs. This committee
has at times not been helpful in allowing the administration to
get money to the Palestinian Authority. There are desperate
reconstruction needs in Gaza right now.
And so my suggestion is that we should move ahead with Iron
Dome funding, but we should partner it with some significant
humanitarian relief to the Palestinian people. I think that is
just the right thing to do.
Mr. Nides, I wanted to ask you a specific question about
the Palestinian elections that have been postponed now. I think
it is really important for there to be elections in the PA, in
particular, because we need a shot at new leadership. We need
the ability of some new voices to be able to break through.
They were postponed, and the reason given was that there
was not a commitment by the Israeli Government to allow for
elections to happen inside Jerusalem.
I do not know if that is the real reason or not, but I,
certainly, know it would be a lot better if the Israelis made
that commitment. And while we were there, the prime minister
and the PA made a commitment that if the Israelis allowed for
elections to go forward amongst Palestinians in Jerusalem, they
would schedule them within six months.
How important do you think it is that these elections take
place and what role can you, as an ambassador, play in trying
to make sure that they occur?
Mr. Nides. Senator, first of all, thank you for your
question and your statement, and I wholeheartedly agree with
you.
As I said to Senator Kaine a few minutes ago, we, as
Americans, need to set the table for the potential of a two-
state solution through assistance and through strong support
for Israel and the MOU so we can actually walk and chew gum at
the same time as it relates to doing both at the same time.
As it relates to the elections, I agree with you elections
would be good for the Palestinians. If I am fortunate enough to
be confirmed, I will work with the Israeli Government to assure
that that issue is not an obstacle to achieve elections.
And as you and I both know, we are not sure how much of
that was the reason. But I would, certainly, work to make sure
that is taken off the table as an issue or an obstacle for
elections in the--with the Palestinians.
Senator Murphy. Yeah, I think that is the right approach.
Let us eliminate all of the excuses to not go forward with this
election.
I understand the danger of this election. Hamas is,
obviously, now in the wake of the latest conflict more
politically potent in the West Bank than ever before. But that
in and of itself is not a reason to try to give a new
generation of leaders the chance to step up.
Mr. Cohen, just very quickly, sanctions coordination
between the United States and Canada. We are best when we do
things together. We worked together, for instance, on sanctions
on Belarus.
What is your analysis of the willingness of the Canadian
Government to be able to continue to work with us on sanctions?
How important do you think that will be in your new role?
It seems like an area where we can do more, where we can
communicate earlier. We are stronger when the United States and
Canada speak together on issues of pro-democracy and pro-human
rights sanctions policy.
Mr. Cohen. Senator, good to see you. Good afternoon.
I think your question is absolutely correct and whenever
Canada and the United States can work together we are more
powerful. We speak with a greater voice.
The issue of sanctions coordination and sanctions policy is
an issue that this committee has dealt with and there is
legislation now for a sanctions coordinator position within the
State Department, and I think the work was started on creating
that. The plug was pulled during the Trump administration.
It is my understanding that work is being done to identify
a candidate to be nominated for that position, which would
report to the Secretary of State, and I think that is an
important tool to improve the coordination of sanctions, which
will improve the effectiveness of sanctions and will be another
example of Canada and the United States being able to work
together to advance our mutual goals.
Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you very much. I look forward
to working with you on that.
The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us virtually.
Senator Van Hollen: Yes. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
thank you.
To all of our nominees, congratulations on your
nominations.
Mr. Cohen, great to see a fellow Swarthmore alum nominated
to be our ambassador to Canada. I do have some serious concerns
with the current disconnect in our policy with respect to
Canada and travel to the United States.
If you are vaccinated as a Canadian you can fly to the
United States but cannot cross the border by car, and this is
despite the fact that Canada has a higher vaccination rate than
the United States.
If I have time at the end of my question, I may circle back
with you on that issue.
Mr. Nides, congratulations on your nomination. Great to see
you. I agree with the points that you made in your opening
statement.
I recently traveled to Israel and the West Bank with
Senator Murphy and two of our colleagues, and you have heard
some of the report just now from Senator Murphy. We had
positive visits in both stops. We very much and warmly welcomed
many of the new steps being taken by the Government in Israel.
We discussed the importance of our relationship, including
the continuation of the MOU, which you reference in your
opening remarks. And I fully support replenishment of the Iron
Dome, which helped save lives in the recent conflict between
Israel and Hamas.
You say in your statement that we need to work to preserve
the vision of a two-state solution. I agree with you. As you
know, the President agrees with you.
If you could just say in your own words why you think that
that is important for the future, both for Israel and for the
Palestinians, and what you will do as ambassador to preserve
that option, as you say, in your statement.
Mr. Nides. Senator, thank you for the question.
Ifif my North Star is a democratic Jewish state, I believe
to preserve that--to preserve that, having a two-state solution
preserves that. I think it creates the environment for the
Palestinians to live with the same freedom and security and
prosperity that the Israelis have.
I believe that us providing the assistance for the
Palestinian people is critically important. It is not just the
right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do for our own
security.
I think providing security assistance is the right thing to
do for not only Israel and the Palestinians but for the
Americans as well.
Israel is our most, if not one of the most, important
allies that we have in the region and in the world and keeping
that safe is relatively and exceptionally important for their
security and for our national security.
I just think if you fundamentally believe, as I do, that a
two-state solution provides that security for the long haul, I
think it is the right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do,
and if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will work
towards that goal.
Senator Van Hollen: And what specific measures would you
take as ambassador to preserve that option? Because as you
know, the door is rapidly closing through changes on the ground
with respect to a two-state solution. What measures do you
think need to be taken to keep that option open?
Mr. Nides. If I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, the
most important thing is for neither parties, the Israelis or
the Palestinians, to take unilateral action that prevents that
from happening.
And so if I am fortunate enough to get confirmed, I will
work with the parties to avoid that, and we all know those
issues that create the environment that allows for conflicts to
occur.
I think the goal of the ambassador is to articulate the
vision of the President and the Secretary of State, but to try
to keep the parties not creating an atmosphere that we cannot
move forward on a vision of a two-state solution.
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
We also, as Senator Murphy said, met with Prime Minister
Shtayyeh in the West Bank, who said and acknowledged the
importance of opening up the Palestinian Authority to
elections.
As you probably saw, they just announced municipal
elections this December. But there is the issue of the
Legislative Assembly elections. I am pleased to hear your
response to Senator Murphy with respect to working with our
Israeli partners to make sure that Palestinians in East
Jerusalem can vote and make sure that that is not an excuse for
not going forward with the legislative elections.
Finally, as you know, the President has said that he wants
to reverse the decision by the Trump administration that shut
down our consulate in Jerusalem.
Do you support reopening that consulate as the President
has committed to do and what do you think the timetable for
that will be?
Mr. Nides. I, certainly, support that, as the President has
indicated and the Secretary of State has announced.
Until I am confirmed I am not privy to the conversations
that are happening between the State Department or the
administration with the Israelis. But, obviously, that is
something that, once I am fortunate enough to get confirmed,
will work on and be able to report back to you on a timing.
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I cannot see the clock. Has my time run out?
The Chairman. It ran down a while ago.
[Laughter.]
Senator Van Hollen: All right. Thank you all very much.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
This particular part of the hearing is now over. This
record is going to remain open to the close of business
tomorrow for questions to the record.
I would urge the nominees if they get a question to respond
to it expeditiously and fully so that we can consider your
nominations for a business meeting.
And with the thanks of the committee, we will now move to
our second panel.
[Pause.]
The Chairman. Let me introduce our second panel as they get
themselves adjusted to their positions.
[Pause.]
The Chairman. We have two nominations on the second panel:
our former colleague Senator Tom Udall to be an ambassador to
New Zealand and Samoa, and Ms. Sarah Margon to be the Assistant
Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor.
[Pause.]
The Chairman. I would ask our other nominees to please take
your conversations outside of the chamber so we can move on.
I know that Senators Heinrich and Lujan have expressed
their interest in introducing Senator Udall but they have not
yet arrived. We will wait for them in the moment.
I also understand that our former colleague and member of
this committee, Senator Feingold, is going to introduce Ms.
Margon virtually today.
Is Senator Feingold with us?
Senator Feingold, welcome back to the committee even if it
is virtually. We will recognize you to give an introduction of
Ms. Margon.
STATEMENT OF HON. RUSSELL FEINGOLD,
FORMER U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee.
Thank you for this opportunity to speak with you today to
introduce Sarah Margon, a nominee for Assistant Secretary of
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, which is known as
DRL.
I worked closely with DRL during my tenure at the State
Department when I was the Special Envoy to the Great Lakes
region of Africa. I would argue the DRL's work has never been
more important than it is right now, with democracy going head
to head with the growing threats of kleptocracy and
authoritarianism around the globe.
Right now, democracy is losing some ground in several
countries with devastating consequences for human rights, the
rule of law, independent judiciaries, and other democratic
principles.
President Biden has stressed repeatedly that human rights
must be at the center of our foreign policy, and I could not
agree more. Democracy and human rights go hand in hand, and DRL
is at the forefront of implementing President Biden's
commitment to human rights and to crafting and implementing
policy aimed at strengthening and preserving the democratic
values and principles that we so staunchly believe in and
cherish.
Sarah is an exceptional candidate to lead DRL at this time
and to help inform and guide human rights and democracy-focused
U.S. foreign policy. It is a true honor for me to introduce
her.
She came to work for me many years ago when I was a member
of this committee. At the time, she was coming not just from
Oxfam America but she came into the office almost literally
right from a trip she had taken to Eastern Chad.
I mention this because it is indicative of Sarah's lifetime
commitment to an approach to addressing conflict and crises
across the globe. Her policy perspectives are continuously
informed and driven by her experiences traveling to these
countries and working directly with affected communities and
through that and her experience and commitment would help
develop meaningful legislation and policy change as it has
throughout her career and will in her new role as Assistant
Secretary of State, if she is confirmed.
I will just highlight a couple of things that make her
unique. She has a strong commitment to bipartisan foreign
policy. I saw this firsthand when she worked in my office and
worked closely with senators on both sides of the aisle to
advance meaningful foreign policy.
This included working with Senator Isakson on many
democracy issues, Senators Inhofe and Brownback to pass
legislation to help protect civilians in northern Uganda, and
Senators McCain and Graham on issues relating to Egypt's
growing repression and election concerns in 2010, of course,
just before the Tahrir Square protests in 2011.
She takes the time to listen to all sides and stakeholders,
including those whom she disagrees with, so she can ensure that
she is fully informed. She regularly made time to speak to my
constituents in Wisconsin and hear their concerns about
everything from Indonesia and East Timor and Sri Lanka. She
believed they had important contributions to make to our policy
work.
If she is confirmed, I know that Sarah will be committed to
engaging the American public beyond the Beltway on America's
role in the world, and she will never lose sight that her
principal job is to serve the American public.
Sarah believes fiercely in the important role of Congress
when it comes to foreign policy. I will state this is
particularly important to me and one of the reasons that I
hired Sarah.
She firmly believes that Congress must play an active and
assertive role in foreign policy, both in terms of helping to
build and support an agenda that represents all of America and
in terms of oversight of the executive.
She understands the experience and tools to make good
policy. Her rich experience makes her an expert on the full
toolkit deployed by our State Department, from punitive
measures like economic sanctions to incentivizing and
relationship building.
She understands that meaningful and impactful policy cannot
be made in a vacuum, and I saw her demonstrate this as we
traveled all the way from Eastern Congo to Djibouti and even
Peshawar, Pakistan, where we were working on these issues.
Sarah is driven by a deep belief and a commitment to
ensuring that the United States is a force for good in the
world. This translates to a fierce commitment to diplomacy and
the necessary work to build and maintain positive constructive
relationships across borders.
I want to close by underscoring Sarah's values, which drive
her work every day. She brings sincere integrity to her work.
She is solution oriented, which is exactly what we need at this
time when democracy is on the back foot around the world and
when basic fundamental liberties are under attack.
I think it would be a little hard to find someone who is
more genuinely devoted to advancing human rights and democracy,
and doing so in an informed, transparent, and collaborative
manner than Sarah.
If confirmed, she will be an open honest broker for
improving human rights and democracy around the world. I
recommend Sarah Margon as Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and I thank you so much for
the pleasure of testifying before you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Feingold. It is good to
see you, and we appreciate your glowing recommendation of Ms.
Margon.
We have now been joined by two of our colleagues, Senator
Heinrich and Senator Lujan, who will join in introducing
Senator Udall.
Senator Heinrich?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARTIN HEINRICH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO
Senator Heinrich. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
and all the distinguished members of this committee, it is
really my honor today, my distinct honor, to introduce
President Biden's nominee to serve as the next U.S. ambassador
to New Zealand and Samoa, and, obviously, our former colleague,
Senator Tom Udall.
As a long-serving member of this committee, I know Tom is
no stranger to any of you. But I wanted to make sure to echo
what I am sure anyone who has worked with Tom Udall over the
years would say about his incredible character and the deep
commitment that he has to public service.
Tom has devoted his entire life to my state, to serving the
people of New Mexico and to serving this great nation, first,
as our state's attorney general, then for 10 years in the U.S.
House of Representatives, followed by two terms in this body,
in the United States Senate.
And during the time that the both of us served here
together in the Senate, Tom Udall proved to be a constant
friend and close mentor to me. He also set a true example of
what it means to be a public servant.
Over his two terms in the Senate, Tom showed all of us how
to act with decency and integrity, how to stay true to your
principles but also how to find common ground, and these are
all qualities that I am very confident will serve him well in
this new diplomatic role representing our nation's interests
abroad.
With all of his experience on climate issues and his work
with indigenous communities, he is uniquely qualified to build
upon our nation's cooperation and shared interests with our
allies in New Zealand and Samoa, and I can truly think of no
one better suited to represent our country and face
international challenges than Tom Udall.
On behalf of Julie and myself, I want to congratulate both
Tom and his wife, Jill, on this new opportunity to continue
their lifelong service to our country, and I sincerely hope
that each and every one of you on this committee will join me
in supporting this incredibly qualified nominee.
Thank you, Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Lujan?
STATEMENT OF HON. BEN RAY LUJAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO
Senator Lujan. Thank you, Chairman. It is an honor to be
here this morning before the committee alongside Senators Udall
and Heinrich.
Senator Udall has spent his career, his life, serving
fellow New Mexicans and our brothers and sisters across
America. Both he and Jill Udall have made a tremendous
difference in the lives of so many.
As our state attorney general, U.S. Representative, and
United States Senator, Tom was deeply and continues to be
committed to fighting for everyone to get a fair shake.
You know Tom and Tom knows you. Yesterday at the United
Nations, President Biden pledged a new era of relentless
American diplomacy, and today's consideration of Senator Udall
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa is proof
of the President's commitment to restore American leadership
around the globe.
New Mexicans know Tom as a true statesman and as a leader,
as a friend, and as a mentor who takes the climate crisis
seriously. He cares about others, he leads by example, and
treats people with respect and dignity.
This ambassadorship matters. New Zealand and Samoa are
leading on many important issues and are important partners in
the fight against the climate crisis.
As ambassador, I am confident that Senator Udall will make
New Mexico and our country proud. He will bring the same energy
and commitment and, hopefully, a few bolo ties to the world
stage.
[Laughter.]
Senator Lujan. This is an exciting day for Tom and Jill,
and for countless New Mexicans back home. Tom is a highly-
qualified nominee and it is my honor to stand with him and Jill
today.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Lujan, for the glowing
recommendation of our colleague. We appreciate it. We know you
have other issues to attend to. Do not hesitate to leave when
you think it is appropriate.
And I will just note as well that Congressman Malinowski
from my home state of New Jersey is here with us. He had the
former position that Ms. Margon is been nominated for as the
Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor. We welcome him to the committee.
And since you are here, Congressman, we need to talk about
the CASE Act and updating it so that we can actually get some
information in real time these days. I look forward to working
with you on that.
Let me briefly speak to these two nominees.
Senator Udall, welcome back to the committee. You now know
what it feels to be on the other side of this questioning. But
we know you are going to do great. Congratulations on your
nomination, to Jill as well.
I am glad that President Biden selected you for this
important post. I am confident that, upon confirmation, you
will represent the United States well in New Zealand and in the
Independent State of Samoa.
As you know, New Zealand is one of our closest partners, a
partnership that is critical in this new era of strategic
competition. Now more than ever, the United States has to
pursue intense diplomatic outreach in order to support our
common goals for addressing climate change, expanding economic
and trade opportunities, and building security partnerships.
Climate change is one of the most pressing national
security challenges of our time and it poses a significant
threat to Pacific Island nations. Overall, I believe we need to
reinvigorate our diplomatic presence and outreach to New
Zealand and Samoa, and I am confident that you will be very
well up to that task.
We look forward to hearing your goals for how we can deepen
one of the closest diplomatic relationships we have even
further.
Ms. Margon, congratulations on your nomination to DRL. You
have extensive experience working to advance human rights and
democratic values as well as support a bipartisan group of
national security leaders, human rights, and civil society
organizations, including prominent Jewish organizations who
believe in the importance of the U.S.-Israel partnership and
the importance of a two-state solution for ensuring Israel's
future as a Jewish and democratic state.
But I also know there have been questions about some of the
nuances here and I will trust you will be able to answer those
questions.
The need for strong effective leadership at the helm of DRL
has never been more necessary. In every region of the world
today authoritarian governments are seizing more and more
power, dismantling core democratic institutions, and closing in
on journalists and civil society.
Today, Beijing, Moscow, and their kleptocratic partners are
driving global authoritarian expansion. They do this through
increasingly sophisticated digital authoritarian surveillance
and control tools that we put out a very significant report
from this committee, and through old-fashioned arrests of
peaceful protests and shutting down independent media.
To that end, we witnessed this summer the Cuban regime
unleash a brutal wave of repression in response to
unprecedented protests by the Cuban people. While the Trump
administration took a wrecking ball to our reputation, the
Biden administration is doing vital work to reassert the U.S.
role in championing democracy and human rights around the
globe.
That effort, however, was badly damaged this summer by the
flawed withdrawal from Afghanistan and the unfolding human
rights catastrophe.
From Burma to Ethiopia, the amount of human rights concerns
around the world is vast. We understand that, at times, the
United States faces hard choices where foreign policy and
national security interests do not align neatly with the values
we strive to reflect as a nation.
Upon occasion that is unavoidable. But we also know that
the organizational structure at the State Department has
allowed a culture to flourish in which human rights concerns
gets less traction because the powerful regional bureaus
frequently sideline DRL.
I look forward to hearing from you about how, if confirmed,
you will work to recenter our foreign policy around the core
American values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
that advance our U.S. national interests and the cause of
freedom and human dignity that rightly belong to people
everywhere.
And I will just close by saying today we had a breakfast
meeting with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Boris
Johnson, and in that conversation one of the things that he
said that I thought was so poignant for our other colleagues to
hear was how important it was for the United States to raise
the principles of democracy and human rights, and what it means
to the rest of the world to do so.
This is an incredibly important position.
I know that the ranking member has as well opening remarks
as it relates to these nominees, and when he returns I will
recognize him. As such, he is voting right now. But in the
interests of expediting this process, let me turn to Senator
Udall first for his opening statement.
I ask you both to try to summarize your statements in about
five minutes. Your full statements will be included in the
record, without objection.
And with that, Senator Udall, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF FORMER SENATOR HON. TOM UDALL OF NEW MEXICO,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO NEW ZEALAND AND WITHOUT
ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION TO THE STATE OF SAMOA
Senator Udall. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and I want to
thank so much Senator Heinrich and Senator Lujan for coming and
introducing me.
Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee, it is an
honor and pleasure to meet with all of you again. As a former
member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have great
respect for the important work you are doing to consider the
diplomatic nominations before you.
Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as
President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States
Ambassador to New Zealand and to the Independent State of
Samoa.
After a career of public service in the state of New
Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico Attorney General,
five terms as United States Representative, and two terms as
United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust of the
President and Secretary Blinken that they have placed in me to
represent the United States overseas.
The advice and consent role of the United States Senate,
Mr. Chairman, as you know well, is one of the most important
roles granted to Congress by the Constitution, and I am honored
by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to take a
moment to introduce my wife, Jill Cooper. She has been my
partner and chief adviser during my 30 years of public service.
She is an accomplished lawyer in her own right and a strong
advocate for the arts, having served as a member of the
President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities.
And while they are not here with me today in these
chambers, I would like to recognize my daughter, Amanda, and my
son-in-law, Judge Jim Noel.
In January, I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico
in the United States Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and
rural state strong in its multiculturalism, including a vibrant
indigenous culture.
New Mexico is also rich in natural resources and growing
tech and space and cinematic sectors, complete with a vital
national security sector. In all these respects, New Mexico is
very much like New Zealand.
Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in
new space sectors advancing science, human progress, and
cinematic storytelling set in their unique geographies.
While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no
secret that New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face
enormous threats from climate change.
As a senator, I made protection of the environment a
priority, from championing the 30 By 30 proposal to conserve 30
percent of our lands and waters by 2030, to passing the
landmark bipartisan Frank Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act.
The president has made it clear that climate consideration
shall be an essential element of United States foreign policy
and national security.
As ambassador, I look forward to working with New Zealand,
a country that shares my passion for the protection of our
natural environment.
I also look forward to maintaining the strong political,
military, and intelligence relationship we share with New
Zealand from World War Two when tens of thousands of Americans
were stationed in New Zealand, through the post-war Five Eyes
intelligence alliance formed by the United States, Great
Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and from support
for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other
peacekeeping missions to formalize our strengthening defense
cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that
recent developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the
security intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes
alliance.
Members of this committee have been clear that the United
States cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We
need allies like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive
despite these regional challenges. We should not allow outside
influences to drive a wedge in that relationship.
As ambassador, I will work to protect and grow mutual
goodwill between our nations. Countering and competing with the
People's Republic of China requires strong partnerships with
countries throughout the region. Beijing continues to pressure
countries that stand up to its human rights violations, to
threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate international
rules and norms.
Like you say, I would just ask that the rest of my
statement be put in the record and it will be a real honor, if
confirmed, to go off as an ambassador to New Zealand and Samoa.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the courtesies.
And Ranking Member Risch, I mentioned you. It is wonderful to
see you here in person. Thank you.
[Prepared statement of Senator Udall follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Tom Udall
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee. It is an honor and a pleasure to meet with all of you again.
As a former member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I have
great respect for the important work you are doing to consider the
diplomatic nominations before you.
Today, I have exchanged my seat on the dais to sit as President
Biden's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to New Zealand
and to the Independent State of Samoa. After a career of public service
in the state of New Mexico, including two terms as New Mexico's
Attorney General, five terms as United States Representative, and two
terms as United States Senator, I am grateful for the trust the
President and Secretary Blinken have in me to represent the United
States overseas.
The advice and consent role of the United States Senate is one of
the most important roles granted to Congress by the Constitution--and I
am honored by this committee's consideration of my nomination.
Chairman Menendez, with your permission, I would like to take a
moment to introduce my wife Jill Cooper. She has been my partner and
chief advisor during my 30 years of public service. She is an
accomplished lawyer in her own right, and a strong advocate for the
arts, having served as a member of the President's Committee on the
Arts and Humanities. While they are not here with me today in these
chambers, I'd also like to recognize my daughter Amanda and son-in-law
Judge Jim Noel.
In January I marked the conclusion of serving New Mexico in the
U.S. Senate. New Mexico is a mountainous and rural state strong in its
multiculturalism-- including a vibrant indigenous culture. New Mexico
is also rich in natural resources, and growing tech, space, and
cinematic sectors, complete with a vital national security sector. In
all these respects, New Mexico is very much like New Zealand.
Both are aiming for the stars. Both continue to invest in new space
sectors advancing science, human progress and cinematic storytelling
set in their unique geographies.
While there are numerous positive comparisons, it is no secret that
New Zealand and Samoa, like New Mexico, face enormous threats from
climate change.
As a Senator I made protection of the environment a priority, from
championing the Thirty-by-Thirty proposal to conserve 30 percent of our
lands and waters by 2030, to passing the landmark bipartisan Frank
Lautenberg Chemical Safety Act. The President has made it clear ``that
climate considerations shall be an essential element of United States
foreign policy and national security.'' As Ambassador, I look forward
to working with New Zealand, a country that shares my passion for the
protection of our natural environment.
I also look forward to maintaining the strong political, military,
and intelligence relationship we share with New Zealand: from World War
II when tens of thousands of Americans were stationed in New Zealand,
through the post-war Five Eyes intelligence alliance formed by the
United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; and
from support for our forces in Afghanistan in 2001 as well as other
peace-keeping missions, to formalizing our strengthened defense
cooperation in the 2012 Washington Declaration.
Just last week, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern affirmed that recent
developments in the Indo-Pacific do not change the security and
intelligence ties of New Zealand to the Five Eyes alliance.
Members of this committee have been clear that the United States
cannot challenge all the threats in the region alone. We need allies
like New Zealand and we need to help them thrive despite those regional
challenges.
We should not allow outside influences to drive a wedge in that
relationship. As Ambassador, I will work to protect and grow the mutual
goodwill between our nations.
Countering and competing with the People's Republic of China (PRC)
requires strong partnerships with countries throughout the region.
Beijing continues to pressure countries that stand up to its human
rights violations, to threaten freedom of navigation, and to violate
international rules and norms.
To ensure stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region as a
whole, it is important to note that our relations do not begin and end
with security. As an island nation, New Zealand is not unique in its
dependence on international trade.
It is also one of many countries that has felt the pressure of
Beijing's attempts to coerce through punitive trade decisions.
The United States is one of New Zealand's top trading partners. And
I know from experience that during Senate visits overseas many of us
looked for ways to increase trade ties between many nations and our
respective states. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our trade
relations continue to grow and that you or the companies you represent
are welcome in New Zealand.
As Pacific nations with advanced economies, the United States and
New Zealand have both an opportunity and responsibility to support the
island nations in the Pacific. All of them are increasingly threatened
by the immediate threat of COVID-19, but also the growing influence of
the PRC, and the threats from climate change. The Independent State of
Samoa, a small island country rich in Polynesian culture is not immune
to these challenges. We need to continue to reinforce Samoa's
independence with our Peace Corps and Fulbright initiatives.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
it was one of my great honors to serve on this committee and to serve
the nation and the people of New Mexico. After a career in public
service, I am honored by the President's nomination to represent the
United States in New Zealand and Samoa.
Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. I am happy
to answer any of your questions during this hearing or for the record.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Udall.
As I announced, I would recognize the ranking member at
this time.
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to
speak briefly on both nominees and then, of course, questions.
First of all, it will come probably as no surprise to many
that the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, the nominee is going to be
a very difficult and a heavy lift for me to support.
The nominee has made some deeply troubling public
statements related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
including on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement--
BDS movement--against Israel, and funding to the biased
organizations in Gaza, which I am going to ask some questions
on.
The nominee also told my staff, surprisingly, that she
feels both the current and prior administrations--both the
current Biden administration and the Trump administration's--
airstrikes against Iranian proxy targets were illegal.
This view is against those of the Department of State, the
Department of Defense, and legal advice spanning both
administrations. If this is the kind of advice that she is
going to give to the Secretary, it is going to be very
difficult to support her.
Further, the nominee publicly congratulated a private
company for participating in the BDS movement against Israel
and urged other companies to do likewise. She also tweeted in
support of a July 20 New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no
longer believe in a Jewish state.'' We will talk about that
when we get to questions.
On the nomination for the ambassador to New Zealand and
Samoa, it is good to see you, Senator Udall, and your lovely
wife. I talked to Senator Brown this morning and he feels that
you have won the lottery and have been sentenced to paradise.
He is high on this.
If confirmed, you would be charged with stewardship of our
relationships with these two nations where we have seen malign
influence from the People's Republic of China and where there
is room for our partnerships to grow. I look forward to hearing
your priorities on these issues.
China recently submitted information to New Zealand to join
the comprehensive progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership trade
agreement.
Yet, we have seen the PRC use its economic might to coerce
and bully its neighbors in the region. I am, therefore,
skeptical of PRC's ability to be a good trade partner.
This development also reminds us of the importance of a
strong U.S. economic and trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific
region, a key element of the Strategic Competition Act passed
by the Senate earlier this year. I will be interested in
hearing your thoughts on that.
Again, good to see you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
With that, I will turn to Ms. Margon now.
STATEMENT OF SARAH MARGON OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO BE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND
LABOR
Ms. Margon. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and distinguished members of the committee.
I am honored to be here today as the nominee for Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, and
deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for the
trust they have placed in me.
It is an honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me.
Working for him was a master class in principled integrity. As
a result of his leadership, I saw how standing up for what is
right can be central to effective policymaking and that
reaching across the aisle usually makes for better and stronger
policy.
Indeed, America in the world should represent all
Americans. I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom
rarely left the state but all of whom believed in the promise
of a better life through hard work and a little bit of luck.
It is that gritty mindset that enabled my grandfathers,
Albert Simon, born Abraham Simonofsky, and Solomon Mogiliwsky,
changed to Margon, to flourish. One owned a pharmacy In Queens.
The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
That same grit could be found in their wives as well.
Gertrude Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade
business in Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls,
while Florence Margon became a secretary, carrying her family
through the Depression and, in later years, raising my father,
all at the same time.
I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur
and Marilyn Margon, my brother, Andrew Margon, and sister-in-
law, Zoe Stopak-Behr, my husband, Sam Chaltain, who is here,
whose big dreams and generosity are all the cushion one could
need, and my two sons, who are also here, 8-year-old Izzy and
12-year-old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity,
decency, and empathy of future generations.
I am also indebted to the women of national security and
their guidance, wisdom, and community.
Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be
more firmly tethered to core democratic principles. Rising
repression and autocracy require us to be bold in adhering to
these values, which, as the President has said, are inseparable
from our national interests and are the foundation of our
diplomatic strength.
The global assault on basic freedoms also requires us to be
intentional about who we support and why we fight for rights
and dignity. This means considering not just policy choices but
also how we engage in countries where those in power are using
state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt individuals
and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power
undemocratically and to repress their people.
If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three
priorities.
First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that
affirms the United States as a leader and a partner in the
struggle for democracy, pluralism, and rights.
Our priority must be protecting these foundational values
and making sure governments like China, Russia, and Cuba do not
succeed in their efforts to undermine international human
rights norms and the rules-based order.
I will pay special attention to China, whose pernicious
attacks on dissent and the rule of law are both on the rise
domestically and fast becoming a common export.
Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological
and digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we
have seen too often, the promotion of disinformation from
Russia, to China, to Ethiopia can have life and death
implications.
Without U.S. leadership and push back, malign actors will
continue abusing technology to enable mass atrocities,
undermine democracy and human rights, and harm U.S. interests.
Congress has been on the front lines of this fight and, if
confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights as considered
as part of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing
democracy and protecting human rights are national security
interests, as the President has made clear.
If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides strong analysis
to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with our
democratic values and our commitments on human rights.
If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working
partnership with Congress so that together we can promote and
protect our shared American values and interests around the
world.
I will endeavor to make good use of the bipartisan tools
you have already developed, from the Global Magnitsky sanctions
to the Uighur Human Rights Policy Act to the Corporate
Transparency Act, and I will engage allies, the private sector,
and civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris
administration's goal of centering human rights within U.S.
foreign policy.
Thank you for your consideration of my nomination. I look
forward to your questions.
[Prepared statement of Ms. Margon follows:]
Prepared Statement of Sarah Margon
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of this committee. I am honored to be here today
as the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor--and deeply grateful to the President and Secretary
Blinken for the trust they've placed in me.
It's a special honor to have Senator Feingold introduce me. Working
for him was a master class in principled integrity. As a result of his
leadership, I saw how standing up for what's right can be central to
effective policy making--and that reaching across the aisle usually
makes for better and stronger policy. Indeed, America in the world
should represent all Americans.
I come from a long line of New Yorkers, many of whom rarely left
the state, but all of whom believed in the promise of a better life
through hard work and a little bit of luck. It is that gritty mindset
that enabled my grandfathers, Albert Simon--born Abraham Simonofsky--
and Solomon Mogiliwsky--changed to Margon--to flourish. One owned a
pharmacy in Queens. The other became a dentist in Brooklyn.
That same grit could be found in their wives as well. Gertrude
Simon labored at her family's light and lampshade business on
Brooklyn's Pitkin Avenue and raised two girls, while Florence Margon
became a secretary, carrying her family through the Depression, and, in
later years, raising my father--all at the same time.
I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents, Arthur and
Marilyn Margon; my brother Andrew Margon, and sister-in-law Zoe Stopak-
Behr; my husband Sam Chaltain, whose big dreams and generosity are all
the cushion one could need; and my sons--8.5-year-old Izzy and 12-year-
old Leo, both of whom give me hope for the curiosity, decency, and
empathy of future generations. I am indebted to the women of national
security and their wisdom, guidance and community.
Today's chaotic and complicated world requires us to be more firmly
tethered to core democratic principles. Rising repression and autocracy
require us to be bold in adhering to these values, which as the
President has said are inseparable from our national interests and are
the foundation of our diplomatic strength. The global assault on basic
freedoms also requires us to be intentional about who we support--and
why we fight for rights and dignity. This means considering not just
policy choices, but also how we engage in countries where those in
power are using state institutions, the media, elections, corrupt
individuals and entities, and even the pandemic to centralize power
undemocratically and to repress their own people.
If confirmed, I will apply these insights to focus on three
priorities.
First, I will ensure DRL carries forward an agenda that affirms the
United States as a leader and a partner in the struggle for democracy,
pluralism, and human rights. Our priority must be protecting these
foundational values--and making sure governments such as China, Russia,
and Cuba--do not succeed in their efforts to undermine international
human rights norms and the rules-based order. I will pay special
attention to China, whose pernicious attacks on dissent and the rule of
law are both on the rise domestically and fast becoming a common
export.
Second, I believe we must focus on countering technological and
digital threats as a human rights issue. For example, as we have seen
too often, the promotion of disinformation--from Russia to China to
Ethiopia--can have life-and-death implications. Without U.S. leadership
and pushback, malign actors will continue abusing technology to enable
mass atrocities, undermine democracies and human rights, and harm U.S.
interests. Congress has been on the frontlines of this fight, and if
confirmed, I look forward to navigating the path together.
Third, I will focus on ensuring human rights is considered as part
of U.S. arms sales and security assistance. Advancing democracy and
protecting human rights are national security interests, as the
President has made clear. If confirmed, I will make sure DRL provides
strong analysis to help ensure our decisions on these issues align with
our democratic values and our commitments to human rights.
If confirmed, I look forward to a strong working partnership with
Congress, so that together we can promote and protect our shared
American values and interests around the world. I will endeavor to make
good use of the tools you have already developed, from Global Magnitsky
sanctions to The Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act to The Corporate
Transparency Act. And I will engage allies, the private sector, and
civil society to help realize the Biden-Harris administration's goal of
centering human rights within U.S. foreign policy.
Thank you for the consideration of my nomination. I look forward to
your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Before I turn to Senator Risch, I have some questions that
are for the committee as a whole and they require a simple yes
or no answer.
These questions speak to the importance that the committee
places on responsiveness by all officials in the executive
branch and that we expect and will be seeking from you. I would
ask each of you to provide verbally a yes or no answer.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Udall. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Udall. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
simply providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Udall. Yes.
The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to questions for briefings and information requested
by this committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Udall. Yes.
The Chairman. Thank you. Both witnesses said yes to all
questions. The chair will reserve his time and I will turn to
the ranking member for his questions.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Margon, were you here when Mr. Nides testified?
Ms. Margon. I was in the anteroom, Senator. Yes.
Senator Risch. Did you hear his testimony and questions?
Ms. Margon. I did.
Senator Risch. I assume you do not share his enthusiasm for
the despicable anti-Semitic movement called BDS--Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions?
Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement.
Senator Risch. I am looking here at a tweet that you wrote
on November 19th, 2018. It says, ``Airbnb to remove listings in
the Israeli settlements of occupied West Bank. Thanks, Airbnb,
for showing some good leadership here. Other companies should
follow suit.''
Did you write that?
Ms. Margon. Yes, Senator.
Senator Risch. And you do not consider that part of the BDS
movement?
Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement. I do
believe that the private sector has an important role to play
in not pursuing discriminatory practices.
Senator Risch. I do not understand that.
Ms. Margon. Senator, I am not and have never been a
supporter of the BDS movement. I oppose it.
Senator Risch. How do you square that statement with the
text that you put out November 19th, 2018?
Ms. Margon. That tweet was in response to a Human Rights
Watch report. And again, just to be very clear, I believe the
private sector across the board has an important role to play
in not promoting or pursuing discriminatory policies.
Senator Risch. You support any company that would
participate in the BDS movement?
Ms. Margon. Senator, I firmly oppose the BDS movement, and
if I am confirmed to be Assistant Secretary of DRL, I will
continue to do so just as the Biden administration does.
Senator Risch. That does not square with what you said here
on November. You can say it over and over and over again. It
just does not make it true and it does not square with what you
said in 2018. Have you changed your mind since 2018?
Ms. Margon. Senator, that tweet was related to a very
specific report.
Senator Risch. It was in respect to a very specific action
by Airbnb supporting the BDS movement.
Ms. Margon. That was actually a report relating to their
renting apartments, and as I have said and will continue--just
like the Biden administration does, I am firmly opposed to the
BDS movement.
Senator Risch. With all due respect, ma'am, I do not
believe it, not with what you put out here. Saying it over and
over again just does not square with your actions.
Ms. Margon. I am sorry, Senator, that you do not believe
it. That is my firm belief, and if I am confirmed, going
forward, I think you will see, as a member of the Biden
administration, that that is the policy that I will implement.
Senator Risch. When you met with my staff, you made the
statement that you believed that the air strike against
Soleimani was illegal. Do you still stand by that statement?
Ms. Margon. That was from a tweet you are referring to?
Senator Risch. No. That was in a meeting with my staff when
you were preparing for this.
Ms. Margon. That conversation, Senator, was in relation to
a tweet that I had put out. I think that is probably a
conversation best had with the Legal Adviser's Office at the
State Department, for which I am not nominated.
Senator Risch. Maybe, but you stated that you thought that
that air strike was illegal. Is that true or not true?
Ms. Margon. I did write that tweet at the time. But, again,
I am looking at a position that is not for the Legal Adviser's
Office.
Senator Risch. I get that. What I am looking for is your
view of these things. Obviously, the position you are in is not
a legal position. But it, certainly, is very important in
developing policy.
They also tell me that you said that the strikes that the
past administration and even the current administration were
illegal. Is that your position?
Ms. Margon. Senator, I think, to be fair, there are wide
discussions over the legality of some of these strikes. I am
not a lawyer right now. I have never been a lawyer. I did work
for an organization that engaged on these questions.
But if I am confirmed, I would consult with the legal
advisers at the State Department to come to a determination.
Senator Risch. I get that, and everybody here has to
consult with the lawyers. Nonetheless, our policy decisions are
based by our personal beliefs in that regard, and I am really,
really troubled by these.
Have they straightened you out? My staff tells me that your
Sherpa almost fainted when you said that the strikes by the
current administration were illegal. Have they straightened you
out on that? Are you willing to go along with the
administration's view?
Ms. Margon. Of course, I am willing to go along. President
Biden and Secretary Blinken have nominated me to do a job and I
will uphold administration policy.
Senator Risch. In July of 2020, you retweeted an article
from the New York Times op-ed entitled, ``I no longer believe
in a Jewish state.'' You retweeted that with approval. Do you
still subscribe to that?
Ms. Margon. Senator, sometimes when we tweet or say things
in the heat of the moment we do not necessarily think of the
broader impact of them. When I retweeted that article, what I
was really focused on was the importance of ensuring Israelis
and Palestinians could have equal protection under the law,
access to democratic processes, security, and prosperity. That
was the thrust of my tweet and what I intended with that.
I firmly believe in a two-state solution so that Israelis
and Palestinians can live side by side in peace and security.
Senator Risch. Thank you for your answers. I am not going
to support your nomination, obviously. You have not persuaded
me at all. In fact, I might have been persuaded if you would
have owned up to these things and confessed there.
I am sorry I do not have any time for you, Senator Udall.
But it is nice to see you. I know you will do a good job there
and I will help you every way I can to get there.
Thank you very much, and thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Ranking Member
Risch, and thanks to our nominees. Congratulations to both of
you, particularly to Senator Udall and Jill.
I am such huge fans of both of you as wonderful public
servants, and it is exciting that you have had a lot of
wonderful chapters in the past, both in New Mexico government
and in the United States Senate, and in the House. And this
next chapter is one I know you will do every bit as well. I am
so proud to support you.
Ms. Margon, I want to ask you a question about the part of
the world that I care most about outside the United States and
that is the Americas.
I have been really troubled. I lived in Honduras when it
was a military dictatorship. It is no longer a military
dictatorship but, arguably, it is worse, and that is painful. A
country that has gone from a military dictatorship in 1981 to
a, quote, ``democracy'' is rife with corruption, the murder of
journalists, the murder of environmental activists.
The current president was reelected in a widely disputed
election. The OAS said it was so marked by fraud that the
election should be rerun. For some reason, the United States
discarded the OAS opinion and supported the current government,
and then what has happened this president has been implicated
in a variety of drug trafficking cases currently being brought
in courts in the United States.
The good news is there is elections this weekend in
Honduras. He is term limited and cannot run again. But I could
give you the same story in El Salvador where there is currently
massive backsliding of a government the people had a lot of
hope in but it is behaving more and more authoritarian every
day.
In Guatemala, serious issues with corruption. In Nicaragua,
brutal repression of political dissidents. Costa Rica is a bit
of a bright spot. We heard from Dr. Telles earlier.
I think the United States does not pay enough attention in
the Americas. Just because we are not paying attention does not
mean China is not paying attention. They are. Russia is paying
attention. Cuba is paying attention. Iran is paying attention.
And so I would hope this administration could really
embrace a more robust and continuous engagement with the
Americas and show other nations because we are all Americans--
North, Central, or South Americans--show other nations that our
concern is continuous and not just episodic, quickly to be
forgotten as we turn our attention elsewhere.
But if we are going to have an Americas policy we are going
to have to really grapple with issues of human rights and
democracy.
Should you be confirmed, what might your thoughts be about,
as you say, centering human rights and pro-democracy within
some of the nations that are the nearest to us?
Ms. Margon. Thank you, Senator, for that question, and
thanks for your long-standing work and interest in this region.
It has been really notable, and you have been a real leader
along with other members on this committee.
I think the Biden administration has taken the right
approach in looking at a root driver strategy and allocating $4
billion dollars to the region. I think those two tranches are
really important to start getting at what is at the foundation.
It is not going to be something that can change overnight.
But you mentioned many of the issues that we need to be looking
at--not just assistance and development, but also anti-
corruption, looking to build an independent judiciary, helping
to work so that the Security Forces are actually viable
entities that can protect the people, looking at criminal
networks.
There is very much a punitive approach and a carrot and
stick incentivizing approach and I think they go hand in hand.
I think even before my confirmation, if that happens, there is
good groundwork for which DRL will be able to work on.
I see DRL's role--and if I am confirmed, I will hope to
amplify this--is to bring the analysis of the human rights
organizations and civil society into the policymaking, to work
with the regional bureau closely, but also to work with other
agencies and, of course, with this body to make sure that there
is a consistent steadfast approach, that the finances are
sufficient and, frankly, that we bring in some of the other
regional actors.
I spoke yesterday with the Chairman a little bit about
Latin America and the importance of engaging broadly on
democratic decline and governance deficits, and I think this is
the perfect opportunity for DRL to really center its work not
just on election by election, as you say, but actually building
and supporting with other partners the context in which those
elections occur.
I have never been to Central America myself and I would
really like to travel there as one of my first trips. I think
that would send a very important message, not just about our
commitment as a bureau but our commitment as the United States.
Senator Kaine. I thank you for that answer. There are two
opportunities coming up that are really important, the Summit
for Democracy that President Biden has indicated he wants to
hold likely next year, and also the U.S. chairmanship of the
Summit for the Americas, which we have not chaired in 25 years,
and these are opportunities where these issues of democracy and
human rights should be front and center. I appreciate your
answers.
Mr. Chair, I yield back.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to both of you. Senator Udall, great to see
you again. Jill, nice to see you. As you know, when you gave
your final speech on the floor, I made a number of comments
about our service together and working in a bipartisan way, and
congratulations on this nomination. I think you will be
magnificent ambassador. Thank you, Senator.
Ms. Margon, on April 27th of this year, the Human Rights
Watch published a report accusing Israel of being an apartheid
state. Do you believe Israel is an apartheid state?
Ms. Margon. No, Senator, I do not.
Senator Barrasso. Do you believe Israel commits war crimes
when it acts to defend itself from rocket and other terror
attacks from Gaza?
Ms. Margon. No, Senator. I strongly support Israel's right
to defend itself and to protect its people.
Senator Barrasso. The Biden administration has announced
its intention to rejoin the United Nations Human Rights
Council. Do you believe the Human Rights Council has a bias
against Israel?
Ms. Margon. That pesky Item 7, Senator, on the agenda at
the Human Rights Council needs to be addressed. If I am
confirmed, one of the things I would like to do if the U.S.
rejoins the Human Rights Council is work with the International
Organizations Bureau, the ambassador to Geneva, and this
committee to help reform the Human Rights Council so it is more
effective, so it does not have a disproportionate bias against
Israel, including that agenda item.
I have seen in the past that when the U.S. is a member of
that Council that there are less anti-Israel resolutions and
there is a decrease in anti-Israel attacks. That would be one
of my priorities.
Senator Barrasso. When I think about the Human Rights
Council and the membership, do you know how many members of
them are serious human rights abusers?
Ms. Margon. There are a number of them that are very
problematic, Senator. I do not know the exact number.
Senator Barrasso. Russia?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. China?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. Pakistan?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. Cuba? I could go on.
It is to point out to me as I look at this, it says--do you
know of any of these that have actually had a resolution passed
condemning their own actions while on the Council?
Ms. Margon. Senator, your concern is well placed and I
think this would be part of the reform agenda. I will also say
that the Human Rights Council has put out some extraordinary
reports in the past that this body, I think, has found very
useful.
I would draw your attention specifically to the Commission
of Inquiry on North Korea. I think it was published in 2014.
That was an extraordinary documentation of the horrific abuses
in DPRK.
And my goal would be not only to help reform the
membership, which I understand is a priority also of the Biden
administration, but also to work with the Council so that it
has stronger, better membership, and they can produce more
reports like that DPRK report.
Senator Barrasso. Because it does seem to me that a number
of these keep themselves on the Council specifically so they
can avoid accountability.
In terms of the blacklist the Human Rights Council has come
up with, the Human Rights Council has published a blacklist of
companies doing business in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
Many of them are American companies. It is viewed by many as
laying the groundwork for sanctions against these companies.
If confirmed, will you work to encourage the Council to
retract this database and discourage our allies from
associating with this in any way?
Ms. Margon. Yes.
Senator Barrasso. Okay. And what can the U.S. do to limit
the continuation of this dangerous exercise by this group?
Ms. Margon. This is part of why I think U.S. membership on
the Human Rights Council is so important. It gives us a seat at
the table. It allows us to help influence decisions, it allows
us to engage, and it allows us to ensure there is not a strong
anti-Israel bias, but that the Human Rights Council is looking
broadly and globally at human rights abuses.
Senator Barrasso. On January 4th of 2020, you tweeted this,
``The Iranian Government is replete with nasty characters.
Soleimani himself was horrifically brutal. But normalizing
selective ally engagement to conduct an illegal action that not
only normalizes assassinations but also escalates dramatically
has taken us to a whole new scary level.''
Do you believe that the U.S. attack on General Soleimani
was illegal?
Ms. Margon. Senator, this is a tweet. I think if I were
going forward, looking at this from my position should I be
confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I would need to review all of
the evidence and the intelligence to make that assessment and
consult with the Legal Adviser's Office.
Senator Barrasso. What is your view of the Biden
administration's botched drone attack that killed 10 civilians
outside of Afghanistan in the last couple of weeks?
Ms. Margon. Thank you for that question. I was really
pleased to see the Pentagon and its press--excuse me, at its
press conference admit to the attack, to talk about what had
been happening, to talk about the investigation that was going
to be underway.
I think this is a very important step that the Pentagon has
taken, and I understand that there is going to be an
investigation, and from there we will see where it goes.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Okay.
Ms. Margon, let me just get some things clear for the
record. Did you ever advocate on behalf of the BDS movement?
Ms. Margon. No, Senator.
The Chairman. And regarding the allegation that has been
flown around there characterizing Israel's actions as apartheid
and attributed to you, to clarify, that refers to a report
released by Human Rights Watch long after you departed the
organization. Is that the case?
Ms. Margon. That is correct. It was nearly two years later.
The Chairman. Okay. When we look at the question of human
rights, especially when one is not in an administration, one
has the ability to look at it from the vantage--from the
perspective uniquely about what is it that we seek to uphold in
terms of the fundamental Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Is that not fair to say?
Ms. Margon. That would be fair to say, yes.
The Chairman. And the organization that you once worked
with, Human Rights Watch, which has been quoted by many members
of Congress when they find it appropriate and of value to do
so, looked at the world in terms of human rights violations in
that context. Would that be fair to say?
Ms. Margon. That is right.
The Chairman. Okay. The question is about participating at
the United Nations Human Rights Council. The reality is when we
are not there, then we cede to the world's worst actors the
ability to take on allies like the State of Israel.
Is that a fair statement?
Ms. Margon. I would say yes, that is.
The Chairman. While we do not like, and I, certainly, do
not like--I find it appalling that Cuba can be on the Human
Rights Council, but in the absence of the United States being
there, I cannot push back on them and others, at the end of the
day.
And so I think that one has to think about the perspective.
Joining the Human Rights Council is not an acceptance of its
actions. It is in defiance of its actions. Is that the way you
would take the view if you were the assistant secretary?
Ms. Margon. Yes, I think I would.
I would also say, Senator that it provides an exceptional
opportunity for the United States to lead and to partner in
pushing back against a number of those very abusive countries.
I would also say that the Biden administration has said it
not only wants to rejoin but reform the Council, and there are
plenty of opportunities to further that effort.
The Chairman. Israel remains our only democratic ally in
the Middle East, and our bilateral relationship is rooted on
shared democratic values. As in the United States or any
country with a democratic process, we may not always agree with
every policy that every government pursues.
International organizations, however, routinely unfairly
target Israel for alleged human rights abuses while in the same
breath actively ignoring the gravely serious human rights
abuses of the leaders of some of its neighbors.
Would you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against
Israel from international human rights organizations?
Ms. Margon. Yes, absolutely.
The Chairman. And then, finally, because the world is--as
much as Israel is incredibly important, the world that you will
be encountering--there are so many different parts of the world
so I could spend a lot of time talking to you about arms sales,
which I will in the near future, about China and Belarus and
Russia and many other places, about Turkey under Erdogan.
Even though they are a NATO ally, there are more
journalists and lawyers in Turkish jails than in any other part
of the world. That is saying something, considering some of the
nasty parts of the world. Ethiopia and what is happening there
in terms of human rights violations.
I look forward to having a more in-depth discussion with
you. But I do want to just talk about one--something I broached
with you when you came to visit me and I appreciated our visit,
and it is about Cuba.
You noted that, quote, ``Cuba offers more opportunities
than dead ends when it comes to human rights, including by
easing relations with other countries and encouraging them to
pressure Cuba to, quote, ``tolerate more dissent.''
I am of the view that dissent should not be tolerated but
embraced as a fundamental human right. Would you agree with
that?
Ms. Margon. I think that is a much better word, Senator.
The Chairman. Okay. And these statements were made before
the July 11th protests in Cuba this year, which--where the
regime unleashed a brutal wave of repression in response to
average people, mostly led by Afro-Cubans in terms of protests.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Secretary for DRL,
what are some of the specific steps you would take to advance
democracy and human rights in Cuba?
Ms. Margon. The protests in July, I think, reminded us very
clearly, not just us here in the U.S. but globally, that what
the Cubans need and are looking for--the Cuban people--are
basic services and basic rights, and they go hand in hand.
And so there really is an opportunity for the United
States, working closely with partners in the region and more
globally, to support civil society more extensively, to ensure
they have access and are able to be amplified on larger
platforms to share their experiences with such a brutal and
horrific government.
Because it is those experiences, it is those stories, and
it is their fight for those basic rights that we need to be
supporting. There are questions about what we can support
internet wise. There are questions about what we can support
media wise.
And I think the review that is underway, Senator, if I am
confirmed, is something that I will want to be actively
participating in. But even if that review is done before I am
confirmed, I look forward to working with you to figure out the
best ways in which we can support civil society, amplify those
voices, and make sure that there is an increase in support
globally for the movement.
The Chairman. All right. Thank you.
Senator Udall, you and I had a very good and in-depth
conversation yesterday about economic opportunities, about how
AUKUS is going to affect us with New Zealand on security,
bilateral relationship, about New Zealand vis-a-vis China.
And so we had such a good in-depth conversation I do not
feel compelled to explore it again here with you today. But I
do not want you to think you are not the object of my
affection.
[Laughter.]
Senator Udall. Thank you. Thank you.
The Chairman. With knowing everything that you and I spoke
about, and I am very pleased with the answers you gave me, I
will reserve at this time.
Seeing no other member before the committee, the record for
this hearing will remain open until the close of business
tomorrow, Thursday, September 23rd. Please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted no later than then.
I urge the nominees to answer those questions fully and
expeditiously so that you can be considered for a business
meeting.
And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 1:18 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. There is nothing I take more seriously than the health
and security of the people who will be working with me. The
administration is actively examining a range of hypotheses but has made
no determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether they can be
attributed to a foreign actor. I understand that AHIs have been a top
priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with our workforce, provide care for affected employees
and family members, and better protect against these events in the
future as we continue to work closely with the interagency to find the
cause of these AHIs.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed there is nothing I take more seriously
than the health and security of the people who will be working with me.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator James E. Risch
State Oversight
Question. Currently, there are three public diplomacy outposts
serving primarily a Palestinian audience, America Houses in East
Jerusalem and Ramallah as well as an American Corner in Hebron.
Do you support keeping these facilities outside of the U.S. embassy
compound?
Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific
facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am
committed to ensuring that the U.S. Embassy in Israel's capital,
Jerusalem, enables our Government to carry out a full range of
diplomatic activities, including public diplomacy engagement with local
communities.
Question. What value do public diplomacy sites focused on the
Palestinian audience provide to U.S. foreign policy?
Answer. I believe public diplomacy programs are valuable to U.S.
national interests, as they allow the U.S. Government to communicate
with local communities on our Government's strategic objectives. I
understand that these are critical tools in our engagements with
Palestinian communities as they encourage common values, such as the
promotion of human rights, economic growth, freedom of speech, and
upholding the rule of law.
Question. Do you support completing the renovation of the America
House in Ramallah?
Answer. While I am not in a position to speak to the specific
facilities of the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem, if confirmed I am
committed to ensuring that our diplomatic presence enables our
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
including engagement with local communities.
Question. Mission Israel has been under enormous stress over the
past five years with the move of the embassy to Jerusalem, changes to
the Palestinian Affairs Unit, and COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Israel?
Answer. Mission Israel is full of dedicated personnel committed to
their jobs and carrying out U.S. foreign policy objectives. If
confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative and inclusive
work environment, and placing a priority on morale.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to build a collaborative and
inclusive work environment. I am committed to placing a priority on
embassy morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to underscore my commitment to an
inclusive and representative working environment in support of U.S.
national interests and strengthening the U.S.-Israel partnership.
Management Is A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is one that focuses on promoting a
collaborative, inclusive, and representative environment that is
focused on promoting U.S. national interests.
Question. How do you believe this management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where processes and resources aren't as readily
available as they may be at Main State?
Answer. This style of management has served me well throughout my
career and will translate well to an embassy setting. If confirmed, I
look forward to working in partnership with the Embassy Jerusalem team
to support an inclusive and collaborative environment that promotes
U.S. national interests.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on the new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. I believe that it is important for us all, as
representatives of the United States of America, to work towards
serving our country to the best of our ability. If confirmed, I intend
to fully integrate myself with the embassy team and look forward to
supporting an inclusive and collaborative environment. We can't succeed
any other way.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, this type of behavior is never acceptable.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with the
deputy chief of mission?
Answer. The deputy chief of mission is a key part of the embassy
community and if confirmed, I look forward to building a collaborative,
inclusive, and constructive partnership with him or her.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to the deputy chief of mission
being involved in all facets of embassy leadership and working in
partnership with him or her to strengthen the U.S.-Israel relationship.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
Given your previous tenure as the Deputy Secretary of State for
Management and Resources, how do you assess the Department's
current risk balance?
Answer. Advancement of U.S. foreign policy objectives inherently
involves diverse types of risk, and it is the Department's policy that
employees and leaders engage in risk management for the decisions and
activities within the scope of their duties. All Department employees
are expected to identify, evaluate, and mitigate any substantial risks
to their objectives or to the enterprise in which they are engaged.
Department leaders, including Chiefs of Mission, require the best
possible assessment of risk, identification of mitigation measures, and
evaluations of any remaining residual risk before making decisions.
Department leaders ensure risk management is a continuous process that
is adjusted as conditions change, and incorporated into planning and
decision-making in a systematic, appropriate, timely and transparent
manner by taking into account uncertainty and the impact on our
capabilities to protect people, property, information and other assets.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. The mission of a U.S. diplomat is to promote peace, support
prosperity, and protect American citizens while advancing the interests
of the United States abroad. U.S. diplomats are dedicated to public
service and, even in dire situations, are committed to accomplishing
their mission and advancing U.S. objectives.
Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. I believe that it is important for U.S. diplomats to have
access to, and engage with, a wide range of local populations if the
security environment permits. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
that Embassy Jerusalem's diplomatic presence enables our Government to
carry out a full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement
with the local communities and government leaders.
Question. Do you agree that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel,
should remain undivided, and should be the permanent place of the U.S.
embassy to Israel?
Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle
all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
deserve. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S.
Embassy in Jerusalem.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work diligently to see a
new U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working diligently to see a new
U.S. embassy constructed in Jerusalem.
Question. The administration has made clear its desire to open a
consulate in Jerusalem for the Palestinians. It is my understanding
that Israel would have to agree with the opening of a U.S. diplomatic
facility in Jerusalem or anywhere else in Israel. Is that the case?
Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
with the Palestinian people and leadership. While I cannot attest to
all requirements necessary for opening a diplomatic facility, if
confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem
enables our Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic
activities, including engagement with local communities and government
leaders.
Question. The Israeli Government has come out against a Palestinian
consulate in Jerusalem. FM Yair Lapid said that the proposed reopening
by the U.S. Government of its Jerusalem consulate would be a ``bad
idea'' and would send the ``wrong message'' not only to the region and
to the Palestinians, but to other countries as well, who might view
this as a green light to establish their own embassies in what they
perceive to be a Palestinian part of Jerusalem. In addition, such a
move might destabilize the ``interesting, yet delicate'' coalition
government. Will you pressure Israelis to reverse their opinion? Will
you establish a consulate over Israeli objections?
Answer. Secretary Blinken has publicly announced the
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
understand that this is part of the administration's renewed engagement
with the Palestinian people and leadership. The United States has not
recognized a ``State of Palestine.'' Reopening the Consulate General in
Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
While I am not privy to internal U.S. Government conversations with
the Government of Israel, if confirmed, I will handle all issues
related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Another legal obstacle to a Palestinian consulate is the
Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995, passed overwhelmingly by the U.S. House
and Senate, which recognized united Jerusalem as the capital of Israel
and states that ``Jerusalem should remain an undivided city.'' Does the
Jerusalem Embassy Act prevent the United States from reopening a
consulate for the Palestinians? What location for a Palestinian
consulate would the 1995 law allow?
Answer. I understand that Secretary Pompeo determined and reported
to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially
opened, consistent with the requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act.
I also understand the administration is committed, as am I, to keeping
the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in
Jerusalem will not affect that policy or walk back or change our
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies
are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.
Question. If President Biden decided against (or Congress
prohibited in law) the opening of a separate Consulate General to serve
the Palestinian Authority, would you be prepared to carry out your
duties as Ambassador to Israel with oversight of consular affairs in
Palestinian-controlled territories?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the U.S. Government has
been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular services to U.S.
citizens and lawful permanent residents, as well as communities
residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The President and
Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's intent as well
to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support renewed
engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I
will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
including providing necessary consular services, and engaging with
local communities.
Question. The Biden administration is reportedly conducting a
review with the goal to open a Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
office in the United States, despite the legal prohibitions under the
1987 Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) and the 2019 Promoting Security and
Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act (PSJVTA). Is the opening of a PLO
office in the United States permissible under U.S. law? Can you commit
to using your position as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, if confirmed, to
advocating against any move to re-open the PLO office in the U.S., in
contravention of U.S. law?
Answer. I understand that the issue of the Palestinian presence in
Washington is a complicated one, with a number of legal implications.
If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that any possible reopening of
a PLO office in Washington is consistent with U.S. interests in
advancing peace and applicable U.S. law.
Question. In 2019, the Trump administration officially recognized
Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. In your view, what is the
strategic benefit of Israel's sovereignty of the Golan Heights? Under
what conditions would Israeli sovereignty not apply?
Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. My
understanding is that this administration has not changed U.S. policy
on this important issue.
Foreign Assistance
Question. There are promising reports about the effectiveness of
the BriLife vaccine for COVID-19, which the American-Israeli company
NRx Pharmaceuticals has brought to trial. If approved, this new vaccine
could prove to be a game-changer in expanding access to safe and
reliable COVID-19 vaccines across the developing world, while also
providing a suitable alternative to less reliable vaccines from China.
If confirmed, will you commit to working with Israel to make its
World Health Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration
(FDA) approved COVID-19 vaccines available to low- and lower-
middle income countries, including as in-kind contributions to
COVAX, as appropriate?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to working with Israel to make
doses of its COVID-19 vaccines, authorized by the World Health
Organization (WHO) and Federal Drug Administration (FDA), available to
low- and lower-middle income countries, including as in-kind
contributions distributed through COVAX.
Question. Institutions in Israel annually request, and routinely
secure, funding through the American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA
program). Notably, ASHA is not a development program. Instead, it
provides funds for infrastructure and equipment for overseas schools,
libraries, and hospitals ``to highlight American ideas and practices,
to provide concrete illustrations of the generosity of the American
people, to further U.S. Government public diplomacy, and to catalyze
collaborations between U.S. citizens and citizens of other countries''.
Do you agree that the purpose of U.S. foreign assistance is to end
the need for its existence?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance serves important U.S. national
security interests, including supporting our enduring partnership with
Israel and priorities such as helping our allies and partners maintain
stability and prosperity.
Question. Noting that Israel is a High Income Country that already
shares U.S. values, should institutions in Israel continue to be
eligible for assistance through the ASHA program?
Answer. While Israel is indeed a high-income country, I continue to
value the importance of American Schools and Hospitals Abroad, and if
confirmed, I commit to working to deepen the already existing
partnerships in Israel.
Question. If so, why? If not, how do you intend to graduate Israeli
institutions from dependence upon ASHA funding for basic infrastructure
and equipment?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the U.S. Agency for
International Development, which administers the ASHA program, on this
matter. ASHA programs serve as an important link between American
institutions and our partners overseas.
Question. Under what conditions, if any, would you support
conditioning United States assistance to the West Bank and Gaza?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring U.S. assistance is
well-calibrated to advance U.S. foreign policy interests. I understand
that U.S. assistance provides critical relief to those in great need,
fosters economic development, and supports Israeli-Palestinian
understanding, security coordination, and stability. It also aligns
with the values and interests of the United States and our allies and
partners.
Question. Would you support conditioning assistance upon measurable
progress in rolling-back the Palestinian Authority's support for the
heinous ``pay for slay'' program? If confirmed, would you make this a
priority?
Answer. The Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr payments is
abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely committed to
working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr''
payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and international
concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work done thus far through
sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring that part of
resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing reform of this
heinous practice.
Question. What forms of U.S. foreign assistance, if any, should be
continued in the West Bank and Gaza, notwithstanding the PA's continued
support for the ``pay for slay'' program?
Answer. I understand the administration is committed to providing
assistance in a manner that is consistent with U.S. law. U.S. foreign
assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves important U.S. interests,
including providing critical relief to those in great need, fostering
economic development, and supporting Israeli-Palestinian security
coordination. Economic and humanitarian assistance programs improve the
lives of millions of Palestinians by providing immediate relief and
advancing development across sectors such as health, infrastructure,
economic growth, and civil society, while security sector programs
support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance the
stability of the West Bank.
Question. How would you define ``humanitarian assistance'' in the
West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.
Answer. U.S. humanitarian assistance for the West Bank and Gaza
includes support to U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, other international
organizations like the World Food Programme, and non-governmental
organizations with the aim of providing immediate relief to the most
vulnerable populations, including through support to needy households
with food, clean water, and healthcare. Addressing immediate
humanitarian needs, in combination with efforts to strengthen the
Palestinian economy, civil society, and targeted infrastructure, helps
eliminate a core source of social tension in the West Bank and Gaza and
advances freedom, security, and prosperity for the Palestinian and
Israeli people alike.
Question. How would you define ``non-humanitarian assistance'' in
the West Bank and Gaza? Please be specific.
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance for the West Bank and Gaza serves
important U.S. interests, including providing critical support to those
in great need, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
Palestinian security coordination through economic, development, and
security sector assistance. Economic and development programs for the
West Bank and Gaza support critical issues that further progress toward
peace such as our support for the development of the Palestinian
economy, civil society, and other institutions to improve the lives of
Palestinians and ensure the viability of a future Palestinian state.
Assistance also supports youth engagement and employment activities, so
that at-risk youth have access to positive forms of empowerment and are
not lured by extremist groups. Further, U.S. assistance programs help
small- and medium-sized enterprises to access financial and technical
assistance to resume operations, build connections with traditional and
new markets, and increase profitability. U.S.-funded security sector
programs support Israeli-Palestinian security cooperation to enhance
the stability of the West Bank, and advance efforts to uphold the rule
of law and the protection of human rights and are a priority for both
the United States and the Government of Israel.
Question. The Taylor Force Act prohibits assistance that ``directly
benefits'' the Palestinian Authority. What is your interpretation of
``directly benefit''?
Answer. I understand that, consistent with a report transmitted to
Congress by the Department of State on May 3, 2018, the U.S. Government
takes a number of criteria into account in assessing whether assistance
``directly benefits'' the PA in this context, such as the intended
primary beneficiary or end user of the assistance; whether the
Palestinian Authority is the direct recipient of the assistance;
whether the assistance involves the payment of Palestinian Authority
creditors; the extent of ownership or control the Palestinian Authority
exerts over an entity or individual that is the primary beneficiary or
end user of the assistance; and whether the assistance or services
provided directly replace assistance or services provided by the
Palestinian Authority.
Question. Despite compliance with the Taylor Force Act, opponents
of continued assistance to the Palestinians argue that all money is
fungible and that ESF to the Palestinian people relieves the
Palestinian Authority of a burden and thus frees up additional funding
for the pay to slay and martyr's program. Do you believe this to be
true? Please provide a detailed response to this argument.
Answer. The administration provides assistance in a manner
consistent with U.S. law and through experienced, vetted, and trusted
independent partners, who distribute directly to people in need.
Further, I understand the administration goes to great lengths to
provide assistance based on need and to advance important U.S.
interests.
Question. The Nita Lowey Partnerships for Peace Act (PPA)
authorized $250 million annually for five years to support
peacebuilding initiatives between Israelis and Palestinians, including
through a ``People-to-People Partnership for Peace Fund'' at the U.S.
Agency for International Development and a ``Joint Investment for Peace
Initiative'' at the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
(DFC).
If confirmed, how would you measure progress of these initiatives?
Answer. I fully support the Nita M. Lowey Middle East Partnership
for Peace Act (MEPPA). This legislation and the programs it would
support are critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding
projects that build economic cooperation and people-to-people
engagement between the Israeli and Palestinian people. If confirmed, I
am committed to ensuring MEPPA is a vital tool of advancing U.S.
foreign policy and supporting Israeli and Palestinian communities and
cooperation. If confirmed, I plan to work with my colleagues at the
DFC, USAID, and the Department of State to develop tools to measure the
progress of this initiative.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that all
partners and activities undertaken pursuant to the PPA--including at
the sub-award level--are fully vetted and transparently reported to
Congress?
Answer. I understand the administration will provide assistance in
the West Bank and Gaza through experienced and trusted independent
partners, who distribute directly to people in need. The Department and
the U.S. Agency for International Development have a robust vetting
process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources could
inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups. In addition,
development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank and Gaza have
aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at ensuring U.S.
taxpayer-funded assistance is reaching those for whom we intend it to
benefit. U.S. assistance is also closely coordinated with Israeli
authorities.
Question. If confirmed, how will you leverage co-investment in PPA
activities by Israelis and Palestinians, in addition to generating
support by other donors?
Answer. I believe the PPA and the programs it would support are
critical to strengthening civil society peacebuilding projects that
build economic cooperation and people-to-people engagement between the
Israeli and Palestinian people. I appreciate your and Congress' broad
support for MEPPA and, if confirmed, I am committed to ensuring MEPPA
is a vital tool of advancing U.S. foreign policy and supporting Israeli
and Palestinian communities and generating support with other donors.
Question. Do you agree that all investments through a Joint
Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to
development, as envisioned by the BUILD Act which created the DFC?
Answer. Yes, I agree that all investments through a Joint
Investment for Peace Initiative at the DFC must have a nexus to
development.
Question. The Palestinian Authority recently passed a decree to
``nationalize'' NGOs working in the West Bank and Gaza, ostensibly
giving the PA access to their funding. What concerns does this raise
for continued assistance to the West Bank and Gaza? What safeguards are
in place to prevent the PA from syphoning funding from ``nationalized''
NGOs?
Answer. I understand the administration is encouraging the
Palestinian Authority to ensure that civil society organizations are
free and empowered to engage fully in their activities, which support
democratic, social, and economic development and are vital to a free
and democratic Palestinian society and a viable future Palestinian
state. I also understand the Department is closely following the
conversation Palestinian civil society is having with the Palestinian
Authority regarding this law and have engaged the Palestinian Authority
on this issue. If confirmed, I plan to continue to monitor these
efforts to ensure that U.S. assistance and civil society activities are
not adversely affected and remain consistent with U.S. law.
Question. Despite the cancellation of elections for Palestinian
leadership, there are concerns that Hamas, a foreign terrorist
organization, will play a greater role in the Palestinian political
environment. Should Hamas play a broader role in Palestinian politics
and hand Fatah a defeat at the polls, how you do reconcile Palestinian
policy and counterterrorism policy? What are the implications for
continued assistance to the Palestinian people and expenditures on
Palestinian Security Forces?
Answer. U.S. assistance for the Palestinians is provided consistent
with U.S. law. I understand the Department routinely assesses its
foreign assistance programming and would do so as necessary following
Palestinian elections or any other significant change related to the
Palestinian Authority.
Security Cooperation
Question. The U.S. Israel Security Assistance Authorization Act,
which was enacted into law in 2020, mandates not less than $ 1.3
billion in security assistance to Israel. What is your position with
respect to conditioning security assistance to Israel?
Answer. I do not believe that conditioning security assistance to
Israel furthers U.S. interests. The President has been clear that the
administration does not support placing conditions on military aid to
Israel.
Question. Do you support fulfilling U.S. funding commitments
outlined in the current 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU)?
Answer. I fully support the 10-year, $38 billion Memorandum of
Understanding between the United States and Israel.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to opposing any efforts to
impose new restrictions on security assistance to Israel, which is an
important show of the United States' commitment to the security of our
allies?
Answer. The President has been clear that he does not support
placing conditions on military aid to Israel. If confirmed, I commit to
opposing any efforts to impose new restrictions on security assistance
to Israel, consistent with the President's policy.
Question. In light of recent violence between Israel and militants
in the Gaza Strip, do you support emergency funding for the Iron Dome?
Answer. Yes, I support emergency funding for the Iron Dome.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to expand U.S.-
Israel cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working to expand U.S.-Israel
cooperation on the Iron Dome and other similar defense programs,
consistent with the President's policy.
Question. The 11 day war demonstrated that Israel's Iron Dome
struggled to meet the demands of a one-front war with Hamas. A two-
front war with both Hamas and Hezbollah would present a much more
significant threat. Is Israel's current number of Iron Dome batteries,
radars and munitions sufficient to meet the threat of a two-front war?
What are the associated capability gaps you will address as the
Ambassador to Israel?
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20, President Biden assured
Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support to replenish Israel's
Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and security in the
future.''
I understand the administration is prepared to support President
Biden's commitment to ensure Israel's right to defend itself from
indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in replenishing its
Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I will work with
Departments of State and Defense colleagues to see what can be done to
assist Israel in replenishing its Iron Dome systems.
Question. Israeli vessels have been subject to an increasing number
of Iranian attacks, which threaten freedom of navigation in the Red Sea
and beyond. As a result, Israel has increased its deployments in the
Red Sea region. How can the U.S. better support Israeli efforts to
protect freedom of navigation?
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
consistent with U.S. law and policy, which is the best way the United
States can support Israeli efforts to protect freedom of navigation.
Question. One of Israel's top cyber security firms, NSO Group, is
responsible for developing advanced cyber hacking technology, including
Pegasus. NSO insists the software is used exclusively for the purposes
of combatting terrorism and monitoring serious crime, underscoring the
fact that the Israeli Government is responsible for vetting the
company's sales. However, in recent years, numerous countries have been
accused of using the software to spy civil society activists,
journalists, and political dissidents among others.
Do you feel the appropriate oversight checks are in place to
prevent Pegasus, and other cyber surveillance software like it,
from being used to commit human rights abuses?
Answer. The U.S. Government has undertaken a number of steps over
the last year to avoid tools or products from U.S.-based cyber-
surveillance companies being used abroad to undermine human rights. I
understand that in October 2020, the Department of State released the
first-of-its-kind ``human rights due diligence'' guidance to help
businesses conduct a human rights impact assessment on relevant
products or services and the Department of Commerce issued a Final Rule
that revised the licensing policy for crime-control items in connection
with human rights concerns, as well as expanded its consideration of
human rights beyond crime controlled items. If confirmed, I will work
with our bilateral partners to promote respect for and protect human
rights.
Question. To what extent do you feel NSO's licensing of the Pegasus
spyware is done in a manner that complies with U.S. values and upholds
U.S. national security interests?
Answer. The United States condemns the harassment or extrajudicial
surveillance of journalists, human rights activists, or other perceived
regime critics. Just as states have the duty to protect human rights,
businesses have a responsibility, too. Thus, they should work to avoid
their products or services being used to abuse human rights. President
Biden has affirmed that ``American leadership must meet this new moment
of advancing authoritarianism.'' This commitment includes working to
help U.S. companies avoid fueling authoritarian practices, stemming the
use of new technological tools for repression, and giving citizens
tools to improve their digital security. If confirmed, I will uphold
this commitment and work with our bilateral partners to promote respect
for and protect human rights.
Question. The U.S.-Israel Security Assistance Cooperation Act
passed in the FY21 NDAA allows the United States to waive statutory
caps on the annual transfer of precision-guided munitions to Israel
under section 514(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.
2321h(b)) under emergency circumstances. Would you consider a one front
war with Hamas an emergency circumstance? A two front war with Hamas
and Hezbollah? How do we balance U.S. PGM requirements and Israel's
requirements?
Answer. The President has made clear that the United States
supports Israel's legitimate right to defend itself and I understand
the administration is prepared to support President Biden's commitment
to ensure this. While any escalation that risks war is not in our
interests, I cannot speak to hypothetical questions.
United Nations
Question. In 2012, you sent a letter to the Senate Appropriations
Committee arguing against efforts to distinguish between Palestinian
displaced by the conflict that led to the creation of Israel in 1948
and their descendants, who the U.N. currently classifies as refugees.
This distinction would reduce the number of UNRWA registered refugees
from 5 million to 30,000.
Do you still maintain that efforts to limit those who can claim
UNRWA refugee status would undermine U.S. interests in
advancing discussions between Israel and the Palestinian
Authority?
Answer. Yes. My understanding is that the status of Palestinian
refugees remains a highly sensitive issue among Palestinians and their
supporters, including U.S. regional allies such as Jordan.
Question. Who, in your view, should classify as an UNRWA refugee?
Answer. My understanding is that the United States recognizes
UNRWA's definition of Palestinian refugees for the purposes of UNRWA's
operations. UNRWA's definition of ``Palestine refugees'' is:
``[P]ersons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the
period of June 1, 1946 to May 15, 1948, and who lost both home and
means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict.'' Descendants of
eligible male ``Palestine refugees'' are eligible for registration with
UNRWA for the purpose of accessing services. I understand this approach
to including descendants is similar to that used by UNHCR in other
protracted refugee situations, such as Afghanistan and Somalia.
Question. Why does UNWRA require 10,000 more staff to advocate its
regional mission than UNHCR to advance its global mission?
Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is
to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the
five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which delivers most services to
refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include schoolteachers
and health care workers who provide the services directly to
beneficiaries.
Question. Do you believe UNWRA should be absorbed by UNHCR, given
UNHCR's efficiency and infrastructure?
Answer. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N. General Assembly and is
to provide essential services directly to Palestinian refugees in the
five regions it covers. Unlike UNHCR, which works to deliver most
services to refugees through sub-partners, UNRWA employees include
schoolteachers and health care workers who provide services directly to
beneficiaries. UNHCR's mandate focuses on seeking durable solutions
(such as resettlement, repatriation, and local integration) for
refugees, which cannot be adequately applied in the Palestinian context
as these matters are final status issues to be negotiated directly
between Israel and the Palestinians.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the
appropriate Congressional committees prior to any consultations related
to new U.S. contributions to UNRWA?
Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the
administration is committed to working with Congress. I understand the
Department has regularly engaged with Congressional committees since
resuming humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. If
confirmed, I am committed to supporting the continuation of this
approach.
Question. How do you plan to work with UNRWA to advance reform,
particularly as relates to anti-Semitic educational content of text
books?
Answer. I condemn incitement of violence and anti-Semitism in any
form. U.N. agencies, including UNRWA, do not develop their own
curriculum, but use the curriculum of host governments. When concepts
contrary to U.N. principles are identified in host governments'
education materials, UNRWA provides instructions and supplementary
materials for its staff to address the issue. If confirmed, I will
emphasize the importance of following humanitarian principles,
including neutrality, in discussions with UNRWA.
Question. In 1997, the Palestinian Authority signed an agreement to
allow the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) to establish a Liaison officer in Ramallah, and
subsequently upgraded relations admitting the PA as a full member state
in 2011. In response, both the U.S. and Israel withdrew their member
status.
The Biden administration is requesting a waiver to allow the U.S.
to re-join the body. In your view, should the United States be
a member of UNESCO?
Answer. The President has stated he believes firmly that more can
be accomplished by working within U.N. organizations than outside.
However, I cannot speak to the administration's review of U.S. policy
on UNESCO.
Question. Section 410, Title IV of the FY 94-95 Foreign Relations
Authorization Act (P.L. 103-236) prohibits the U.S. from making any
voluntary or assessed contribution to the U.N. or any affiliated
organization which grants full membership to an entity which lacks
``the internationally attributes of statehood'' like the Palestinian
Authority. If confirmed, can you commit to ensuring no U.S. funds are
used to make a contribution to UNESCO or any other U.N. body that
grants the PA full membership status?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all our policies,
including with respect to U.N. contributions, are consistent with U.S.
interests and applicable U.S. law.
Question. How, in your view, should the United States address
concerns around the body's politicization and alleged anti-democratic
leanings? What specific reforms should UNESCO pursue before the United
States rejoins the body?
Answer. I understand the administration has been reviewing various
aspects of its multilateral engagement. UNESCO leadership has made
progress in helping member states avoid politicized debate on Middle
East questions and should continue its efforts to counter any anti-
Israel bias in UNESCO decisions and resolutions. UNESCO should continue
to build on its efforts to promote transparency and accountability in
its personnel and financial management practices.
Question. Recently, the Palestinian Authority threatened action to
circumvent ascension protocols and seek a change in their status at the
U.N.
Do you believe this action promotes the Middle East peace process
and serves the needs of the Palestinian people?
Answer. As a matter of principle, there are no shortcuts to
Palestinian statehood outside of direct negotiations between the
parties. This includes counterproductive unilateral steps to gain
membership as a state in U.N. specialized agencies and other
international organizations.
Question. In your view, what consequences should the Palestinians
face if they continue to attempt to gain membership in U.N. agencies?
Answer. While I cannot speak to hypotheticals, if confirmed, I will
underscore to the Palestinians that unproductive, unilateral steps are
not a shortcut to Palestinian statehood.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working to prevent the
Palestinian Authorities' pursuit of full membership in U.N. entities?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will underscore to the Palestinian
leadership that unproductive, unilateral steps are not a shortcut to
Palestinian statehood.
Question. In 2018, the Trump administration withdrew from the
United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) citing ``chronic anti-
Israel bias.'' Since, the Biden administration has re-engaged with the
body, claiming U.S. absence did nothing to address its disproportionate
focus on Israel. Do you share the Trump administration's assessment
regarding the UNHRC's reported anti-Israel bias? What steps should the
U.S. take to improve the UNHRC's impartiality?
Answer. If confirmed, consistent with administration policy, I will
oppose efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through
one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United
Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the
Human Rights Council, and other bodies. When we have had a seat at the
table, we have been able to advocate on Israel's behalf, and we have
seen changes like a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting
Israel.
Question. What are your views on the U.N. Human Right Council's
decision to open a commission of inquiry the wake of the 11 day Israel-
Gaza conflict in May?
Answer. I understand that the United States strongly opposed the
special session of the U.N. Human Rights Council following the
escalation in Gaza in May. It exemplifies the Council's
disproportionate focus on Israel. I believe the establishment of an
open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the diplomatic work
necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and prosperity for
Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist organizations,
including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including by
indiscriminate firing of rockets, to further their own destructive
aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human
Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.
Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?
Answer. If confirmed, I will oppose, as I understand the
administration does already, efforts to unfairly single out or
delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other
actions across the United Nations, including the Security Council, the
General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and other bodies. Equally,
I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions that risk
sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a just, durable
resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, which
ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve the path to a
two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's future as a
Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state they
seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic engagement on the
issue of settlements.
Question. In March, the International Criminal Court (ICC)
prosecutor opened an investigation into possible war crimes allegedly
committed in the West Bank and Gaza. Do you believe that the ICC should
be investigating a case involving alleged Israeli actions in the
Palestinian territories? If yes, please explain.
Answer. The United States shares the goals of the International
Criminal Court (ICC) in promoting accountability for the worst crimes
known to humanity. Further, the United States has always taken the
position that the ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries
that consent to it, or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.
I understand the administration continues to disagree strongly with the
ICC's actions relating to the Palestinian situation.
Question. Do you believe that the ICC has jurisdiction to
investigate or bring to trial Israeli service members, officials, or
other Israeli citizens? If yes, please explain.
Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the
ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it,
or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.
Question. Do you believe the ICC's reputation has been diminished
by recent attempts to prosecute United States and Israeli nationals? If
no, please explain.
Answer. The United States has always taken the position that the
ICC's jurisdiction should be reserved for countries that consent to it,
or that are referred by the U.N. Security Council.
Abraham Accords
Question. What is your opinion on the Abraham Accords? What, if
anything, has hampered additional normalization agreements?
Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
Muslim world. While identifying new opportunities and negotiating
agreements takes time, if confirmed I am committed to working with
countries across the region to build on existing relationships and
develop new ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of
relations with Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools
at our disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new
partners in the region to better understand how we can work together to
advance new normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.
Question. How do you plan to operationalizing and expanding the
existing Abraham Accords to ensure all parties reap tangible economic
and security benefits?
Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have already made an
important contribution to regional security and economic development,
yet even more is possible. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and
neighboring Arab countries that have normalized relations with Israel
to identify and capitalize on the many new opportunities that these
agreements have unlocked.
Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and
Sudan.
Answer. While the Israel-Sudan normalization agreement is yet to be
finalized, I understand the two governments have made significant
progress towards improving their relations since announcing their
intention to normalize their relations on October 23, 2020. On January
6, 2020, Sudan signed the Abraham Accords declaration of principles in
a ceremony in Khartoum. On April 19, 2021, Sudan officially repealed
its 1958 law boycotting Israel. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with the Government of Israel to support the full implementation of the
normalization agreement.
Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and
Morocco.
Answer. Since announcing their intention to normalize their
relations on December 10, 2020, I understand Israel and Morocco have
made significant progress in deepening their relations. On January 16,
Israel reopened its Liaison Office in Morocco and Israel's Charge
d'Affaires to Morocco, Dr. David Govrin, arrived in Rabat four days
later. On February 9, Moroccan envoy Abderrahim Beyyoudh arrived in Tel
Aviv to reopen Morocco's liaison office. In August 2021, the countries
agreed to open embassies in the future. This diplomatic progress has
been matched by similar progress in improving economic and social ties.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel
to ensure the strength of the Israeli-Moroccan partnership continues to
grow.
Question. Please provide you assessment of the progress that's been
made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel and the
United Arab Emirates (UAE). Which sectors do you feel should be
targeted moving forward as we continue to build upon the historic
normalization agreement between Israel and UAE?
Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and the
UAE have enjoyed robust cooperation across a range of areas. Israel
opened its embassy in the UAE on January 25, 2021 and officially
inaugurated it on June 29 during Israeli Foreign Minister Lapid's visit
to Abu Dhabi, the first official visit by an Israeli foreign minister
since the announcement of the Abraham Accords. On February 26, the
UAE's first ambassador to the State of Israel, Mohammad Mahmoud Al
Khajah, was sworn in and he arrived in Israel on March 1. On March 12,
the UAE announced it was setting up a $10 billion investment fund aimed
at ``strategic sectors'' in Israel. On May 31, Israel and the UAE
announced an agreement on a tax treaty. If confirmed I look forward to
identifying new ways to deepen Israel-Emirati cooperation, including
increasing trade and investment, building new vehicles to support
academic and people-to-people exchanges, and expanding security
cooperation.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the progress that's
been made with respect to the normalization agreement between Israel
and Bahrain?
Answer. Since normalizing relations, I understand Israel and
Bahrain have signed over a dozen Memoranda of Understanding covering
cooperative initiatives in sectors ranging from healthcare to
education. On March 30, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa of Bahrain issued
a Royal Decree appointing Ambassador Khalid Yusuf Al-Jalahma as head of
Bahrain's diplomatic mission to Israel, the first Bahraini envoy to the
country. On September 3, Eitan Na'eh was nominated as Israel's first
ambassador to Bahrain, the same day that Bahrain's Khalid Yusuf Al-
Jalahma presented his credentials to Foreign Minister Yair Lapid. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of Israel to
nurture and grow this important new partnership.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to leverage the existing
normalization agreements between Israel and its Gulf Arab neighbors, as
well as Morocco and Sudan, to advocate for other countries to reach
similar agreements with Israel?
Answer. I welcome and strongly support the Abraham Accords and
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
Muslim world. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
disposal. I also look forward to learning from Israel's new partners in
the region to better understand how we can work together to advance new
normalization agreements and strengthen existing ones.
Question. In your view, what tangible benefits does normalizing
relations with Israel offer to Muslim Majority countries in the Middle
East and beyond?
Answer. The Abraham Accords and normalization agreements between
Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world have made an
important contribution to regional security and economic development
and support U.S. national security interests. The Abraham Accords have
empowered our partners in the region to work together on their shared
security interests, created new channels for peaceful dialogue and
exchange, and fostered a broader culture of tolerance across the
region. They are also an engine of economic growth, having spurred new
trade and investment deals that previously would have been impossible.
Over time, these new economic initiatives will create opportunities for
the young and marginalized communities across the region. As more
countries in the Middle East and beyond normalize their relations with
Israel, more opportunities for cooperation and economic development
will emerge.
Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have
the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors
to Israel--in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting
with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering
normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meeting regularly with
your Abraham Accords counterparts?
Answer. I believe it is important to foster and promote the Abraham
Accords and normalization agreements by identifying ways to strengthen
and expand them. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, I look
forward to meeting regularly with my counterparts from Abraham Accords
countries to capitalize on these opportunities.
Question. Some argue that the Trump administration's exit from the
nuclear deal and maximum pressure against Iran coupled with its clear
pro-Israel policies set the conditions for normalization under the
Abraham Accords. Please provide your perspectives on this argument.
Answer. The Abraham Accords have empowered our partners in the
region to work together on their shared security interests, created new
channels for peaceful dialogue and exchange, and fostered a broader
culture of tolerance across the region. They are also an engine of
economic growth, having spurred new trade and investment deals that
previously would have been impossible. I believe these shared
interests, including an interest in working together preserve stability
in the region in the face of malign actors, were the core drivers
behind the Abraham Accords and will continue to drive new normalization
agreements in the future.
Question. Some have argued that the Abraham Accords may set the
conditions for a new multilateral security construct in the Middle East
focused on the shared threat from Iran, countering violent extremist
organizations, and transnational organized crime. What are your
thoughts on the potential for new security constructs stemming from the
Accords and what shape might these take? What do you see as your role
as the Ambassador to Israel in driving these new constructs?
Answer. I am committed to helping Israel build partnerships that
further integrate Israel into the region. Any sustainable regional
economic and security dialogue will need to include Israel, and
normalization efforts have opened that door. If confirmed, I will work
with Israel to identify ways to advance a structured regional dialogue
that explores ways to reduce tensions, create pathways to de-
escalation, and manage mistrust.
Egypt/Jordan
Question. Please provide your assessment of the Egyptian-Israeli
relations? What are some of the key frictions points in your view? What
steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?
Answer. Peace between Egypt and Israel has lasted for more than 40
years and both countries have extensive areas of cooperation, including
security, intelligence sharing, economic and energy. I understand the
Biden-Harris administration is eager to explore ways to support
development of a warmer peace between Egypt and Israel, including
through greater people-to-people and civil society ties. If confirmed,
I look forward to working with my Egyptian counterpart and Israeli
officials to strengthen all parts of this partnership.
Question. In your view, what role does the Multilateral Forces
Observer Mission (MFO) play in maintaining regional stability? Should
the U.S. maintain existing levels of support?
Answer. The Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) remains
essential to both the treaty relationship between Israel and Egypt and
the enduring peace and security within the region. The MFO continues to
work as an intermediary between the treaty parties, enabling open and
frequent communication between them to maintain strong mutual trust and
cooperation. The MFO promotes confidence in the treaty, maintains
dialogue between the parties, and assists them during a period when
both face security challenges. If confirmed, I will continue U.S.
support for the MFO and its critical mission.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the Jordanian-Israeli
relations? What are some of the key friction points in your view? What
steps should the United States take to resolve these issues?
Answer. Israel's relationship with Jordan is both vital and
complex. Over the 30 years since they signed a peace agreement, they
have forged strategic ties and developed cross-border business ties
that employ thousands of Jordanians, signed valuable contracts
exporting Israeli natural gas to Jordan, and have collaborated on the
allocation of scarce water resources. While domestic considerations
tied to Jordan's large Palestinian population have made it difficult
for Jordan to fully embrace and grow its relationship with Israel, both
appreciate the need for deeper ties. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with my Jordanian and Israeli counterparts as I work towards
strengthening all parts of this partnership. I will also work to
improve coordination between the two countries at the Haram Al-Sharif/
Temple Mount.
Question. Since 1967, Jordan's custodial role over Temple Mount has
helped maintain peace at one of the region's most contentious and
divisive religious sites. For decades, religious worship at Temple
Mount has been restricted to Muslims but in recent weeks the Israeli
Government has authorized a growing number of Jewish worshippers to
practice there.
To what extent do you feel this shift if policy threatens to
trigger further instability in East Jerusalem?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S.
recognition of the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple
Mount and to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. What specific steps would you propose the U.S. takes to
address concerns over worship at Temple Mount? What role should Jordan
play in these discussions?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration made clear that it
recognizes the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount,
and it continues to respect the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, which
recognizes the special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in
Muslim holy shrines in Jerusalem.
While I am not privy to diplomatic discussions between the U.S.
Government and its foreign counterparts, I understand that the U.S.
Government hopes to partner with its counterparts to express the
importance of maintaining calm and keeping flashpoints like the
situation in Jerusalem-be it in the Old City, on the Temple Mount, or
elsewhere-from igniting the situation.
If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the U.S. recognition of
the historic status quo on the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount and to
handling all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
that they deserve.
Lebanon
Question. To what extent do you feel UNIFIL's current mandate is
sufficient to oversee safety and security along the so-called Blue
Line? Are there specific reforms to the mandate you feel the U.S.
should pursue to help address Israel's ongoing security concerns?
Answer. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) plays
a critical role in ensuring security and stability along the Blue Line,
limiting Hizballah's operations in southern Lebanon, and preventing
escalation between Lebanon and Israel. I was glad to see that the
United States worked with France and other partners to amend the
mandate to allow UNIFIL to provide food, fuel, and medicine to the
Lebanese Armed Forces, a key partner that provides an important
counterweight to Hizballah's argument that it is the legitimate
defender of Lebanon. Despite the success that UNIFIL has had in
implementing its mandate to date, Hizballah continues to impede
UNIFIL's access to key points along the Blue Line and openly flouts the
arms embargo established under UNSCR 1701. If confirmed, I will work
with UNIFIL and international partners to strengthen the mandate and
enable UNIFIL to fully implement all aspects of that mandate.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to advance efforts to
resume U.S.-mediated maritime talks between Israel and Lebanon? How do
you feel the change in administration in both Israel and Lebanon
impacts the likelihood of negotiations making tangible progress towards
a viable resolution?
Answer. The maritime boundary is a decision for both Israel and
Lebanon to make. The administration remains committed to working with
the parties toward an agreement benefiting both countries.
Question. Hezbollah threatens Israel with precision-guided
munitions often stored in densely packed urban areas. Should the United
States sanction Hezbollah under the Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless
Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Why or why not? How do you address
the PGM threat to Israel?
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel is ironclad and, if
confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States uses all the tools
at our disposal to confront security threats to Israel, including from
Hizballah. The U.S. Government remains committed to imposing sanctions
on Hizballah and its financial supporters and enablers, and the
Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control's
designations on September 17, 2021 of members of a major financing
network of Hizballah demonstrate this administration's commitment to
continuing to target Hizballah's financial networks around the world.
If confirmed, I also commit to consult with Congress about the range of
U.S. efforts to counter Hizballah and support Israel's right to self-
defense.
The West Bank and the Palestinian Authority
Question. In 2016, John Kerry argued there would be no ``separate
peace'' between Israel and Arabs without first solving the issue of
Palestinian statehood.
What are your views on Palestinian statehood and its ties to
additional normalization agreements?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. Doesn't re-inserting Palestinian statehood back into the
peace process hinder prospects of further normalizations with Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with countries
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.
Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
statehood and support for terrorism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza and keep flash
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.
Question. In your view, how do Israeli-Arab normalization
agreements affect the prospects for Israel-Palestinian peace
negotiations?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. In 2012, you claimed ``final status issues can and must
only be resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct
negotiations.'' Do you still feel this is the case? If so, how would
you support efforts to facilitate direct talks between the Israeli and
Palestinians?
Answer. I believe that final status issues can and must only be
resolved between Israelis and Palestinians in direct negotiations. If
confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance
peaceful co-existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as
help create the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state
solution between Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. What do you view as the proper role for the U.S. to play
in assisting the parties' efforts to reach an agreement?
Answer. I believe the United States is in a position to help create
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
Israelis and Palestinians, which is the best way to ensure equal
measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for both people.
Question. Do you agree that the only way to reach a lasting two-
state resolution to this conflict is through direct, bilateral
negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians rather than one imposed
by outside actors?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution achieved through
direct, bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians is the
best way to ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity
for both people.
Question. What is your assessment of Palestinian leadership and its
ability to reach consensus between Gaza and the West Bank on issues of
statehood and terrorism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to restore calm in the West Bank and Gaza, and keep flash
point issues from flaring into violence. There are issues of good
governance and accountability that affect the standing of the
Palestinian Authority in the eyes of the Palestinian public, and that
lie within the PA's hands to advance; there are at the same time steps
that the Israeli Government can consider for enhancing the role of the
PA in delivering services and economic opportunities. It is incumbent
upon both sides to adopt an affirmative and practical approach to the
conflict that encourages constructive, positive steps for providing the
Palestinian people--whether in Gaza or the West Bank--greater economic
opportunities while restoring the conditions that will make possible
eventual direct negotiations toward a two-state solution.
Question. In August 2021, Israel rolled out several measures
designed to strengthen the Palestinian Authority, including the
extension of a $150 million dollar loan to the occupied West Bank. How
can the U.S. work with the Israeli Government to ensure none of these
funds are used to support the abhorrent pay for slay program?
Answer. Both the United States and Israel are likeminded in their
opposition towards this abhorrent practice. If confirmed, I am
committed to working with the Israeli Government to ensure funds are
not misused to support this heinous practice.
Question. The Palestinian Authority (PA) and the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO) continue to incentivize and celebrate the
use of violence against Israel through the egregious ``pay to slay''
program. In 2019 alone, the Palestinians spent $151 million dollars to
support imprisoned terrorists and their families. In addition, to these
prisoner payments, the PA and PLO maintain a ``martyrs' fund'' to help
support the families of terrorist killed while carrying out violent
acts against the Israeli state. There is concern the Biden
administration's decision to re-establish relations with the
Palestinians in a manner that failed to extract concessions with
respect to their pay to slay program was a missed opportunity. How has
the Biden administration's outreach set conditions for any reforms on
pay to slay?
Answer. While I am not in a position to comment on private
diplomatic discussions, this administration and I, are absolutely
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
reform of this heinous practice.
Question. Despite opening the aperture of ESF and INCLE to the
Palestinians, the State Department has achieved no progress on the pay-
to-slay policy. Please provide your roadmap for addressing this
egregious practice.
Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
payments is abhorrent. This administration and I are absolutely
committed to working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and
``martyr'' payments in a manner that addresses longstanding U.S. and
international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the work thus
far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure, underscoring
that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship is seeing
reform of this heinous practice.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to making efforts to address
the Palestinian Authority's pay for slay program a priority?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, pursuing reform of this heinous practice
is a priority for me.
Question. What is your position on the viability of a two-State
solution? Is it your sense that the tenure between the Israeli
Government and the Palestinian authority has changed under the new
administration led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians alike. The administration has been clear that Israelis
and Palestinians alike equally deserve to live in freedom, security,
and prosperity. As such, the United States is strongly encouraging both
the Palestinians and the Israelis to avoid unilateral actions including
settlement activity, annexation, and demolitions, as well as incitement
to violence and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for
acts of terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to taking an
affirmative and practical approach that encourages constructive,
positive steps to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state
solution alive.
Question. Please provide your views on the relative benefits and
risks of ESF and INCLE expenditures targeted towards the Palestinian
people and security forces.
Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
advances our national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
effective partner governments and security forces around the world
uphold democratic values, respect human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and hold those who violate human rights accountable. I
believe that we must continue to create and maintain strong security
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
assistance, and frequent cooperation. Institutional reforms supported
by U.S. security sector assistance are critical in building the
capabilities necessary to maintain stability in the West Bank and
improve the Palestinian Authority security forces. If confirmed, I am
committed to ensuring that our security sector assistance further
supports efforts to uphold the rule of law and the protection of human
rights.
Gaza Strip and Hamas
Question. In your view, does Hamas' targeting of civilian
infrastructure in Israel constitute war crimes?
Answer. Hamas's heinous rocket attacks on Israel in May only
reinforced the Biden administration's ironclad resolve on Israel's
security. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by
terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed
in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization,
exercises de facto authority. The U.S. Government supports Israel's
inherent right of self-defense, including against rocket attacks from
Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be
committed to stabilizing Gaza to prevent further conflict and loss of
civilian life.
Question. Hamas fighters reportedly position military tunnels and
deploy rocket launches in close proximity to civilian infrastructure,
like hospitals, schools, and mosques to limit the likelihood of an
Israeli counterstrike. Is Hamas responsible for using Palestinian
civilians as human shields to protect its military assets from Israeli
counter strikes?
Answer. I unequivocally condemn all rocket fire into Israel by
terrorist groups Hamas and PIJ, and human rights abuses being committed
in Gaza where Hamas, a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization,
exercises de facto authority. The President has made clear that the
U.S. Government supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense,
including against rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based
terrorist groups. If confirmed, I will be committed to stabilizing Gaza
to prevent further conflict and loss of civilian life.
Question. The Sanctioning the Use of Defenseless Shields Act of
2018 (P.L. 115-348) mandates sanctions on any member of Hezbollah or
Hamas who ``knowingly orders, controls, or otherwise directs the use of
civilians protected as such by the law of war to shield military
objectives from attack.'' Under the law, the President is required to
submit to Congress a list of, and impose financial sanctions on, each
foreign person involved in the use of human shields by Hamas or
Hezbollah ``on or after the date of enactment.'' Despite widespread
reporting on Hamas's use of human shields, as of September 21, 2021, no
action has been pursued under this act. If confirmed, can you commit to
advocating for the imposition of sanctions under The Sanctioning the
Use of Defenseless Shields Act of 2018 (P.L. 115-348)? Please provide
your assessment of Qatar's role with respect to Gaza. To what extent do
you see it as a stabilizing influence?
Answer. The President has made clear that the United States
supports Israel's inherent right of self-defense, including against
rocket attacks from Hamas and other Gaza-based terrorist groups, and
unequivocally condemns Hamas's human rights abuses in Gaza. If
confirmed, I will support efforts by across the Government to use the
tools at our disposal, including sanctions authorities, in countering
terrorist actors like Hamas. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent
future conflict. We can do this by working with partners, such as
Qatar, through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing access
to water, sanitation, and hygiene services, and increasing levels of
electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political and
physical reintegration in the West Bank. Qatar has played a stabilizing
role in Gaza, and I believe their strong partnership with the
Government of Israel will continue to help stabilize the situation.
Question. What is your position on Qatari assistance to the Gaza
Strip? Can you commit to working with the U.N. and the Government of
Israel to ensure it IS delivered in a manner that's consistent with
Israeli and U.S. national security interests?
Answer. I understand the United States is committed to working with
the international donor community to support the Palestinian people. If
confirmed, I am committed to working with the United Nations and
Government of Israel to ensure assistance to Gaza is delivered a manner
that is consistent with U.S. and Israeli national security interests.
Question. To what extent is assistance to Gaza subject to diversion
by Hamas?
Answer. I understand the U.S. Government provides assistance in a
manner consistent with U.S. law and does not direct assistance to
Hamas. The Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development
have a robust vetting process to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government
resources could inadvertently support Hamas or other terrorist groups.
In addition, our development and humanitarian partners in the West Bank
and Gaza have aggressive risk-mitigation systems in place aimed at
ensuring U.S. taxpayer-funded assistance reaches its intended
recipients.
Question. Please provide your assessment of Egypt's role in Gaza
and its relationship with Hamas.
Answer. I believe that Egypt plays an important stabilizing role in
Gaza, exhibited by Egypt's critical efforts to achieve a cessation of
hostilities during the conflict in May.
Question. In August 2021, Egypt reportedly closed its main border
point with the Gaza Strip, Rafah crossing, over ``differences'' between
Cairo and Hamas with respect to the latest Egypt brokered ceasefire.
Specifically, officials have cited concerns over the lack of progress
in indirect talks with Israel following the 11 day war in May and
efforts to reconcile the militant Palestinian factions that dominate
Gaza Strip. Do you share these concerns?
Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict.
We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including increasing
access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and increasing levels
of electricity and freedom of movement, while facilitating political
and physical reintegration in the West Bank. An effective humanitarian
response requires adequate access to Gaza to allow reputable, vetted
organizations to meet emergency needs; continued and regular opening of
border crossings; fast-track processing of humanitarian convoys; and
the unimpeded movement of relief and recovery supplies, including
critical goods required to meet the needs of Palestinian families.
Question. What is your position on the blockade over Gaza that
Egypt and Israel imposed following Hamas's ascension to power in 2007?
In your view, should this blockade be lifted? If so, on what basis?
Answer. I believe we must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future
conflict. We can do this through meeting humanitarian needs, including
increasing access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and
increasing levels of electricity and freedom of movement, while
facilitating political and physical reintegration with the West Bank.
If confirmed, I am committed to working with the international
community and Government of Israel to support these humanitarian
efforts.
Question. Given Hamas' continued control over Gaza, what are some
of the obstacles to post-conflict recovery?
Answer. Hamas is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in
accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act
(INA) and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive
Order 13224. I understand U.S. engagement in the West Bank and Gaza and
with the Palestinians is consistent with U.S. law. Given Hamas's role,
many partners have similar restrictions on operating in Gaza.
Question. Do you agree that there are significant challenges to
assisting with long-term reconstruction in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip?
In your view, what impact would reconstruction efforts have on Hamas'
credibility and legitimacy?
Answer. Yes, I agree there are significant challenges to assisting
with long-term reconstruction in Gaza and I understand U.S. engagement
in the West Bank and Gaza and with the Palestinians is consistent with
U.S. law. I also understand relief and recovery efforts are done in
coordination with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and
international donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock
its arsenal or achieve any legitimacy.
Question. Please address concerns that long-term reconstruction
projects in Gaza would merely serve to bolster Hamas' rule much to the
detriment of the Palestinian people?
Answer. We must work to stabilize Gaza to prevent future conflict.
I believe relief and recovery efforts should be done in coordination
with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international
donors in a manner that does not permit Hamas to restock its arsenal.
Iran and Its Proxies
Question. Please provide an assessment of the threat Iran poses to
the security of Israel, including a detailed assessment of the extent
of support it provides to its proxies, like Hezbollah and Palestinian
Islamic Jihad (PIJ) which pose similar dangers to Israeli sovereignty
and the safety of its citizens.
Answer. Israel believes Iran is the greatest threat to its
security. As Secretary Blinken and other senior U.S. officials have
said, the United States is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a
nuclear weapon, and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. An Iran
with a nuclear weapon is likely to act even more provocatively when it
comes to these issues. The administration has fundamental problems with
Iran's actions across a series of issues, including its support for
terrorism, its ballistic missile program, its support to armed militant
groups, and its destabilizing actions in the region. Our partners in
the region share a similar concern.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the threat Hezbollah
poses to Israeli security.
Answer. Israel's top national security priorities are forestalling
Iran's nuclear ambitions, preventing the proliferation of advanced
weaponry across the region, and ending support to terrorist
organizations, particularly Hizballah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic
Jihad. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
Israel's security. The President and the Secretary have been clear that
this administration has fundamental problems with Iran's behavior
throughout the region, including acts committed by Iranian-backed
militia groups. If confirmed, I commit to working with my Israeli
counterparts to strengthen all facets of the U.S.-Israel partnership.
Iran
Question. In your view, should the United States make addressing
Iran's support to its proxies like Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) a
priority? If so, how should efforts to limit Iran's regional aggression
fit into the Biden administration's efforts to pursue a mutual U.S.-
Iranian return to the 2015 Iran Nuclear Agreement, otherwise known as
the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA.)
Answer. Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and other Iranian-backed
terrorist and militant groups pose a serious threat to the security of
Israel and to that of the Middle East. The United States is fully
committed to working with Israel and our other partners in the region
to deter and defend against these threats, using the full spectrum of
tools available. Regarding Iran's nuclear program, the administration's
goal is first to return to mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then
to build on that to address other areas of concern, including Iran's
ballistic missile development and proliferation, and support for
terrorism. I support using a variety of policy tools to strengthen the
constraints on Iran's nuclear program and address other issues of
concern.
Question. Israel faces constant threats from terrorist
organizations including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in
Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and various Iran backed militia groups in
Syria. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with the Government of
Israel to address the threat Iran and its proxies pose to Israel's
security?
Answer. The President has made clear that the United States remains
unwavering in its commitment to Israel's security. The President and
the Secretary have also been clear that this administration has
fundamental problems with Iran's behavior throughout the region,
including acts committed by Iran backed militia groups. If confirmed, I
commit to working with my Israeli counterparts to strengthen all parts
of the U.S.-Israel partnership.
Question. Do you support Israel's right to defend itself from
terrorist attacks?
Answer. Yes. The United States has a long-standing, unshakable
commitment to Israel's security.
Question. What role should the U.S. play in safeguarding Israeli
sovereignty and security?
Answer. The United States should maintain its unwavering commitment
to Israel's security and work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-
Israel partnership.
Question. Since taking office, President Biden has made
facilitating a U.S. return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA) a priority for his administration, and, in February, appointed
Rob Malley as Special Envoy for Iran to oversee such efforts. Since,
Special Envoy Malley has engaged in several rounds of indirect talks in
Vienna, Austria aimed at facilitating a mutual U.S.-Iran return to
JCPOA.
After the 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal was signed, the Israeli
Government, as with our Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
partners, made clear, both publicly and privately, their
discontent over the lack of consultations prior to the U.S.
entry into the agreement. If confirmed, can you commit to
ensuring the U.S. consults Israel prior to any U.S. re-entry
into the JCPOA?
Answer. Yes. I understand that the Department, and in particular
Special Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, has been in close contact with
our Israeli partners and will continue consulting closely with them
throughout this process. I also understand that former U.S. ambassador
to Israel Dan Shapiro has also recently joined the State Department and
remains in close consultation with Israel over Iran.
Question. In your view, how extensive should these consultations
be? To what extent should the U.S. be responsive to Israeli concerns
over Iranian proxy activity in the context of talks with Iran?
Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special
Envoy Malley and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro, have been in
close contact with, and updated, our Israeli counterparts extensively
throughout the negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to consult
deeply and continuously with our Israeli partners on all dimensions of
Iran policy.
Question. Further, many have characterized Special Envoy Malley's
consultations as ``one-way'' and not responsive to their concerns. Do
you commit to extensive consultations with Israel prior to making
concessions to Iran?
Answer. I understand that the Department, and in particular Special
Envoy for Iran Robert Malley, and senior advisor Ambassador Dan Shapiro
have been in close contact with partners in Israel and among the Gulf
Arab states, and will continue consulting closely with these key
partners as this process proceeds. Every one of us shares a common
interest: seeing to it that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. Can you commit to seeking Israel's concurrence before the
U.S. and Iran finalize any arrangement or agreement related to Iran's
nuclear program?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to consult deeply and
continuously with our Israeli partners on the nuclear negotiations and
on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.
Question. If confirmed, how will you manage disagreements with
Israel over Iran policy?
Answer. I believe the Biden-Harris administration has conducted
itself with a great deal of transparency, knowing that the United
States and Israel share a common interest: seeing to it that Iran never
acquires a nuclear weapon. I believe diplomacy, in coordination with
our allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that
goal.
Question. How do you address criticisms that the Biden
administration's decision to re-engage with Iran merely served to
isolate Israel and our Gulf partners?
Answer. The Biden--Harris administration has made clear that the
United States has an ironclad commitment to Israel's security.
Alongside that commitment, the administration is focused on de-
escalating tensions, putting out the fires of conflict in Yemen, Libya,
and Syria, and enhancing stability throughout the Middle East. The
Department has updated Israeli and Gulf counterparts regularly before
and after negotiation rounds, and is regularly engaged in discussions
on its work to constrain and contain Iran's destabilizing regional
activities. In fact, the administration's sustained diplomatic
engagement with allies and partners has ensured a more united, better
coordinated, and more consistent approach in countering the Iranian
threat and advancing our shared goals in the region.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to working with the Special
Envoy for Iran, Rob Malley, to ensure Israeli concerns are addressed in
the context of talks aimed at facilitating a U.S.-Iran re-entry into
JCPOA? How would you do so?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Special Envoy Malley and
other colleagues in the administration to continue to consult deeply
and continuously with our Israeli allies on the nuclear negotiations
and on preventing Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon.
Question. The Biden administration has indicated that it will
address Iran's ballistic missile program and regional terrorism in
follow-on agreements. Should the United States and Iran rejoin the
JCPOA, what leverage does the United States possess to encourage follow
on agreements? Iran's leadership has refused to address regional
terrorism. How likely is Iran to engage in discussions on its ballistic
missile program and support for regional terrorism?
Answer. As the President has said, the goal is first to return to
mutual compliance with the JCPOA, and then to build on that to address
other areas of concern, including Iran's ballistic missile development,
proliferation, and support for terrorism using a variety of policy
tools to strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program and
address other issues of concern. The administration will consult
closely with our allies and partners in the region on ways to address
this moving forward.
Question. Should the Iranian regime refuse to rejoin the JCPOA,
what is ``Plan B'' to address Iran's nuclear program, ballistic missile
program, and support to terror proxies?
Answer. The administration has made clear that it believes that
diplomacy is the best path forward on the nuclear challenge at this
time. In the event Iran refuses to return to mutual compliance with the
JCPOA, the administration is prepared to leverage all applicable
authorities, including sanctions against Iran, as well as the support
of allies and partners around the world, to prevent Iran from ever
acquiring a nuclear weapon and to defend U.S. vital interests.
Question. Do you support Israel's freedom to take unilateral
military action against Iran's nuclear program, its terror proxies, and
ballistic missile program? Under what conditions would you constrain
Israel's freedom of action?
Answer. The President has made clear that the U.S. commitment to
Israel's security is ironclad. I support Israel's freedom of action to
counter Iran's destabilizing activities and the United States will not
take any action that jeopardizes Israel's security.
Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement
Question. Please provide your assessment of the boycott, divest,
sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel.
Answer. This administration and I firmly reject the BDS movement,
which unfairly singles out Israel. While the administration will fully
and always respect the right to freedom of expression, the United
States will be a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize
Israel. We will continue to support Israel's further integration into
the international community.???
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to prioritizing efforts to
fight boycott, divest, and sanctions (BDS) Israel globally? If so, how
would you use your position to do so?
Answer. If confirmed, while respecting the rights of all Americans
to free speech, I will continue the tireless work of this
administration to firmly reject the BDS movement and boycott laws that
unfairly single out Israel and I will continue to support Israel's
further integration into the international community.???
Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett has publicly
stated that he will not annex West Bank territory, nor permit it to be
incorporated into a Palestinian state, though he does intended to
pursue additional construction in the settlements. Do you believe
Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal? If so, on what
grounds?
Answer. The two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel's
future as a Jewish and democratic state, and to give the Palestinians
the state they seek. I firmly oppose any unilateral provocative actions
that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects for a
just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will continue to
oppose any unilateral action that undermines the prospects for genuine
progress and peace, whether that is settlement activity, home
demolitions, annexation of territory, incitement to violence, or
compensation for individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism. I am not
in a position to speak to the administration's legal views. If
confirmed, I will work to preserve the path to a two-state solution, as
the best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state
and to give the Palestinians the state they seek.
China
Question. In recent years, commercial ties between Israel and China
have grown significantly, as reflected in the Israeli decision to award
numerous infrastructure projects to Chinese building conglomerates.
Please provide your assessment of bilateral relations between
Israel and China.
Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
is a defining feature of the 21st century. As Israel is a world leader
in developing innovative technology with military, civilian, and dual-
use applications, I understand the administration remains deeply
concerned by PRC attempts to extend influence and acquire dual-use
technology through acquisition and investment in Israel.
Question. Specifically, what, if any, concerns do you have about
Israeli cooperation with China and the impact on core U.S. national
security interests?
Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
the People's Republic of China to extend influence and acquire critical
and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in Israel.
The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
security.
Question. In your view, to what extent should Israeli-Chinese
relations shape and inform Israel's relationship with the U.S.?
Answer. Strategic competition with the People's Republic of China
is a defining feature of the 21st century. While the administration
remains deeply concerned with attempts by the People's Republic of
China to extend influence and acquire critical and dual-use technology
through acquisitions and investment in Israel, the United States views
close cooperation with Israel as important to our security and
intelligence partnership.
Question. In 2019, in response to U.S. concerns over growing
Chinese investment, Israel announced the establishment of an advisory
committee, led by the Finance Ministry, to oversee and evaluate foreign
investments in Israel. Right now, that committee is an inadequate
mechanism and lacks a broad enough scope to protect high technology
firms. Only foreign investments in the Israeli financial,
communications, infrastructure, transportation, and energy sectors are
subject to regulatory approval. Israel is a world-leader in high
technology industries. Without a mechanism empowered to review in high
technology firms, Israel will lack the ability to ensure controlling
and non-controlling investments in these companies do not disadvantage
Israel's national security. If confirmed, can you pledge to work with
the Government of Israel to improve oversight of foreign commercial
investment in Israel, particularly as relates to dual use technology
and infrastructure?
Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for
the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of
Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to
identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment,
including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data,
and critical infrastructure.
Question. From your perspective, what specific reforms should the
U.S. seek from Israel to help improve its existing foreign investments
oversight regime?
Answer. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
concerns as to its effectiveness, especially its lack of coverage for
the high-tech sector. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of
Israel to strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to
identify and mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment,
including investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data,
and critical infrastructure.
Question. Can you commit to working with the Government of Israel
to ensure its investment oversight regime covers high tech industries?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to
strengthen its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and
mitigate risks associated with foreign direct investment, including
investments involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and
critical infrastructure.
Question. The United States has growing concerns with China's
economic relationship with Israel. Given the relative weakness on
Israel's committee on foreign investment and issues highlighted by the
China's involvement in Haifa port, how do you effectively decouple
China from Israel?
Answer. The United States views close cooperation with Israel on a
variety of national security topics including foreign investment risk
management as important to our security and intelligence partnership.
If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen
its foreign investment advisory committee to identify and mitigate
risks associated with foreign direct investment, including investments
involving critical technologies, sensitive data, and critical
infrastructure.
Russia
Question. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is scheduled to
travel to Moscow for a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in
the coming weeks. This will form the basis for joint Israeli-Russian
cooperation on a number of issues, including Iran's role in Syria which
remains a top priority concern. Please provide your perspective on the
Israeli Russian relationship.
Answer. Russia views its military intervention in Syria as helping
to solidify a dominant influence in the Middle East and is responsible
for enabling numerous atrocities on the ground. While we routinely
condemn Russia's brutal military intervention in Syria on behalf of the
Assad regime, we recognize Russia has influence on the ground and that
Israel wishes to test that influence with regards to curbing Iran's
presence in Syria. The U.S. Government has found narrow areas in which
to engage with Russia in Syria, for example to extend cross-border
humanitarian access into Syria through Security Council Resolution
2585, and we will continue to explore additional avenues for discussion
if they are to the benefit the Syrian people and stability in the
region.
Question. How does the U.S.'s failure to mitigate the threat Iran
and its proxies pose to Israeli security impact Israel's relationship
with Russia? In your view, does it make Israel more reliant on Russia
given the former's active ties with destabilizing actors like Iran and
its proxy, Hezbollah?
Answer. Israel's security posture is independent of Russia's
presence due to Iran's destabilizing tactics through Hizballah and
other proxies allowing it to focus on subversive activities by those
responsible.
VISA Waiver Program
Question. President Biden in his recent meeting with Prime Minister
Bennett committed to advance a process to see Israel join the visa
waiver program. If confirmed, can you commit to making it a priority to
advance the President's commitment?
Answer. The administration is fully supportive of Israel joining
the Visa Waiver Program once it meets all the requirements for
participation in the program. If confirmed, it is a priority for me to
advance the President's commitment.
Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure an efficient visa
process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure an efficient visa
process that allows eligible Israelis to travel to the United States.
Question. Will you work with the Israelis to help bring down the
refusal rate for Israelis applying for visas?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel
toward meeting all requirements for participation in the Visa Waiver
Program.
Non-Defense Cooperation
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to expand trade and
deepen the economic cooperation with Israel?
Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our
people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship, remains a
top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research
and development, and its start-up economy is safe and welcoming for
U.S. businesses, with American companies establishing two-thirds of the
more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in
Israel. If confirmed, I will build on these robust relationships to
expand trade and deepen economic cooperation with Israel.
Question. If confirmed, what areas of the U.S.-Israel relationship
will be priorities for you?
Answer. The U.S.-Israeli relationship has long been based on both
common values and strategic interests. We remain united in our shared
commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security.
Should I have the honor of being confirmed, maintaining the U.S.
Government's ironclad commitment to Israel's security, advancing the
depth and breadth of the bonds between our people, including our ever-
expanding economic relationship, working with a fellow democracy to
oppose international institutional bias and promote human rights at
home and abroad, and supporting the Abraham Accords and exploring new
opportunities to advance normalization efforts are some of my top
priorities.
Question. What areas of the relationship do you think can be
strengthened?
Answer. Upholding Israel's security serves America's national
security interests and ensures that we will always have a strong,
reliable, and secure partner. If confirmed, I will work closely with
Israeli partners to address critical threats from Iran and Iranian-
backed militias and will work to strengthen Israel's foreign investment
advisory committee to identify and mitigate risks associated with
foreign direct investment, including investments involving critical
technologies, sensitive data, and critical infrastructure. By making
Israel more secure and opening new channels for constructive dialogue
and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab world, normalization
agreements also bring with them the potential to create new
opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis and
Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its
Arab neighbors, as well as help create the conditions for direct
negotiations of a two-state solution between Israelis and Palestinians.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. In July, the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC) announced
a permanent, three person commission to investigate alleged Israeli war
crimes during the conflict in Gaza earlier this year. Recent reporting
indicates that all three members--Navi Pillay, Miloon Kothai, and Chris
Sidoti--hold anti-Israel views. I'm concerned that the composition of
this commission makes it all too likely that this is just another anti-
Israel attack by a commission that should be focusing on the ongoing
genocide of Uyghurs and Muslims in China, or on Cuba's human rights
violations of peaceful protesters, or at least a dozen other countries.
If confirmed, what steps would you take to cooperate with the
Israeli Government to counter this blatant anti-Israel
sentiment at the U.N.?
Answer. The United States strongly opposed the special session of
the U.N. Human Rights Council following the escalation in Gaza in May.
It exemplifies the Council's disproportionate focus on Israel. The
establishment of an open-ended Commission of Inquiry distracts from the
diplomatic work necessary to provide greater dignity, freedom, and
prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians, and ensure that terrorist
organizations, including Hamas, do not exploit the situation, including
by indiscriminate firing of rockets, to advance their own destructive
aims. If confirmed, I will work closely with Israel and likeminded
partners to influence the scope and timeline of this Commission as part
of broader efforts to ensure Israel is treated fairly by the Human
Rights Council, in line with other U.N. member states.
Question. In May of this year, Hamas and other Palestinian
terrorists launched more than 4,000 rockets that targeted Israeli
civilians. As you know, shortly after this, the Biden administration
announced that it would re-open the consulate general in Jerusalem.
U.S. law is clear that Jerusalem is the undivided capital of Israel.
Re-opening this consulate sends the wrong message.
Do you support re-opening the consulate in Eastern Jerusalem?
Answer. In May, Secretary Blinken publicly announced the
administration's intent to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem. I
understand that this is a component of the administration's renewed
engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If confirmed, I
will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem enables our
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
including engagement with the local communities and government leaders.
Question. In your opinion, how does re-opening the Consulate comply
with the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995?
Answer. I understand that the Jerusalem Embassy Act restricted
certain funding for the Department of State until the Secretary
determined and reported to Congress that the U.S. Embassy to Israel had
officially opened in Jerusalem. During the Trump administration,
Secretary Pompeo determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the
U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the
requirements of the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the
administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in
Jerusalem as called for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in
Jerusalem would not affect that policy or walk back or change our
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
If confirmed, I will always work to ensure that all our policies
are consistent with U.S. interests and applicable U.S. law.
Answer. Are you aware of other cases where the U.S. operates both a
consulate and an embassy in the same city?
Answer. I cannot speak to the global U.S. diplomatic presence,
however I understand that the Department uses a variety of diplomatic
and consular platforms to best serve U.S. interests around the world
and maintained a Consulate General and Embassy in Jerusalem
simultaneously from May 2018 to March 2019. The Biden-Harris
administration has made clear that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel
and the U.S. Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. Jerusalem itself is a
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Todd Young
Question. Do you believe, as is the policy of the United States,
that we must assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts
to forge a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict that results in two states living side-by-side in pace and
security and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's
right to exist as a Jewish state?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. Similarly, making progress towards a two-state
solution may hasten new normalization agreements. If confirmed, I will
work to capitalize on all opportunities to advance peaceful co-
existence between Israel and its Arab neighbors, as well as help create
the conditions for direct negotiations of a two-state solution between
Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. As the President's nominee, do you agree that our
diplomatic presence in Jerusalem through our Embassy is sufficient to
meet the consular needs of Palestinians?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy to Israel, which the United States
Government has been clear will remain in Jerusalem, provides consular
services to U.S. citizens and permanent residents, as well as local
communities residing in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza. The
President and Secretary Blinken have reaffirmed the administration's
intent as well to reopen the Consulate General in Jerusalem, to support
renewed engagement with the Palestinian people and leadership. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. diplomatic presence in Jerusalem
enables our government to carry out a full range of diplomatic
activities, including engagement with the local communities and
government leaderships.
Question. While the opportunities for partnership are significant,
there are also those who worry about China's growing relationship with
Israel and needed proper guardrails in place when seeking to work on
technology together. If confirmed, how would you seek to deepen the
U.S.-Israel partnerships in emerging tech while seeking to deter the
Israelis from taking steps closer to China?
Answer. The administration remains deeply concerned by attempts by
the People's Republic of China (PRC) to extend influence and acquire
critical and dual-use technology through acquisitions and investment in
Israel. The administration welcomes efforts by all countries to enhance
investment in quality infrastructure development. I believe that such
an investment must be within the confines of strong regulatory
structures that ensure all companies investing in Israel do so in a
responsible manner, consistent with international practices, that
benefits the people of Israel, and does not undermine Israeli national
security. While Israel's establishment of a new investment advisory
committee is a step in the right direction, I understand there are
concerns as to its effectiveness, given the voluntary nature of its
coverage and its lack of coverage for the high-tech sector. If
confirmed, I will work with the Government of Israel to strengthen its
foreign investment advisory committee to minimize exposure to national
security risks, including the acquisitions of critical technologies,
sensitive data, and critical infrastructure.
Question. What untapped opportunities exist for mutual exchanges to
deepen our bilateral research and innovation relationship?
Answer. Advancing the depth and breadth of the bonds between our
people, including our ever-expanding economic relationship remains a
top priority for me. Israel is a world leader in innovation, research
and development and Israel's start up economy is safe and welcoming for
U.S. businesses, with U.S. companies establishing two-thirds of the
more than 300 foreign-invested research and development centers in
Israel. Three U.S.-Israel bi-national foundations have provided over
$1.2 billion for joint science and technology projects and both sides
signed a new Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement that entered
into force in December 2020. If confirmed, I plan to build on these
already robust relationships to promote further cooperation in
bilateral research and innovation, including working with Israel to
strengthen foreign investment risk management which is a key investment
in the innovation relationship between the United States and Israel.
In addition, collaboration made possible because of the Abraham
Accords and in the Eastern Mediterranean, including with the Eastern
Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) and 3+1 mechanism, presents new
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. These
efforts can help promote Israel's regional integration and greater
cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity throughout the
region. If confirmed, I look forward to expanding these efforts.
Question. A developing story from September 21 is that progressive
Democrats in the House of Representatives have stripped funding for
Iron Dome--Israel's primary tool for defending civilians from Hamas'
terrorist rocket attacks--out from the upcoming funding bill. If
confirmed, would you commit to advocating for the Congress to provide
Israel with all the tools necessary to defend itself?
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
security, including Israel's ability to maintain its qualitative
military edge in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. The
President was clear when President Bennett visited Washington at the
end of August that the administration fully supports replenishing
Israel's Iron Dome System.
This administration is committed to ensuring Israel's right to
defend itself from indiscriminate rocket attacks by assisting Israel in
replenishing its Iron Dome Air Defense Missile System. If confirmed, I
will work with relevant State and DoD colleagues to see what can be
done in this regard.
Question. In carrying out the Memorandum of Understanding on U.S.
Foreign Defense Aid to Israel, the funding for which Congress
authorized last year, what are the most pressing threats that Congress
must consider when we set aside annual funding for security assistance
to Israel?
Answer. The commitment to Israel's security is a cornerstone of
U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East, supported by the 10-year, $38
billion Memorandum of Understanding with Israel. This commitment
includes $3.3 billion in annual Foreign Military Financing. As I shared
in my opening statement, Israel is one of our closest security partners
in countering a broad spectrum of threats ranging from climate change
to cyber-attacks to nuclear proliferation. Chief among these is the
critical threat that Iran and Iranian-backed militias pose. While
President Biden has made clear his commitment to ensure that Iran never
develops a nuclear weapon, upholding Israel's security serves America's
national security interests and ensures that we will always have a
strong, reliable, and secure partner.
The best way we can do this is by continuing robust levels of
bilateral U.S. security assistance including through the Foreign
Military Financing program, which will help to maintain Israel's
Qualitative Military Edge; and acknowledge strong bilateral ties; and
enable cutting-edge cooperation on missile defense. U.S. funding also
supports Israel's continued defense modernization and provides for the
acquisition of U.S.-origin defense equipment ranging from ammunition to
advanced weapons systems and training.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Ted Cruz
Congressional Determinations and Policies
Question. In 1987, Congress passed The Anti-Terrorism Act, in which
Congress determined that ``the PLO and its affiliates are a terrorist
organization and a threat to the interests of the United States, its
allies, and to international law'' (22 USC Sec. 5201). In 2012,
Congress passed The United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation
Act, which established that it is ``the policy of the United States. To
assist the Government of Israel with its ongoing efforts to forge a
peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
that results in two states living side-by-side in peace and security,
and to encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's right to
exist as a Jewish state'' (22 USC Sec. 8602). In 2014, Congress passed
The United States-Israel Strategic Partnership Act, which reaffirmed
that it is ``the policy of the United States. to support the Government
of Israel in its ongoing efforts to reach a negotiated political
settlement with the Palestinian people that results in two states
living side-by-side in peace and security'' (22 USC Sec. 8602 Statutory
Notes).
Do you agree with Congress's determination that ``the PLO and its
affiliates are a terrorist organization and a threat to the
interests of the United States, its allies, and to
international law?''
Answer. My understanding is that subsequent to the 1987 passage of
the Anti-Terrorism Act, in 1993, in connection with the Oslo Accords,
the PLO renounced terrorism and recognized Israel's right to exist, and
Israel recognized the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian
people for purposes of negotiations for permanent status and peace.
Subsequently, across administrations, Congress and the executive branch
have worked together to press the PLO to continue to comply with those
commitments, and to support its engagement with Israel, and with the
United States in support of negotiations and its commitments including
those disavowing terrorism.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that our engagement with the
Palestinians advances Israeli-Palestinian cooperation, understanding,
peace, security coordination, and stability. To that end, I will work
with the Palestinian Authority, Government of Israel, and international
community to consider ways in which we can strengthen the position of
the Palestinian Authority and to recommend that all sides adopt an
affirmative and practical approach to the conflict that encourages
constructive, positive steps-like condemning incitement to violence and
terrorism- to keep the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution
alive.
Question. Do you commit to ``assist'' and ``support'' the
Government of Israel in its negotiations with the Palestinians?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians alike. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
opportunities to advance peaceful co-existence between Israel and its
Arab neighbors, as well as to help create the conditions for direct
negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.
Question. Do you believe that the United States should be neutral
between the Governments of Israel and the Palestinians?
Answer. I believe that a two-state solution is the best way to
ensure equal measures of freedom, security, and prosperity for Israelis
and Palestinians. By making Israel more secure and opening new channels
for constructive dialogue and diplomacy between Israel and the Arab
world, normalization agreements also bring with them the potential to
create new opportunities to advance a negotiated peace between Israelis
and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will work to capitalize on all
opportunities to advance existing coordination between Israelis and
Palestinians to help create the conditions for direct negotiations
between the two parties.
Sovereignty
Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
communities, and by taking several other steps.
Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?
Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. I
understand the administration has not changed U.S. policy on this
important issue.
Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. I understand the administration has not altered U.S. policy
on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem
itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central
to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If
confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care
and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
any part of the Golan Heights?
Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
As long as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria and Iran is present
in Syria, it would be greatly irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The
administration has not changed U.S. policy on this important issue.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians. Jerusalem is central to the national
visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I will handle
all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they
deserve.
Abraham Accords
Question. In your testimony you indicated that you are supportive
of the Abraham Accords. In early 2021 the State Department distributed
internal guidance through emails about how to refer to the
normalization between Israel and other countries. In the emails,
staffers were instructed that the State Dept. would no longer refer to
the normalization as the ``Abraham Accords,'' and the use of
``normalization agreements'' instead was indicated, according to a June
4 report by the Washington Free Beacon.
Please transmit copies of those emails. The Washington Free Beacon
reviewed at least two of them.
Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in
a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its
records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional
oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
you to respond to your concerns.
Question. Please transmit any other internal guidance issued by
State Department staffers--including emails, memos, cables, notes,
decision memos, briefing papers, instructions, etc.--regarding the use
of the phrase ``Abraham Accords,'' from December 2020 through September
2021.
Answer. While I understand your interest, as a nominee I am not in
a position to act on behalf of the State Department with regard to its
records. I take my responsibilities with respect to Congressional
oversight seriously and if confirmed, I look forward to working with
you to respond to your concerns.
Question. Can you commit to ensuring that any guidelines or
policies prohibiting using the phrase ``Abraham Accords'' are revised
and reversed?
Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.
Palestinian Consulate
Question. The Biden administration has indicated and recently
reiterated its intention to open a Palestinian-facing consulate in
Israel's capital Jerusalem.
Please describe your assessment of whether the Israeli Government
supports such a plan?
Answer. Secretary Blinken publicly announced the administration's
intent to reopen the Consulate General. I understand that this is part
of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian people
and leadership. I am not in a position to comment further on diplomatic
discussions related to this process. If confirmed, I look forward to
ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to
carry out the full range of diplomatic activities, including engagement
with the local communities and government leaders. My understanding is
that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change our
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and the U.S. Embassy to
Israel will remain in Jerusalem.
Question. Do you believe that opening a Palestinian-facing
consulate in Jerusalem in the absence of affirmative permission from
the Israeli Government would constitute an erosion of their sovereignty
over Jerusalem? If not, why not?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the U.S.
presence in Jerusalem enables our Government to carry out the full
range of diplomatic activities, including engagement with the local
communities and government leadership. The U.S. Government has been
clear that our Embassy will remain in Jerusalem. The administration is
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. My
understanding is that reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will
not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
Question. Do you believe that the opening of a Palestinian-facing
consulate in Jerusalem would prejudice final status negotiations
between the Israelis and the Palestinians? If not, why not?
Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is
the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be
resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians. The administration is committed, as am I, to keeping the
U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem
will not change our recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If
confirmed, I will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care
and sensitivity that they deserve.
Energy
Question. In January 2019, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Greece, Italy,
Cyprus, and the Palestinian Authority established the East
Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF) headquartered in Cairo. The EMGF, an
intergovernmental energy forum, knits together Eastern Mediterranean
and Gulf countries, including through an Israeli-Cypriot-Greek
pipeline. The forum members agree to work to formulate a common policy
for the regional energy market.
Do you support the efforts and objectives of the EMGF?
Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum
can help promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic
prosperity throughout the region. If confirmed, I would build on the
work between colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy
Resources, and European Affairs to coordinate our engagement and am
eager to learn more about the EMGF's announcement earlier this year
that it plans to work with specialists to discuss and promote gas
decarbonization. I would also take steps to align our other regional
embassies to support this effort in the field so that we can advance
cooperation, energy security and U.S. national interests.
Question. Do you support the United States continued involvement
within the EMFG?
Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. If
confirmed, I hope to continue U.S. involvement with the Eastern
Mediterranean Gas Forum.
Question. Do you support efforts by Israel and other regional
partners to develop a sustainable natural gas infrastructure including
through bilateral negotiations?
Answer. I support the development of sustainable, secure, energy
sources by Israel and other regional partners, including through
bilateral negotiations. Natural gas discoveries have helped redefine
relationships and increase energy security in the Eastern
Mediterranean, and our partners building up capacity in renewable
energy sources will further transform the energy landscape in this
region.
Question. Can you evaluate the impacts of the EMFG on advancing
peace and cooperation between Israel and regional partners?
Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners. The Forum
promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity
and supports Israel's greater integration in the region.
Question. Can you evaluate the impact that completing the EastMed
pipeline would have on providing Europe with an alternative to Russian
supplied gas?
Answer. If completed, the EastMed Pipeline project could increase
regional energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean, diversify
Europe's energy supply, and aid in ensuring a more stable energy
transition.
Question. Do you support the continued development of the EastMed
Pipeline?
Answer. As I understand it, there are a number of regional energy
projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under consideration, including
the EastMed Pipeline. If confirmed, I would advocate for regional
energy and electrical interconnections that have the potential to
increase our partners' and allies' energy security, diversify energy
supplies, and aid in ensuring more stable and sustainable energy
transitions.
Question. What impact do you think this energy forum has on
regional dynamics, including those related to diplomatic, economic, and
security?
Answer. The Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum presents new
opportunities for collaboration with allies and key partners and
promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity
in the region, which would help advance stability in the Eastern
Mediterranean.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Thomas R. Nides by Senator Bill Hagerty
Question. After the United States implemented the Jerusalem Embassy
Act of 1995 (Public Law 104-45)--including by formally recognizing
Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Israel on December 6, 2017,
and by relocating and opening the U.S. Embassy to Israel in Israel's
capital city of Jerusalem on May 14, 2018--it also closed the U.S.
Consulate General for the Palestinians and merged this Consulate
General's functions into Embassy Jerusalem under the U.S. Ambassador to
Israel's Chief of Mission authority. Do you agree that opening/
reopening a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in
particular, after the fact of U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's
capital on December 6, 2017--would constitute a diminution of U.S.
recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital?
Answer. During the Trump administration, Secretary Pompeo
determined and reported to Congress in 2019 that the U.S. Embassy in
Jerusalem had officially opened, consistent with the requirements of
the Jerusalem Embassy Act. I understand the administration is
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem as called
for by the Act. Reopening the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not
affect that policy or walk back or change U.S. recognition of Jerusalem
as Israel's capital.
Question. Do you also agree that opening/reopening a U.S. consulate
for the Palestinians in Jerusalem--in particular, after the fact of
U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017--
would constitute a diminution of Israeli sovereignty? Please begin your
answer with a yes or no.
Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a
final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians. I understand the administration is
committed, as am I, to keeping the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. Reopening
the Consulate General in Jerusalem will not change U.S. recognition of
Jerusalem as Israel's capital. If confirmed, I will handle all issues
related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. The Government of Israel--under then-Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu and now under Prime Minister Naftali Bennett--has
consistently opposed the opening/reopening of a U.S. consulate for the
Palestinians in Jerusalem after the United States recognized Jerusalem
as Israel's capital on December 6, 2017, and relocated the U.S. Embassy
to Jerusalem on May 14, 2018. Do you agree that the United States
should not open/reopen a U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in
Jerusalem if the Government of Israel continues to oppose it? Please
begin your response with a yes or no.
Answer. The administration has also been clear, as am I, that our
Embassy to Israel will remain in Jerusalem. If confirmed, I look
forward to ensuring that the U.S. presence in Jerusalem enables our
Government to carry out a full range of diplomatic activities,
including engagement with the local communities and government
leadership. In May, Secretary Blinken stated ``the United States will
be moving forward with the process to reopen our consulate in
Jerusalem. That's an important way for our country to engage with and
provide support for the Palestinian people.'' I understand that this is
part of the administration's renewed engagement with the Palestinian
people and leadership.
Question. Since the change in presidential administrations, some
U.S. Government officials at times have publicly resisted using the
term ``Abraham Accords'' and instead insisted on only using the term
``normalization agreements.'' If confirmed, do you commit that you will
refer to the historic agreements that normalized Israel's relations
with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco by their
name-the ``Abraham Accords?''
Answer. My understanding is that the Biden-Harris administration
refers to the agreements known as the Abraham Accords as such. I
certainly do. If confirmed, I will continue to use that moniker.
Question. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to Israel, you will have
the opportunity to interact with both the UAE and Bahraini Ambassadors
to Israel-in addition to potentially hosting delegations or meeting
with diplomats from other countries normalizing or considering
normalization with Israel. Will you commit to meet regularly with your
Abraham Accords counterparts? What other steps will you take to
continue Arab-Israeli normalization from your position?
Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, the
administration welcomes and strongly supports the Abraham Accords and
normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and
Muslim world. I understand the Department is leading the U.S.
Government's efforts, working with interagency partners, to deepen
existing agreements and urge other countries to normalize relations
with Israel.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with diplomatic colleagues
in Israel, including those from countries that have recently
established ties with Israel. I am committed to working with countries
across the region to build on existing relationships and develop new
ones, including by highlighting the tangible benefits of relations with
Israel and leveraging the wide range of diplomatic tools at our
disposal. I also look forward to engaging with Israel's new partners in
the region to find ways to improve the lives of Israelis and
Palestinians alike to help create the conditions for a durable two-
state solution.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Robert Menendez
Canada & China:
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to deepen
coordination with our Canadian allies and ensure that our two countries
formulate a joint response to the challenges posed by China's coercive
diplomacy? What would success look like to you two years from now?
Answer. Consistent with the longstanding, strong bilateral
relationship between Canada and the United States, I have observed that
the United States and Canada have undertaken significant efforts in
recent years to coordinate our engagement with the People's Republic of
China (``PRC''). If confirmed, I would maintain regular contact with
Canadian leadership to build on this progress and explore new avenues
in our response to this significant challenge. Success in two years
would see us having engaged in continued dialogue with Canada to
identify and act on opportunities to develop a joint approach to the
PRC that reflects our shared values and effectively pushes back on the
PRC's problematic activities.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I agree that these incidents are serious and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that any such reported incident
would be treated seriously and reported quickly through appropriate
channels, and that affected individuals would receive prompt access to
medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit that I would meet with medical
staff and RSO at post to discuss any past incidents to ensure protocols
are being followed.
Canada and Refugees
Question. Canadians are among our most reliable partners on refugee
resettlement, implementing innovative government and privately
sponsored resettlement programs that enable the world's most vulnerable
to find safety quickly. The Canadian Government has committed to accept
20,000 refugees from Afghanistan, adding to the tens of thousands they
accepted from Syria, and the upwards of one million they've accepted
since 1980. As conflicts become increasingly protracted and global
challenges abound, the numbers of people in need of international
protection will grow exponentially. Our partnership with Canada in
anticipating and responding to new displacement-related needs will be
critical.
If confirmed, how would you seek to leverage Canada's experiences
and deepen our collaboration with our Canadian partners on
migration and protection issues?
Answer. As one of our closest allies, we have worked with Canada
hand-in-hand on many issues, including migration and refugees. If
confirmed, I would maintain the robust work our countries have done in
conjunction with President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau's Roadmap
for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership on addressing the global
migration crisis. Our countries share a commitment to providing safe
haven to refugees, including through refugee resettlement. These
commitments have been spotlighted recently with Afghan refugees. I
applaud Canada's commitment to receive 20,000 Afghan refugees, 5,000 of
whom are to be referred by the United States.
Additionally, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
our Canadian partners as they chair the MIRPS (Comprehensive Regional
Protection and Solutions Framework) Support Platform under the theme of
``protection and empowerment of women and girls on the move'' to draw
attention and support solutions to forced displacement in Mexico and
Central America.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator James E. Risch
western hemisphere
Canada-China Relations
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of Canada-
China relations?
Answer. Canada-China relations reached their lowest point in 50
years following both the PRC's arbitrary detention of Canadians Michael
Kovrig and Michael Spavor in December 2018 and PRC bans on some
Canadian agricultural exports in response to Canada's arrest of Meng
Wanzhou on a U.S. extradition request in December 2018. Canada's
relations with the PRC remain strained.
Question. Please explain how you would recommend the United States
work to address the worst aspects of China's economic, political, and
security influence in the Western Hemisphere and the world at large.
Answer. If confirmed, taking advantage of the historically strong
bilateral relationship between Canada and the United States, I would
continue to explore ways to work with Canada to more closely align our
approaches to Beijing, including to address the challenges the PRC
presents to our collective interest and to the international rules-
based order in our hemisphere and around the world. I would work to
coordinate our policies pursuant to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-
Canada Partnership, including when dealing with the PRC's coercive and
unfair economic practices, national security challenges, and human
rights abuses, while cooperating on areas where it is in our interest,
such as on the climate crisis.
Question. Please explain how you plan to communicate with the
Canadian people about the challenges posed by the People's Republic of
China to international norms.
Answer. The Canadian people appear to have a clear understanding of
the challenges posed by the PRC, from its arbitrary detention of
Canadian citizens to its use of economic coercion in trade to its
intimidation of ethnic Chinese, Uyghur, and Tibetan communities in
Canada. If confirmed, I plan to have significant interactions with
Canadians and I would have frank conversations with Canadians about how
the United States and Canada could work even more closely, bilaterally
and multilaterally, to face the challenges the PRC poses to
international norms.
Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada could
enhance cooperation to counter Chinese disinformation, influence
operations, academic espionage, and propaganda efforts.
Answer. These PRC efforts impact the United States, Canada, and
many of our like-minded allies and partners. If confirmed, building on
the historically strong bilateral relationship between Canada and the
United States, I would work to increase cooperation with Canada and
other likeminded countries to counter these PRC campaigns through joint
actions, exchange of best practices, and multilateral initiatives.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritize collaborative
initiatives to implement the January 9, 2020 U.S.-Canada Joint Action
Plan on Critical Minerals Development Collaboration?
Answer. As part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
Partnership, President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau agreed to
strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan to target a
net-zero industrial transformation, batteries for zero-emissions
vehicles, and renewable energy storage. If confirmed, I would look to
the Roadmap to guide my priorities as Ambassador, including efforts to
strengthen the U.S.-Canada Critical Minerals Action Plan, as well as
related efforts to build the necessary supply chains to make the United
States and Canada global leaders in all aspects of battery development
and production.
Question. Canada is the only member of the Five Eyes that has not
formally barred or restricted use of equipment from Huawei in its
telecommunication networks. Please explain what impact the presence of
untrustworthy technologies, such as those from Huawei would have to our
bilateral cooperation with Canada.
Answer. The United States understands the promise of 5G wireless
networks, and governments and telecom operators need to prioritize
security when building their 5G infrastructure. United States technical
experts assess that the risk of allowing untrustworthy suppliers'
equipment anywhere in 5G networks cannot be sufficiently mitigated; the
United States is, therefore, removing untrustworthy equipment from its
own government and private sector communications networks. Other
governments, including the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand
have come to the same conclusion. If confirmed, I would help carry out
the U.S. Government commitment to ensure that U.S. telecommunications
networks do not use equipment from untrusted vendors.
Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate concerns about
the use of untrustworthy technologies, such as Huawei's in Canada?
Answer. If confirmed, I would convey the need for governments and
telecom operators to prioritize security when building 5G
infrastructure. Through conversations with the Canadian Government,
public, and business community, I would stress that allowing untrusted
telecommunications suppliers to participate in or control any part of a
5G network creates unacceptable risks to national security, the
integrity of critical infrastructure, privacy, and human rights.
Question. Please describe the impact on privacy, censorship, and
human rights from the inclusion of communication networks and supply
chains with equipment and services from companies with close ties to or
susceptible to pressure from governments or security services without
reliable legal checks on governmental powers.
Answer. Countries and citizens need to be able to trust that 5G
equipment and software will not introduce risks that threaten national
security, privacy, or human rights. Trust cannot exist where
information and communications technology and services vendors are
subject to control by authoritarian governments, like the PRC, which
lacks an independent judiciary or democratic checks and balances to
protect companies and consumers and has a long track record of using
access to data to surveil, harass, and otherwise crack down on its
dissidents and to enabling other authoritarian governments to do the
same. Like-minded countries, companies, and civil society groups can
and must work together to address these threats.
U.S.-Canada Border Closures
Question. In August, Canada lifted its travel restrictions on
Americans that are vaccinated or have a negative COVID-19 test result.
On September 20, the Biden administration extended restrictions on land
travel from Canada for at least another month, while lifting air travel
restrictions for travelers from around the world who have been
vaccinated or tested negative for COVID-19.
Answer. Acknowledged, and noted as context for the question that
follows.
Question. Please explain your understanding of the reasons behind
the different approaches to U.S. restrictions on land travel versus air
travel from Canada.
Answer. I understand the difficult impacts on United States border
communities and their residents of COVID-based travel restrictions. I
also understand the health-based justifications for those restrictions.
I also understand that decisions regarding travel restrictions are made
with advice from public health and medical experts, who consult
regularly with their Canadian counterparts. These decisions are made to
decrease the spread of COVID-19, especially emergent variants. If
confirmed, I would coordinate closely with the White House, relevant
U.S. agencies, and Congress on our policies to protect our borders and
citizens, and to facilitate cross-border traffic and commercial
activities to the extent possible.
Question. In your opinion, does the divergent approach to air and
land travel with Canada constitutes sound policy?
Answer. I believe that decisions regarding the health, safety, and
welfare of the United States and its citizens are best left to our
public health and medical experts.
Question. What is your understanding of the economic and emotional
hardship northern border closures are placing on American border
communities?
Answer. I empathize with those who face challenges as a result of
the ongoing border restrictions. I understand that some U.S. citizens,
their families, and businesses do not fall under the essential travel
exemptions and may have experienced social and economic challenges. I
want to emphasize that I share the desire of many fellow Americans to
resume normal cross-border travel as soon as possible, once public
health and medical professionals deem it safe to do so.
Question. Do you agree that the Biden administration should pursue
a more consistent approach to air and land travel from Canada?
Answer. I believe we should resume normal cross-border travel as
soon as U.S. public health professionals conclude it is safe to do so.
I trust their recommendations and know that decisions regarding travel
are made with our safety in mind. If confirmed, I would prioritize the
safety and security of U.S. citizens in all aspects of my duties.
Arctic
Question. Please explain how the United States and Canada can
revitalize cooperation on continental defense and in the Arctic,
including the modernization of the North American Aerospace Defense
Command (NORAD) to effectively defend the Northern Hemisphere against
the range of threats by peer competitors.
Answer. As a close and strategically located ally, Canada plays an
indispensable role in promoting our common defense, especially in the
Arctic. If confirmed, I would underscore in interactions with Canadian
officials the strategic importance of NORAD to our mutual continental
defense and emphasize the urgent need to bolster our aerospace defense
through modernization efforts - efforts which Canada has embraced.
Regarding Canada's Future Fighter Capabilities Project, I would
continue U.S. efforts to advocate for a U.S. solution that would
provide Canada with world-class defense technology at the best value
while also supporting continued interoperability in our collective
defense of Northern America.
Question. Please explain your views on the growing Chinese and
Russian presence in the Arctic region.
Answer. Both Russia and the PRC have increased their activities in
the Arctic in recent years, the latter going so far as to declare
itself a ``near Arctic state'' and publicizing its objective of
extending its Belt and Road Initiative into the Arctic. While
investment in the Arctic is expected as climate change makes the region
more accessible, such investment must be transparent, adhere to
existing international law and practice, and support the needs of the
peoples of the region. Neither Russia nor the PRC has been transparent
about its operations in the Arctic, and both are eager to advance their
interests. At the same time, Russia has indicated willingness to engage
in discussions on our concerns, agreeing at the June Presidential
Summit in Geneva to further discuss the Northern Sea Route and improved
coordination between our respective Coast Guards. If confirmed, I would
work to strengthen our ability to deter attempts by Russia and the PRC
to constrain the United States and our allies, including in the Arctic.
Question. If confirmed, how would you communicate the need to
heighten deterrence capabilities in the Arctic?
Answer. The Arctic is a strategic space in which U.S. and Canadian
capabilities may be put to the test and in which our need to
communicate credible deterrence is critical. This is another space
where joint communication and action by the United States and Canada
will send a more powerful signal. If confirmed, I would consult closely
with the Department of Defense and others among the interagency to
ensure we are conveying the full spectrum of our concerns, with
supporting information, to our Canadian allies.
U.S.-Canada Border Security
Question. Last year, the CBP seizures of illicit narcotics along
the Canadian border were up 1,000 percent. CBP seized nearly 40,000
pounds of marijuana across 16 ports of entry worth between $100 million
and $120 million. There are concerns about increases in illicit
trafficking of drugs through the border between the U.S. and Canada.
How should the U.S. and Canada work together to better address these
threats to prevent transnational criminal activity?
Answer. The U.S.-Canada Joint Action Plan on Opioids was launched
in Washington on January 31, 2020. On February 23, 2021, President
Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau recommitted to the U.S.-Canada Joint
Action Plan on Opioids as part of the larger Roadmap for a U.S.-Canada
Renewed Partnership jointly issued by both leaders.
If confirmed, I would build on close bilateral relationship between
Canada and the United States and the good progress our countries have
made on the joint action plan to combat opioids, and I would work
closely with our Canadian counterparts to address the issue of the flow
of illicit drugs over the border.
While the COVID-19 pandemic has presented numerous challenges,
project sub-groups focused on law enforcement, border security, and
health meet regularly. The Working Group meets quarterly, and the
Steering Committee meets bi-annually. I applaud the great work our
respective countries have made to address this important issue, and I
would support this action plan at every appropriate opportunity.
NATO
Question. Canada plans to increase its defense spending by 73
percent over ten years to reach C$32.7 billion ($25.2b) in 2026-2027.
If implemented, Canada's total defense spending as a percentage of GDP
would reach 1.4 percent in 2024-2025, which would fall well short of
NATO's recommended 2 percent of GDP level. How do you see your role as
Ambassador, if confirmed, to encourage Canada to adhere to its 2
percent commitment at NATO?
Answer. If confirmed, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify
the intent behind our security priorities, the underlying concerns that
drive those priorities, and our position regarding equitable and
sufficient contributions to NATO.
Question. Do you agree with Canada's counterargument that the
countries' contributions to the alliance should be measured more by
capabilities and the troops they provide over their defense expenditure
as a percentage of GDP? How would you react to this if confirmed as
Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I would express appreciation for Canada's
notable contributions to security in the hemisphere and globally
(including through NATO), I would note how both our countries'
interests have been undermined by the actions of third parties, and I
would underscore that a robust and concerted response to these threats
and challenges is required. Such a response must necessarily include
funding as well as capabilities and troops.
Question. In what ways can the U.S. and Canada work better together
in NATO engagements?
Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most
comprehensive security relationships globally and comprises both
bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure
U.S. security interests concerning NATO are conveyed and advanced as
part of the U.S. Mission's bilateral engagement plan. Additionally, I
would engage Canada's leadership to clarify the intent behind U.S.
security decisions, and I would regularly solicit Canada's input for
how best to further strengthen the NATO alliance.
USMCA (United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement)
Question. What's your assessment of Canada's implementation of
USMCA? What challenges do you foresee in USMCA implementation and how
would you use your role as Ambassador to encourage Canada to rectify
these issues?
Answer. Canada continues to work toward meeting its obligations
under the USMCA, though challenges remain. If confirmed, I will work to
further Canada's compliance with USMCA issues impacting dairy quotas,
automotive trade, and digital services, among other topics. We will put
the interests of American workers and businesses at the forefront of
our foreign policy.
Trade Disputes
Question. The United States has longstanding disputes with Canada
over softwood lumber imports. U.S. industry contends that Canada
unfairly subsidizes its lumber by providing cheap access to public
land. Softwood lumber is now in its fifth iteration of litigation. If
confirmed as Ambassador, how would you work to ensure U.S. industry
interests are represented?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the United States
interagency and industry to ensure fair treatment for U.S. softwood
lumber producers. Because this remains an active litigation matter, I
am unable to comment further.
Energy
Question. The Biden administration cancelled the Keystone XL
pipeline's border crossing presidential permit in January 2021, which
would have moved up to 830,000 barrels of crude daily. Canadian
Government officials have expressed disappointment with President
Biden's decision. Do you agree with President Biden's decision to
revoke the permit?
Answer. Canada remains the top energy partner of the United States.
I understand we have a robust trading relationship and shared energy
infrastructure. Tackling the existential threat of the climate crisis
requires, as the President's Executive Order of January 20 stated,
action on a scale and at a speed commensurate with the need to avoid
setting the world on a dangerous and potentially catastrophic climate
trajectory. The world must be put on a sustainable climate pathway to
protect Americans and the domestic economy from harmful climate
impacts, and to create well-paying jobs as part of the climate
solution. If confirmed, I would support President Biden's efforts to
restore American leadership in the fight against climate change and to
help position our nation to be the global leader in clean energy and
jobs, while continuing to respect the strong energy partnership between
Canada and the United States.
Question. What negative implications does the cancelation of the
Keystone XL pipeline have on the bilateral U.S.-Canada energy
relationship? What about the broader bilateral relationship?
Answer. President Biden spoke with Canadian Prime Minister Justin
Trudeau in his first call to a foreign leader as President of the
United States only two days after the cancelation of the permit for the
Keystone XL pipeline. While President Biden acknowledged Prime Minister
Trudeau's disappointment regarding the decision to rescind the permit,
he reaffirmed his commitment to maintain an active bilateral dialogue
and to further deepen cooperation with Canada. During the call, both
leaders highlighted the strategic importance of the U.S.-Canada
relationship and the desire to reinvigorate bilateral cooperation on an
ambitious and wide-ranging agenda, including combating the COVID-19
pandemic, strengthening economic ties, defense, and global leadership
to address the pressing challenge of climate change. The continuing
strength of our relationship was further demonstrated with the issuance
of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership in February.
Question. Do you think this decision has casted doubt among
Canadians of the U.S. as a long-term reliable energy partner?
Answer. No. Following President Biden's decision to rescind the
permit for the Keystone XL pipeline, Prime Minister Trudeau welcomed
the President's decisions to rejoin the Paris Agreement and to place a
temporary moratorium on all oil and natural gas leasing activities in
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, noting, ``I look forward to
working with President Biden to reduce pollution, combat climate
change, fight COVID-19, create middle class jobs, and build back better
by supporting a sustainable economic recovery for everyone.'' The
United States and Canada are working together to increase the scale and
speed of action to address the climate crisis and support the
transition to a net-zero clean energy future. If confirmed, I would
support these goals in the course of my duties.
Question. If confirmed, where does North American energy security
would fall on your list of priorities as U.S. Ambassador to Canada?
Answer. Energy security is an important priority. President Biden
and Prime Minister Trudeau recognized the important energy security
benefits of our bilateral energy relationship and its highly integrated
infrastructure as part of the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
Partnership. President Biden's Build Back Better agenda also highlights
the importance of creating clean energy jobs as part of our economic
recovery. If confirmed, I would focus on President Biden's priorities
for the bilateral relationship as highlighted in the Roadmap, including
the importance of energy security in the bilateral energy relationship.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to promote American and
North American energy security?
Answer. President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau have pledged to
work together to build on the countries' strong energy security
partnership, including in the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S. Canada
Partnership and to strengthen action towards a net-zero clean energy
future. If confirmed, I would work to support this vision by
communicating often and openly with Canadian counterparts on their
energy plans, by identifying areas for deeper collaboration between our
respective governments, and by looking for investment opportunities for
U.S. companies.
Foreign Assistance
Question. In what areas do you see the greatest opportunity for
U.S-Canadian cooperation in foreign assistance?
Answer. A top priority of the United States and Canada is to end
the COVID-19 pandemic and support global health security by working
together to support global affordable access to and delivery of COVID-
19 vaccines, including through the COVAX Facility. The United States
and Canada cooperate closely in multilateral groups to raise global
climate ambition, including through increased pledges of climate-
related assistance to developing countries. Consistent with our shared
values, the United States and Canada promote diversity and inclusion in
our foreign assistance, particularly in support of gender equality
through equal rights for women and girls.
Question. Canada is considered to be a ``strong supporter'' of the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and even hosted
the Fund's fifth replenishment conference in 2016. Still, Canada has
provided roughly $2.5 in contributions to the Fund since 2002, while
the United States has provided over $17.6 billion. Similarly, Canada is
considered to be an ``anchor'' donor to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, as
well as to the Gavi-led COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access initiative
(COVAX). Canada has provided $842 million in contributions for Gavi
since 2002 and $545 million for COVAX, while the United States has
provided over $4.4 billion and $3.5 billion, respectively. If
confirmed, how will you encourage Canada to take on a larger proportion
of contributions for the Global Fund, Gavi, and COVAX? Do you consider
this a priority?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to prioritize the issues highlighted
in the bilateral Roadmap, of which fighting COVID-19 is first and
foremost. Efforts to support global health security remain a top
priority for both the United States and Canada, as demonstrated by
Prime Minister Trudeau's participation at the Global COVID-19 Summit,
hosted by President Biden on September 22, 2021. Both the United States
and Canada have agreed to strengthen existing pandemic preparedness
platforms and arrangements and to work to improve international
institutions, including the World Health Organization and the Pan
American Health Organization.
Question. How will you encourage the Canadian Government to help
finance international pandemic preparedness and response more broadly?
What levers does the United States have? Are you willing to use them?
Answer. Through the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada Partnership,
Canada has committed to strengthening international pandemic
preparedness as a top priority. If confirmed, I would work closely with
Canadian counterparts to drive progress on our shared priorities,
including efforts to support increased global health security.
Venezuela
Question. Canada has taken a series of multilateral and bilateral
actions in support of the Venezuelan people and to weaken the
illegitimate Maduro regime.
If confirmed, in what ways would you encourage Canada to take
heightened action against the corrupt and illegitimate Maduro
regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to continue to
coordinate with the United States and other international partners to
maintain and increase pressure on the Maduro regime, as appropriate. I
would do this by seeking avenues to further isolate Maduro
internationally, call attention to the regime's human rights abuses,
and through the application of additional targeted sanctions, if
warranted.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian
Government to maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as
legitimate representative of Venezuela at the Organization of American
States?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the Canadian Government to
maintain support for the Guaido-led democratic forces as the legitimate
representatives of Venezuela at the Organization of American States.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to encourage the Canadian
Government to maintain sanctions on the Maduro regime until there is a
credible transition to democratic order in Venezuela?
Answer. Canada has implemented significant sanctions against the
regime to date. If confirmed, I would seek continued support from
Canada to maintain coordinated pressure against Maduro -including
through sanctions- until there is a credible process underway to
restore democracy, rule of law, and human rights in Venezuela.
Nicaragua
Question. Canada has issued sanctions related to Nicaragua in
response to the gross and systematic human rights violations that have
been committed by the Ortega regime against Nicaraguan people. In what
ways would you encourage Canada to put further pressure on the Ortega
regime?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Canada to remain linked up
with international efforts to further pressure the Ortega regime. I
would also encourage Canada to continue to take a leadership role in
the Organization of American States, where it has been instrumental in
crafting previous joint statements denouncing the Ortega-Murillo
regime.
state department management and public diplomacy
Mission Canada
Question. Mission Canada has been under enormous stress over the
past few years with management issuesand COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Canada?
Answer. Based on the experience of this nomination process, I
understand our mission in Canada to be staffed by hard-working civil
servants, foreign service officers and specialists, uniformed military
personnel, and locally employed staff. Respecting the limitations of my
role as a nominee, I have not had any personal contact with Mission
Canada. If confirmed, one of my first priorities would be to assess the
morale of these dedicated staff members at the embassy and at our
constituent posts.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Canada?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult at the start of my tenure
with key managers at U.S. Embassy Ottawa and at all our constituent
posts to determine where the strengths and weaknesses of the mission
are in terms of morale. I would make the maintenance of strong morale a
priority in my role as Ambassador.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Canada?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult closely with the Canada
country desk, with others at State and across the interagency, and with
Congress on priorities for our relationship with Canada. In Canada, I
would consult with embassy and constituent post staff to solicit a full
range of inputs and opinions, and I would encourage all to speak
frankly. I would refer to the Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-Canada
Partnership to inform my vision for Mission Canada, and I would build
on priorities and lines of effort in Mission Canada's current
Integrated Country Strategy.
Management
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative and
respectful. I consider myself to be an accessible and communicative
leader. I believe in communicating expectations clearly and in
providing constructive feedback as required.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. As noted above, I understand our mission in Canada to be
staffed by dedicated civil servants, foreign service officers and
specialists, uniformed military personnel, and locally employed staff.
I have the utmost respect for their work and for what they do every day
on behalf of the American people. If confirmed, this respect would be
the foundation for my management of the complex operations of Mission
Canada. I have had the experience of working with similarly well
motivated career (civil service) employees when I served as Chief of
Staff in the Philadelphia City government. In order to accomplish the
Mission's goals, I would prioritize securing appropriate resources for
the Mission, commensurate with the importance of the U.S.-Canada
relationship.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. I agree with this approach. No leader can be successful if
he or she lacks understanding of the organization's operations or
workplace culture. If confirmed, I would commit to understand the
Mission's operations and culture across the full spectrum of employees
in Ottawa and at the constituent posts. As a manager and leader, I
believe strongly in meeting and interacting with a wide swath of the
employees in the Embassy and in being accessible and communicative.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Respect for subordinates is an essential leadership
trait.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. The deputy chief of mission (DCM) plays a key role in
ensuring that the Mission's priorities are pursued properly and that
the Mission's functions are carried out smoothly. The DCM is also a
wealth of institutional knowledge about the bilateral relationship and
the workings of the State Department and the interagency. If confirmed,
I would seek to complement the DCM's experience with my leadership of
the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek the advice of the DCM on how
best to engage with Canada to pursue U.S. interests, how to solicit
required resources so that the Mission may fully pursue these
interests, and how best to support Mission staff in the completion of
their duties.
Local Interaction
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Diplomats are most successful when they are able to allot
ample time and are sufficiently resourced to engage directly and
regularly with host country and host government contacts. If confirmed,
I would support and prioritize my own engagement and staff engagement
with their contacts to the maximum extent possible, consistent with
Canada's current public health advice.
Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would assess if the Mission had adequate
resources to pursue U.S. interests and accomplish its goals, including
the ability of our diplomats to access a sufficiently representative
cross section of the local population. If these resources were lacking,
I would work with my DCM and others to determine how best to fulfill
our needs.
Public Diplomacy
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Canada?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. The bilateral relationship between Canada and the United
States is strong and productive, with deep, historic ties. Although
Canadians see the bilateral relationship as vitally important, public
opinion polling in 2021 showed Canadians perceived the state of
relations between Canada and the United States with mixed feelings. To
address this challenge, Mission Canada works to reinforce our shared
values and goals, including our commitment to combat the COVID-19
pandemic, building back our economies in environmentally sustainable
and socially inclusive ways, accelerating climate ambitions, advancing
diversity and inclusion, bolstering security and defense, and building
global alliances. Continuing to pursue these objectives, and to
communicate our commitment and work on these issues would be a top
priority if I am confirmed.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The U.S. Mission in Canada conducts public diplomacy
activities through its eight posts across Canada. Main State, through
bureaus like Global Public Affairs, Western Hemisphere Affairs, and the
Global Engagement Center, provides overall policy guidance and general
messaging. Each post tailors messaging to its audience based on daily
interactions with the Canadian public.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Canada's Participation in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
Question. As Ambassador to Canada, how would you lead the U.S.
Embassy to work with the newly-elected Canadian members of the
Parliamentary Assembly to become active in the OSCE PA?
Answer. Our shared democratic heritage, including the regular
election of legislative bodies to represent our populations, is a
foundational aspect of the bilateral relationship between Canada and
the United States. If confirmed, one of my top priorities would be to
build strong connections with members of Canada's Parliament, in
particular those newly elected on September 20. Canada participated in
its 29th Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA) on June
30 to July 6. If confirmed, I would encourage further inter-
parliamentary dialogue through vigorous engagement with
parliamentarians. I would also encourage active Canadian participation
in OSCE PA meetings, committees, and election observation activities to
advance our shared goals of promoting security, prosperity, and
democracy in the OSCE region.
Question. I also authored a law directing the State Department to
seek to build out a parliamentary assembly in the OAS. How would you
propose that Canada help to support this initiative?
Answer. The United States and Canada both have a long history of
supporting parliamentary exchanges. The Canadian Section of
ParlAmericas is one of the 35 members of ParlAmericas, an institution
that promotes Parliamentary Diplomacy in the Inter-American System. The
international Secretariat of ParlAmericas is incorporated in Canada and
remains the only interparliamentary forum to have its headquarters
located in Ottawa.
If confirmed, I would cite past successes and promote the value of
parliamentary exchanges, and I would encourage counterparts and
legislators in Canada to continue to support a parliamentary assembly
in the OAS comprising elected legislators.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David L. Cohen by Senator Todd Young
Question. The Trudeau Government has stated it supports upgrading
its equipment to strengthen NORAD, including purchasing more than 80
fighter aircraft. Yet the procurement process has been delayed for more
than a decade, raising questions about Canada's political commitment to
NORAD. What message would you communicate to the Government of Canada
regarding NORAD and our shared aerospace defense?
Answer. If confirmed, I would build on our robust relationship and
our frank engagement with Canada to underscore the strategic importance
of the role NORAD plays in our continental defense, and the urgency
with which Canada should bolster its contribution to our shared
aerospace defense. In my engagement with Canada, I would further
highlight the indispensable role we need Canada to play in promoting
our common defense due to its position as a close ally and a
strategically located neighbor. Regarding Canada's Future Fighter
Capabilities Project, I would continue U.S efforts to advocate for a
U.S. solution to offer world-class defense technology at the best value
in support of continued interoperability in defense of Northern
America.
Question. How do you view our defense cooperation with Canada?
Given our recent diplomatic tension with France and other allies over
questions of defense cooperation, what steps will you take if confirmed
to reassure Canada about our enduring commitment?
Answer. Our defense cooperation with Canada is one of the most
comprehensive security relationships in the world and comprises both
bilateral and multilateral arrangements. If confirmed, I would ensure
U.S. security interests are fully represented in the U.S. Mission's
engagement. Additionally, I would engage Canada's leadership to clarify
the intent behind our security decisions, and I would regularly solicit
Canada's input for how best to strengthen our alliance even further.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Stability
Question. Costa Rica's remarkable economic growth over the past
quarter of a century has been made possible through the strength of its
democratic institutions, its openness to foreign investment, and
steadfast adherence to environmental and humanitarian principles.
Although Costa Rica still has one of the lowest poverty rates in the
region, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a severe impact on the country's
tourism-dependent economy.
Given these setbacks, if confirmed as our ambassador in Costa Rica
what would be your top priorities over the next year to help
the country recover from the pandemic and build resiliency
against future potential economic shocks?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our economic
partnership, which supports prosperity in both Costa Rica and the
United States. In the short term, I will support Costa Rica's efforts
to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created a significant
retraction of the economy, as it has in the region. Additionally, with
respect to economic resiliency, I will strongly support efforts to
expand bilateral trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). I will
encourage Costa Rica to follow through on commitments for governmental
and economic reforms, which will lead to a more sustainable path toward
prosperity. I will also urge Costa Rica to leverage its recent
accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
to align itself even more closely with standards that will help it
attract investment from U.S. firms and create quality employment.
Lastly, I will support Costa Rica's efforts to ensure that post-
pandemic growth is inclusive, creating opportunities in tourism and
other key sectors for all its citizens.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Absolutely. There is nothing I take more seriously than the
health and security of the people who will be working with me. The
interagency community is actively examining a range of hypotheses but
has not yet made a determination about the cause of the AHIs or whether
they can be attributed to a foreign actor. AHIs have been a top
priority for Secretary Blinken, who set clear goals for the Health
Incident Response Task Force to strengthen the Department's
communication with its workforce, provide care for affected employees
and family members, and better protect against these events in the
future.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. I will do everything possible to ensure that
employees, who report a possible AHI, receive immediate and appropriate
attention and care and that the incident is reported through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. Again, if confirmed, there is nothing I will take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working at U.S. Embassy San Jose.
Migration
Question. Costa Rica has a long tradition of welcoming asylum
seekers. As of the end of 2020, Costa Rica hosted nearly 122,000 people
of concern to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
Already in 2021, nearly 23,000 people have applied for asylum in the
country, mainly citizens fleeing oppression in Nicaragua.
Dr. Telles, in your view, how important is it for the United States
to support Costa Rica's humanitarian efforts and what will you
do as our ambassador to further these efforts?
Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing access to
international protection for refugees and asylum seekers and welcoming
vulnerable migrants and guest workers from Nicaragua, Venezuela,
Colombia, and elsewhere. We anticipate Costa Rica will continue to
support Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers, which are likely to
increase as a function of upcoming elections. If confirmed, I will work
closely with Costa Rica to further our cooperation on migration and to
assess the need to increase capacity to welcome refugees and asylum
seekers.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Please describe the evolving Chinese presence in Costa
Rica since President Solis switched diplomatic relations from Taiwan to
the People's Republic of China in 2007.
Answer. Costa Rica was the first Central American country to
recognize the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2007. The countries
signed a free trade agreement in 2011 and a bilateral investment treaty
in 2016, but the economic relationship remains very limited. Foreign
direct investment (FDI) from the PRC in Costa Rica is small, topping
$10 million only once in the last decade and never exceeding one
percent of total FDI inflows. Large PRC-backed infrastructure projects
have been marred by delays or outright cancelations. Nonetheless, there
are efforts to increase public diplomacy and to expand the PRC's
economic presence in specific areas, including telecommunications.
Question. Please describe any efforts by the PRC to build relations
with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica.
Answer. My understanding is that the PRC has actively built
relations with legislators and local government officials in Costa Rica
to build support for PRC-backed infrastructure projects, which have
been marred by delays or outright cancelations. The PRC has also
attempted to make inroads with local officials through offers of
monitoring and communications technology for municipalities.
Question. Please describe what would be your approach to countering
Chinese influence in Costa Rica, if confirmed.
Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously promote the United States
as Costa Rica's steadfast partner, emphasizing our common democratic
values and strong track record of success. I will communicate to the
Costa Rican Government the security risks to Costa Rica's
telecommunications infrastructure of allowing PRC-backed vendors to
participate in or control its networks. I will also call attention to
the poor-quality and costly infrastructure projects financed by the PRC
and promote high-standard and transparent investment by the United
States and our partners. I would also continue to support ongoing
Embassy efforts to build strong relations and security programs with
local governments, which have already served as effective counterpoints
to the PRC's efforts to increase its influence in Costa Rican
municipalities.
Question. Do you agree that the presence of Huawei in Costa Rica is
concerning, especially as Costa Rica transitions to 5G?
Answer. The presence of equipment from untrustworthy vendors, such
as Huawei, in any country's telecommunications networks is concerning.
Allowing high-risk suppliers like Huawei to participate in or control
any part of a 5G network, or nationwide broadband networks, creates
risks to national security, critical infrastructure, and privacy. If
confirmed, I will lead Embassy San Jose's ongoing efforts to engage
with Costa Rica on the risks posed by PRC-backed 5G network providers
and to encourage the use of only trustworthy vendors in the information
and communications technology ecosystem.
Question. Costa Rica participates in China's Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI) with the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC)
undertaking upgrades and widening works for is primary national route
(Route 32), costing US$465 million. Please describe U.S. concerns with
the Belt and Road Initiative, including in Costa Rica.
Answer. The United States remains concerned about infrastructure
projects built under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), including its
efforts in Costa Rica. In many countries, the PRC uses investment under
the BRI and diplomatic engagement to create dependency on PRC
resources. In Costa Rica, efforts include the PRC's donation of a $100
million national soccer stadium (2011) and subsequent donation of $11
million to modernize the stadium (2018), as well as a multimillion-
dollar contribution towards the construction of a police academy. Other
large public investments in Costa Rica have not been successful. The
financing and construction of the Route 32 highway expansion has been
marred by delays, poor planning, and poor budgeting. If confirmed, I
will work to maintain the United States' position as Costa Rica's
economic partner of choice and trusted ally by emphasizing our
geographic proximity, common democratic values, and strong track record
of success.
According to the U.N. Refugee Agency, more than 108,000 Nicaraguans
have fled the repression of the Ortega-Murillo regime in Nicaragua
since 2018, mainly to the United States and Costa Rica. Nearly 23,000
Nicaraguans have sought asylum in Costa Rica in 2021 alone.
Question. Do you agree that the Ortega/Murillo regime in Nicaragua
has become a source of significant instability in Central America, and
for Costa Rica specifically?
Answer. Yes. The Ortega-Murillo Government's repression has
contributed to instability in Central America and a dramatic increase
in Nicaraguan refugees and asylum seekers. The Ortega-Murillo regime
has taken actions that undermine respect for human rights and
exacerbate fear and insecurity, thus, fueling surges in migration.
Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to asylum
seekers, refugees, and vulnerable migrants, including a great number of
Nicaraguans. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica and our
international organization partners to increase their capacity to
process asylum seekers and refugees and to provide protection to
vulnerable Nicaraguans.
Question. The Ortega-Murillo regime of Nicaragua continues to
receive international financing by the Central American Bank for
Economic Integration (CABEI), despite the instability it generates in
Central America.
Answer. I understand that the amount of CABEI financing that
benefits the Ortega-Murillo Government is disproportionate,
particularly given the many challenges we are addressing in Central
America. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to encourage
Costa Rica to oppose any funding from CABEI that would go toward
sustaining the Nicaraguan Government while it represses its people and
undermines democracy and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with Costa Rica to
ensure that any loan or assistance provided by CABEI to Nicaragua is
administered through entities with full technical, administrative, and
financial independence from the Ortega-Murillo regime?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to
encourage CABEI members to halt financing that directly benefits the
Ortega-Murillo Government. If confirmed, I will encourage CABEI
members, particularly Costa Rica, to explore ways to structure projects
and work through non-governmental organizations and implementers, in
order to ensure that financing more directly benefits the Nicaraguan
people rather than the repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.
In March 2020, the U.S. indicted Nicolas Maduro and 14 current and
former Venezuelan officials for allegedly partnering with the FARC to
use cocaine as a weapon to ``flood'' the United States.
Question. Do the actions by the Maduro regime related to
transnational criminal activities undermine U.S. counternarcotic and
law enforcement cooperation with Costa Rica?
Answer. We are concerned about the Maduro regime's transnational
criminal activities and their impacts across the region. Costa Rica has
become a major transshipment hub for South American cocaine headed to
the United States, and it is used by transnational criminal
organizations for trafficking both narcotics and people through Central
America and Mexico. Therefore, sustaining support of Costa Rica's
security forces with training, equipment, and infrastructure will be
key to ensuring their continued success in combating transnational
crime. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support to bolster
Costa Rica's capacity to be our partner in these efforts.
Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
transnational criminal organizations and human smuggling/trafficking
across Central America and Mexico.
Answer. Transnational criminal organizations fund their activities
by engaging in drug trafficking, human smuggling, and human trafficking
through Central America and Mexico. Irregular migrants pay smugglers to
guide them through Central America to the United States and then later
fall prey to human traffickers, who force them into committing crimes,
such as transporting drugs to the United States. Irregular migrants are
particularly vulnerable to exploitation and human rights abuses by
transnational criminal organizations that engage in human trafficking
crimes, such as commercial sex, forced labor, forced criminality, and
forced recruitment. Irregular migrants who embark on a journey to the
United States unwittingly put themselves at greater risk of financial
hardship and human trafficking abuses.
Question. What financial benefits would you estimate drug
trafficking groups are reaping from the increased flows of illegal
migrants transiting through Costa Rica towards our Southwest border?
Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) are reaping
significant profit from smuggling migrants northward through Central
America. Costa Rican and Panamanian authorities, assisted by a U.S.
Department of Homeland Security investigative unit, are pursuing a
cross-border human smuggling ring. Costa Rican media outlets widely
reported smugglers are charging migrants from $11,000 to $22,000 per
person.
In 2020, Guatemala and Honduras declared Hizballah a foreign
terrorist organization.
Question. In your opinion, would it be in the interest of the
United States for Costa Rica to make a similar determination?
Answer. Yes, it would be in the U.S. interest for Costa Rica to
make a similar determination.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to seek Costa Rica's
designation of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to seeking Costa Rica's designation
of Hizballah as a foreign terrorist organization.
Question. Costa Rica is a reliable partner in the fight against
illicit narcotics. Please explain how an increase in coca cultivation
in South America impacts the ability of the Costa Rican Government to
effectively reduce the flow of illicit narcotics through its territory
and into the United States.
Answer. Certainly, increased coca cultivation in South America
impacts Costa Rica's efforts to reduce the flow of narcotics bound for
the United States. Costa Rica is the number one transshipment point for
Colombian cocaine moving towards the United States. Nonetheless, it is
a strong partner in the fight against drug trafficking as exemplified
by its interdiction of a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020. Increased
coca cultivation leads to a higher volume of cocaine flowing through
Costa Rica. The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa
Rica, including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance
Service, and national police to increase interdictions and to build law
enforcement capacity. In order to ensure that Costa Rica continues to
be successful in combating transnational crime, it is critical for the
United States to maintain its support of Costa Rica's security forces
with training, equipment, and infrastructure. If confirmed, I will
continue the strong U.S. support to bolster Costa Rica's capacity to be
our partner in these efforts.
There is currently a case of a minor American Citizen who was
abducted by her mother to Costa Rica. Costa Rica, a signatory to the
Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction,
is in direct violation of their agreements under the Convention and has
not returned the child to her parent here in the U.S.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to engage on this
matter with Costa Rican authorities?
Answer. I understand the Embassy maintains regular contact with
PANI (Costa Rican child protective services, the central authority for
Hague Abduction Convention cases) and often communicates with the
parents, in addition to conducting welfare checks on the child when
possible. If confirmed, I will ensure that compliance with the Hague
Convention agreements continues to be a top priority for the U.S.
Embassy.
Question. How will you work to ensure Costa Rica becomes compliant
with the obligations under the Convention?
Answer. Costa Rica was cited for demonstrating a pattern of
noncompliance in the Department's 2020 and 2021 Annual Reports on
International Child Abduction due to judicial delays and decisions that
were noncompliant with the Hague Abduction Convention. To address these
concerns, the Department of State's Consular Affairs Bureau engages
with Costa Rican authorities and international partners. As part of
these efforts, the State Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs helped
organize a series of judicial seminars focused on the Convention hosted
by the Costa Ricans in November 2020 and February 2021. If confirmed, I
will be committed to supporting these and other efforts of the U.S.
Embassy to help ensure that Costa Rica complies with its obligations
under the Convention.
Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in
Persons report, Costa Rica was again placed on Tier 2, indicating they
do not meet the minimum standards to eliminate trafficking but are
making significant efforts to do so.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the host government on this
issue to provide additional support to victims, increase prosecutions,
and continue prevention efforts?
Answer. The Costa Rican Government demonstrated increasing efforts
overall to combat human trafficking compared to the previous reporting
period, considering the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-
trafficking capacity. The Costa Rican Government's anti-trafficking
efforts included employing new investigative techniques in trafficking
cases, identifying more victims, and converting planned training and
interagency coordination to virtual delivery amidst the pandemic.
However, authorities decreased funding for anti-trafficking efforts and
closed a trafficking-specific emergency shelter. If confirmed, I will
encourage the Costa Rican Government to strengthen anti-trafficking
efforts and to continue providing support for ongoing projects that
improve prosecution efforts, protective services, and prevention
campaigns.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Cynthia Ann Telles by Senator Todd Young
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with Nicaraguan
activists and refugees in Costa Rica fleeing the persecution of Daniel
Ortega's regime?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the Nicaraguan refugees fleeing
the Ortega-Murillo Government's repression. If confirmed, I will
support Costa Rica as it continues to serve as a safe haven for those
Nicaraguans. I also commit to engage with those courageous individuals
who are advocating for democracy and human rights in their home
country.
Question. What steps is the administration taking to support Costa
Rica in its efforts to welcome and care for the Nicaraguan refugees
streaming into the country?
Answer. Costa Rica is a regional leader in providing protection to
asylum seekers and vulnerable migrants and has a tradition of welcoming
vulnerable migrants from Nicaragua. This summer, Costa Rica has seen a
rise of Nicaraguan asylum seekers and migrants in the wake of political
violence in Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will work with Costa Rica to
continue to increase their capacity to process asylum seekers and
provide protection. Costa Rica is concerned that is does not have the
resources to continue to care for Nicaraguan asylum seekers and
vulnerable migrants. If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with
our international organization partners on the ground and the Costa
Rican Government to build capacity and provide protection.
Question. The Trump administration's donation of three former Coast
Guard cutters to Costa Rica in 2018 gave the country its first blue
water interdiction capability. Since then, seizures of illegal drugs
has dramatically increased in the country. I applaud this creative use
of former Coast Guard cutters to support our allies in defense of U.S.
national security interests. Looking forward, what are the current gaps
in Costa Rica's capability to disrupt the flow of illegal drugs from
South America through the country? What is the Biden administration
doing to address these gaps in cooperation with the Government of Costa
Rica?
Answer. Costa Rica remains a strong partner in the fight against
drug trafficking, interdicting a record 71 tons of narcotics in 2020.
The Embassy works closely with multiple partners in Costa Rica,
including their Coast Guard, Border Police, Air Surveillance Service,
and national police, on increasing interdictions and building law
enforcement capacity. Costa Rica has become a major transit point for
South American cocaine heading to the United States. Continuing to
support Costa Rica's security forces with training, equipment, and
infrastructure will help ensure it can effectively combat transnational
crime. If confirmed, I will assess the U.S. support needed to bolster
Costa Rica's capacity to be our strong partner in these efforts.
Question. How has U.S. security assistance and cooperation been
utilized by Costa Rica? If confirmed, what steps would you take to
oversee and strengthen our cooperation?
Answer. The U.S. Government works with Costa Rica closely on a
number of shared security concerns, including narcotics trafficking.
U.S. security assistance to Costa Rica focuses on four areas:
counternarcotics; curbing transnational threats and crime; improving
citizen security and law enforcement capacity; and strengthening rule
of law. If confirmed, I will continue the strong U.S. support for
bilateral security cooperation with Costa Rica and assess the need for
enhancing this partnership.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What steps should the United States take to work more
closely with New Zealand on economic and trade matters?
Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key
part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better.
The United States will continue working with New Zealand and other
partners in the Indo-Pacific region to address specific economic issues
such as infrastructure, the digital economy, and energy.
Question. How do you anticipate this agreement will affect the
U.S.-New Zealand bilateral relationship?
Answer. AUKUS will increase peace and stability in the Indo-
Pacific, which will have a positive impact on the bilateral
relationship with New Zealand. PM Ardern has said that she welcomes
``the increased engagement of the UK and US in the region and reiterate
our collective objective needs to be the delivery of peace and
stability and the preservation of the international rules based
system.''
Question. In what ways can we bolster our security partnership with
New Zealand and work towards stability in the South Pacific?
Answer. Our military-to-military relationship has reached new
heights since the signing of the Wellington and Washington declarations
in 2010 and 2012, respectively. Combined naval patrols and exercises
have become routine, the New Zealand Army holds one of the Deputy
Commander positions with the 25th Infantry Division, and the Royal New
Zealand Air Force has been instrumental in providing critical
intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support in the
Pacific.
The United States and New Zealand defense forces continue to
explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our current work in the
areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief and peacekeeping
support operations.
Question. What is your assessment of how New Zealand's thinking on
China has evolved in recent years? And what should the United States be
doing to influence New Zealand's approach towards confronting and
competing with China?
Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC
influence in the Pacific, an indelible part of its own identity and
backyard. Mission New Zealand in turn has deepened government,
parliamentary, and academic engagement with the United States. Mission
New Zealand's Public Affairs section has collaborated with speakers and
exchanges to promote our shared understanding on issues related to the
PRC.
Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed. There is nothing I take more seriously
than the health and security of the people who will be working with me.
There is an extensive, ongoing interagency investigation into the cause
of these incidents and how we can best protect our people.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that employees who report a possible AHI receive immediate and
appropriate attention and care and the incident is reported through
appropriate channels
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed. Again, there is nothing I take more
seriously than the health and security of the people who will be
working with me.
Question. If confirmed, what opportunities and priorities will you
pursue to grow U.S.-New Zealand climate cooperation?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to continue strong U.S.-New
Zealand climate cooperation, for instance on the Global Methane Pledge
and USDA's AIM4C. The United States is committed to working with New
Zealand to raise global ambition on climate change.
Question. What are the U.S.-New Zealand shared security interests
in building resilience and climate change adaptation capacities in
Oceania--especially the countries facing existential crises due to
climate change?
Answer. Climate change is considered an existential crisis by many
Pacific Island countries. The United States and New Zealand share
similar concerns about the security of Pacific Islands that may be
forced to take on financial debt from other countries, such as the PRC,
to fund adaptation programs like climate-resilient infrastructure.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What are the key interests underpinning U.S. strategy in
the Indo-Pacific region, and what should our objectives and goals be in
the region?
Answer. Strong diplomatic, military, and economic relationships
with like-minded allies and partners can help ensure a safe, prosperous
United States. To that end, I support a peaceful and prosperous Indo-
Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with strong institutions,
responsible actors, and close security, economic, and people-to-people
ties.
Question. The 2018 National Defense Strategy states that ``great
power competition, not terrorism, is now the primary focus of U.S.
national security.'' Do you agree with the Defense Department's
assessment?
Answer. Counterterrorism remains a deep concern to the United
States and our partners, as recent acts of terrorism in New Zealand
have demonstrated. As Secretary Blinken has said, China is the only
country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological
power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system.
I support that statement and, if confirmed, will work closely with our
New Zealand partners to advance U.S. interests and support a free,
open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.
Question. Do you agree that the objectives and policies of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the greatest foreign policy challenge
facing the United States today? If not, why not? What do you think
instead is our greatest foreign policy challenge?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is the only competitor
potentially capable of combining its economic, diplomatic, military,
and technological power to mount a sustained challenge to a stable and
open international system. However, the United States can still
cooperate with China on issues of mutual interest. If confirmed, I will
work with New Zealand under the premise that the U.S. relationship with
China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
be, and adversarial when it must be.
Question. If confirmed, what will your top 3-5 policy priorities be
as U.S. Ambassador?
Answer. I look forward to working with our partners to advance U.S.
and common interests in a variety of issues. My top three priorities
would be strengthening our Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advancing
security ties, and expanding economic cooperation and commercial
opportunities. The United States would like to be the Pacific's
``partner of choice.''
Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-New Zealand
relationship? What are our main challenges? Where do we have
opportunities for growth?
Answer. The United States and New Zealand have a very close
relationship, with strong political, economic, intelligence sharing,
security, and people-to-people ties. We cooperate on a range of
international issues from upholding the rules-based international order
and defending against threats to shared democratic values. We also work
together to counter foreign influence and debt diplomacy in the region.
Our space and cyber cooperation are vibrant and growing. Challenge
areas include COVID-19 recovery, climate change, and ensuring a free
and open Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our
Pacific and Antarctic cooperation, advance U.S.-New Zealand security
ties, and expand economic and commercial opportunities.
Question. What role do you see New Zealand playing in the Indo-
Pacific region in light of the growing challenges from China?
Answer. China is New Zealand's most important goods trading partner
and second most important overall trading partner after Australia.
Recent New Zealand Governments have made tough public statements about
the PRC's influence in the Pacific and its human rights record and
sharpened the country's stance on the South China Sea. If confirmed, I
would continue to work with New Zealand as a likeminded democratic
partner. In addition to diplomatic responses in the South China Sea,
New Zealand has funded repairs to identified substandard projects
completed by Chinese construction companies in the Cook Islands.
Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
relationship with New Zealand in the short-term?
Answer. New Zealand officials have previously stressed the
importance of their Government's commitment to increased intelligence
and defense interoperability, prevention of the movement of foreign
terrorist fighters, and stoppage of terrorist financing. If confirmed,
I would continue to expand these efforts and work with the New Zealand
defense forces to explore additional ways to cooperate beyond our
current work in the areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster
relief and peacekeeping support operations.
Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our security
relationship with New Zealand in the medium- to long-term?
Answer. U.S. defense engagement with New Zealand is strong but
limited by the small size of the New Zealand Defense Force. However,
New Zealand has recently taken steps to increase interoperability with
the United States by purchasing P-8s and C-130Js and conducting
combined patrols in the South China Sea with the United States and
other Five Eye partner nations. If confirmed, I would continue to
encourage New Zealand to work with the United States as the security
partner of choice, including by enhancing our cooperation in the fields
of space and cybersecurity.
Question. What specifically can we do to strengthen our economic
relationship with New Zealand in the short-term? What about the longer-
term?
Answer. Partnerships in innovation, like the technology sector,
film industry, and the space sector, are helping to drive trade and
investment in both New Zealand and the United States. New Zealand has a
small but developed economy that is highly trade dependent, so New
Zealand's trade dependency on the PRC has a distorting effect on its
foreign policy. If confirmed, I will explore whether regulatory reforms
or a digital services/trade agreement could provide interim steps that
signal U.S. support to New Zealand on trade.
Question. How would you characterize the current U.S.-Samoa
relationship?
Answer. The United States and Samoa enjoy strong bilateral
relations based on shared values and mutual trust. Cultural and
historical linkages, including shared connections to the U.S. territory
of American Samoa, translate into strong people to people ties. The
United States and Samoa also share close economic ties on multiple
levels and cooperate on security and policing matters.
Question. What are our main challenges?
Answer. China is seeking to grow its influence among the Pacific
Islands, including Samoa. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to the
effects of climate change. Additionally, unreported, unregulated and
illegal fishing threatens the livelihoods of Samoan fisherman. If
confirmed, I look forward to discussing how to best address these
challenges with the Government of Samoa.
Question. Where do we have opportunities for growth?
Answer. Our engagement with Samoa is vital for a peaceful and
prosperous Indo-Pacific region where democracies can thrive, with
strong institutions, responsible actors, and close security, economic,
and people-to-people ties that benefit the U.S. economy and our people.
The PRC is engaged in Samoa, as it is throughout the Pacific, and the
United States needs to be present to maintain and expand its influence.
If confirmed, I look forward to establishing strong ties with the new
Government of Samoa and identifying what more we can do together as
Pacific nations.
Question. What role does Samoa and the Pacific Islands play in
broader U.S. strategy goals in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Samoa is an active member of regional and international
organizations, including the United Nations, the World Trade
Organization, the Pacific Islands Forum, and the Polynesian Leaders
Group. Samoa regularly sides with the United States on key votes in
international fora. Samoa is particularly vulnerable to climate change,
and I understand the Government will be a willing partner on U.S. or
global initiatives to mitigate the ongoing effects of climate change or
expand the use of new climate-friendly technologies. If confirmed, I
will reassure Samoa that the Pacific region remains an enduring foreign
policy priority for the United States.
Question. In your assessment, what are the implications for U.S.
interests of more pronounced presence and influence by China in the
Pacific Islands?
Answer. The PRC's goals for the Indo-Pacific include reducing U.S.
influence and that of like-minded partners, growing its own influence,
and reducing Taiwan's international space.
Question. What forms of influence are we seeing from China that
could have a negative impact on U.S. interests in the Pacific Islands
region?
Answer. The Pacific Island Countries are susceptible to
questionable loans and infrastructure projects that can threaten their
sovereignty and the stability and security of the region. China has
made significant inroads in Samoa over the last decade by providing
extensive development assistance, primarily in the form of large
infrastructure projects, including the airport, the national hospital,
and government buildings. In September 2019, the Solomon Islands and
Kiribati established diplomatic ties with Beijing, leaving Taiwan with
just four diplomatic partners in the region (Marshall Islands, Nauru,
Palau, and Tuvalu). Some Pacific Islands Countries no longer accept PRC
loans, but grants remain on the table, and there is high demand from
the region for development and infrastructure assistance.
Question. How can the U.S. better collaborate with Indo-Pacific
countries, including New Zealand and Samoa, to deal with the negative
effects of China's economic coercion and malign political influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand and
Samoa where our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions.
Like the United States, New Zealand has areas of cooperation and areas
of disagreement with China. I welcome New Zealand's public comments on
regional security and the South China Sea, including that all
countries, big and small, need to follow the rules of international
conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's public comments regarding human
rights in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.
Question. Do you support pursuing a robust trade agenda in the
Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. Robust economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific is a key
part of the Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better.
If confirmed, I would support an Indo-Pacific trade agenda focused on
supporting American working families, defending our values, and
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States.
As President Biden has said, the United States is focused on making
investments in U.S. workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs
new trade agreements, including in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. What are your views on the United States joining the
Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership agreed to by 11
other nations in 2019?
Answer. As White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said, ``The
President has been clear that he would not rejoin the TPP as it was
initially put forward.'' Much has changed in the world since the
original TPP was signed in 2016. The administration is reviewing the
CPTPP to evaluate its consistency with the Build Back Better agenda. If
confirmed, I would work with the White House, other agencies, and
Congress to negotiate and develop trade policies that advance the
interests of all Americans, support American innovation, and enhance
our competitiveness.
Question. What areas can the U.S. expand its trade and investment
footprint in the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would look for ways to work with New
Zealand to build the capacity of countries in the Pacific to
participate in comprehensive, high standard bilateral or multilateral
trade agreements that remove barriers and unfair practices. I would
also explore securing, diversifying, and strengthening resilient U.S.
supply chains to ensure we are prepared not only to defeat COVID-19,
but to reduce the likelihood that future crises or global challenges
can impede our supply chains and economic growth.
Question. Do you support exploring opportunities for expanding
digital trade in the region specifically? Why or why not?
Answer. Barriers to digital trade threaten the ability of all
firms--including small businesses--to benefit from the advantages of
the digital economy. Our test for trade policies--including in the area
of digital trade--is whether they deliver for the American worker and
the middle class. If confirmed, I would apply that metric to any new
trade deal. For further questions, I refer you to USTR.
Question. On September 17th, Chinese Commerce Minister submitted
China's application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement
for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) to New Zealand's trade minister.
What should the future of the trade structure in the Indo-Pacific look
like?
Answer. I understand that China has submitted a formal request to
join CPTPP. The United States is not a party to the CPTPP; therefore,
it defers to CPTPP parties regarding views on China's potential
accession. That said, if confirmed, I would engage with New Zealand and
other partners who are members of the CPTPP to remind them that China's
non-market trade practices and use of economic coercion against other
countries should factor into CPTPP parties' evaluation of China as a
potential candidate for accession. For further questions, I refer you
to USTR.
Question. The U.S. has been engaged with the Pacific Islands on
multiple energy projects. What would your priorities be with respect to
cooperation on energy, should you be confirmed?
Answer. New Zealand is an important partner for assisting the Indo-
Pacific region with its clean energy transition. If confirmed, I will
work to strengthen our energy cooperation with New Zealand to increase
energy security, expand access to energy, and accelerate the region's
decarbonization. One project I would like to continue pursuing with New
Zealand and other like-minded partners is the Papua New Guinea
Electrification Partnership (PEP), which will help 70 percent of Papua
New Guinea's population have reliable access to energy by 2030.
Question. Should the Development Finance Corporation be restricted
from financing energy projects in Samoa and other qualifying Pacific
Island nations if those projects are related to oil, natural gas, or
other fossil fuels?
Answer. The Development Finance Corporation and other U.S.
development financing tools will be important to accelerating the
Pacific's transition to clean energy economies. Assisting the Pacific
in its deployment of renewable energy can best advance the region's
energy security, energy access, and decarbonization goals in most
instances.
Question. Does New Zealand's nuclear free policy present challenges
to the U.S.-New Zealand security relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with New Zealand to
advance our security relationship. Despite its history, New Zealand
invited the U.S. Navy to send a ship to celebrate the 75th anniversary
of the Royal New Zealand Navy in 2016. New Zealand has again invited
the Navy to make a port visit in New Zealand as soon as is practical
with COVID-19.
Question. How can we mitigate the negative effects of these
challenges?
Answer. U.S.-New Zealand relations have warmed significantly over
the past decade, which has resulted in several Royal New Zealand Navy
ship visits to U.S. military ports. The bilateral relationship has
grown significantly over the past few years and is stronger than it has
been in decades. If confirmed, I will work to further strengthen our
partnership.
Question. Do you commit to messaging these negative effects to New
Zealand?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the frequent, candid, and
constructive conversations on issues across the board and at the
highest levels of government.
Question. Do you agree that extended deterrence is fundamental to
our alliance network in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. I believe the United States should remain committed to
maintaining a strong, credible deterrent to defend the United States
and our allies, while also taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear
weapons. If confirmed, I will uphold the policy that extended
deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region plays a critical role in
advancing U.S. national security interests, including providing
assurance to allies and promoting nonproliferation.
Question. China has a history of breaking its promises, and its
words on climate change often do not match its actions. Will you commit
to the following: not to advise or support entrance into an agreement
with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key U.S.
interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on climate
change;
Answer. I believe the United States must judge Beijing by its
actions, not its words. If confirmed, I will work with allies and
partners to impose costs on China when it violates international norms
and agreements. If confirmed, I will also work with New Zealand and
other partners to press Beijing to raise its climate ambition
significantly during this critical decade.
Question. not to recommend any the following policies to either
secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC:
Decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the South China;
Making changes in our defense relationships with any U.S. ally, or
our overall defense posture in the Indo-Pacific region;
Delaying arms sales to Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of
U.S.-Taiwan cooperation;
Deciding not to pursue policies that safeguard the U.S. economy
from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices;
Terminating sanctions against individuals or entities of the PRC,
or removing a PRC company from the Entity List;
Dropping U.S. policies that hold CCP officials and companies
accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including those
conducted in Xinjiang?
Answer. Prime Minister Ardern's Government has spoken out about
human rights abuses by China, condemned malicious cyber activity by
Chinese state-sponsored actors, and reaffirmed its support for the
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the face of
expansive Chinese claims in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with the Government, businesses, and people of New
Zealand to promote our shared interests on issues related to China. If
confirmed, I will engage with New Zealand and other partners on climate
change, while continuing to protect our national security interests and
working to maintain a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific.
Question. What is your view on the challenges presented by greater
presence of Huawei Marine in constructing undersea cables?
Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the
potential risks to national and economic security, critical
infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and
maintain undersea cable systems. Undersea cables are vital lines of
communication, but there are national security risks associated with
network equipment that can be manipulated, disrupted, or controlled by
authoritarian regimes, like the People's Republic of China, which have
no regard for human rights or privacy, or where the equipment is
susceptible to potential unethical, unlawful, and otherwise
inappropriate behavior, including intellectual property theft.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing this issue should it come
up for either of the two countries where you are credentialed, should
you be confirmed? How would you use diplomacy and other tools to
address this issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I would urge our partners to consider the
potential risks to national and economic security, critical
infrastructure, and privacy of selecting untrusted vendors to build and
maintain undersea cables or choosing to land and interconnect with such
cable systems.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
New Zealand?
Answer. I understand Mission New Zealand is, unsurprisingly, a very
sought after posting with high morale. As an outsider, I do not yet
know specifics, but I know that Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa,
like much of the world, have faced quarantine requirements, occasional
lock-downs, and travel disruptions due to COVID-19 restrictions.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across Mission New
Zealand?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
teams at Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to understand and
address any issues affecting morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission New Zealand?
Answer. If confirmed, I will start by listening to those already in
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. I will also clearly communicate
my priorities and those of the Biden-Harris administration.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe in being an inclusive manager and encouraging
everyone to perform to the best of their abilities.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. As a collaborative and inclusive manager, if confirmed, I
hope to listen closely and to seek ideas and opinions widely throughout
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa. Many of the best ideas come from
those closest to the issues.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. New Chiefs of Mission must integrate themselves into the
mission community and culture. A lot can be learned from career State
Department Personnel.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I don't believe in berating mission employees in public or
private. If confirmed, I would work to supply constructive criticism
without belittling, if and when required. When State Department
performance reviews are required, I would conduct these with the goal
of recognizing strong performance and improving weaker performance.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. As an inclusive manager, if confirmed, I will work to
empower my deputy chief of mission (DCM) to do his or her best work by
being trusted and having my full confidence.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will rely on my DCM's career-knowledge of
Department policies and procedures to ensure the smooth functioning of
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. My experience overseas has taught me that State Department
employees are out in the community and trying hard to learn about the
country they are serving in.
Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the public affairs teams in
Mission New Zealand and Mission Samoa to ensure we are reaching all of
the local populations to the best of our ability.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in New
Zealand? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. I understand there is a vibrant and active public diplomacy
environment in New Zealand. If confirmed, I would work to expand and
strengthen the relationship between the people and Government of the
United States and the citizens of New Zealand and Samoa. Some of the
successful programs Mission New Zealand has done include cultural and
sports programming, academic grants, educational exchanges, and
international visitor programs. I hope to continue science and
technology-related public diplomacy programs which focus on encouraging
youth, particularly women, to explore STEM fields, including space
industries. The COVID-19 pandemic has been a challenge for public
diplomacy programming, although many initiatives have continued by
shifting online or by changing logistics.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the team at Mission New
Zealand to understand and protect the Mission's crucial role in
formulating public diplomacy programs and responses. The staff of
Americans, New Zealanders, and Samoans based at the Embassy in
Wellington, the Consulate General in Auckland, and the Embassy in Apia,
Samoa, all provide expertise and local insight. If confirmed, I will
draw on that local expertise to ensure our public diplomacy messages
are appropriate for the local audience.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Tom Udall by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you assess New Zealand's relationship with China?
Answer. New Zealand is increasingly concerned about growing PRC
influence in the Pacific and has made clear that it will follow an
independent foreign policy that supports the rules-based international
order in the face of challenges to democracy, human rights, governance,
free markets, and the global common good. New Zealand's trade
relationship with China has not stopped its Government from speaking
out on matters of security and human rights.
Question. What are the implications for U.S. security and defense
cooperation from a growing relationship between New Zealand and China?
Answer. The United States and New Zealand are both committed to the
security, stability and prosperity of our shared neighborhood, as well
as strengthening democracy and democratic resilience across the Pacific
region. We continue to draw on New Zealand's depth of knowledge and
unique perspective on the South Pacific and look forward to greater
partnership in the North Pacific.
Both the United States and New Zealand have a clear national
interest in ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight, respect for
international law, unimpeded lawful commerce, and the peaceful
resolution of disputes. New Zealand's relationship with China, like
ours, can be expected to have aspects of competition and cooperation.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your message to the
Government of New Zealand regarding strategic competition with China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with New Zealand where
our mutual interests are being undermined by PRC actions, while
recognizing areas where cooperation with China is still possible. I
welcome New Zealand's public comments on regional security and the
South China Sea, including that all countries, big and small, need to
follow the rules of international conduct. I also welcome New Zealand's
public comments regarding human rights in the PRC including in Hong
Kong and Xinjiang.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator Robert Menendez
Cuba
Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor, what are some of the specific steps you would take
to advance democracy and human rights in Cuba?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues
its steadfast support and engagement with Cuban human rights defenders,
activists, and other civil society members to bolster their important
work; promote human rights, fundamental freedoms, and democracy; and
facilitate the free flow of information to the Cuban people, including
access to the internet. I will also support continued use of targeted
sanctions and other punitive measures that respond to human rights
violations. In addition, I will work closely with partners and allies--
in the region and beyond--to develop a coordinated, comprehensive, and
expanded approach to this support.
Question. What are the redlines, in your view, for the steps that
the D!az Canel regime must take before there should be any sort of
normalization with Cuba?
Answer. Before any sort of normalization with Cuba takes place,
there must be signs that the Diaz-Canel regime is adhering to long-
established benchmarks for democratic governance, respect for human
rights, and fundamental freedoms. This includes the release of
political prisoners, the freedom of movement, speech, and expression,
and an end to arbitrary detention.
Question. Will you commit to pushing back on unfair bias against
Israel from international human rights organizations?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to pushing back against unfair
and disproportionate bias against Israel across the international
system.
Question. There have been extensive efforts by many countries
including China, Saudi Arabia, Belarus and Russia, to engage in
assassinations, abductions, and other forms of violence against
nationals abroad, including human rights activists, dissidents, and
members of diaspora communities. Freedom House recently documented 608
cases of direct, physical transnational repression since 2014,
including assassinations, abductions, assaults, detentions, and
unlawful deportations. How should the United States respond to and
deter these activities?
Answer. Human rights abuses through transnational repression
activities are disturbing and must be taken seriously, and I understand
that the Biden administration is focusing additional attention and
resources to combatting the growing scourge of transnational
repression. If confirmed, this will be a top priority for me,
especially given the potential implications transnational repression
has here at home. I will endeavor to ensure that human rights
activists, journalists, political dissidents, former insiders, and
members of minority groups are able to exercise their human rights and
fundamental freedoms without fear of retribution, retaliation,
punishment, or harm from the governments of their home state and that
if they flee their home state they are adequately protected. To promote
accountability for government officials who engage in transnational
repression, I will ensure that combatting transnational repression
remains a high priority for DRL, and will work closely with interagency
partners, as well as congressional allies, to consider all available
tools to deter perpetrators, including financial sanctions and visa
restriction authorities such as the Khashoggi Ban, which the Department
announced in February to promote accountability for governments that
threaten and attack journalists and perceived dissidents overseas.
Question. In what ways should we work together with our partners
and allies to combat this sort of authoritarian reach and protect
threatened communities?
Answer. I take very seriously the growing threat of transnational
repression, as I understand the Biden administration does. If
confirmed, I will support and lead diplomatic engagement with like-
minded partners to deter, counter, and hold accountable perpetrators of
transnational repression. I support information-sharing between like-
minded partners to identify and build evidence against those
responsible for these attacks, to prevent transnational repression from
occurring, and to protect the individuals who are targeted. I will
coordinate diplomacy, messaging, and action such as sanctions, with our
partners and allies, to strengthen their impact and deterrent effect.
Publicly denouncing individuals involved in transnational repression,
as with other human rights abuses, can help deter them and others from
committing subsequent attacks.
Question. Please describe the Department's efforts to address
abuses and violations of the rights of people with disabilities.
Answer. I understand that the Department's disability rights
programs promote the rule of law and good governance by strengthening
the capacity of Disabled Persons Organizations (DPOs) to effectively
promote implementation and enforcement of national and local disability
rights laws. Currently, the Department's disability rights programming
is in 46 countries including: 7 countries in Africa, 11 countries in
East Asia and the Pacific, 4 countries in Europe and Eurasia, 8
countries in Near East Asia, 4 countries in South Central Asia, and 12
countries in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will be happy to
consult on these programs.
Question. How much funding does the Department provide to foreign
governments, foreign NGOs, and U.S. NGOs to promote and advance the
rights of people with disabilities?
Answer. I understand that DRL has approximately $15,500,000 in
active programming dollars focused on disability rights programming in
46 countries.
Question. How does the DRL bureau engage with other parts of the
Department and the broader interagency to prioritize support for people
with disabilities in U.S. foreign policy, including in bilateral
engagements?
Answer. I understand that DRL promotes the full inclusion of
persons with disabilities by providing capacity building training,
resources, and technical assistance to Department personnel and
collaborating with regional and functional bureaus and the interagency
to achieve policy objectives that promote inclusion and expand
disability rights. Further, I understand that DRL works with federal
agencies to support bilateral policy engagements on employment,
inclusive education, accessibility, and independent living.
Question. Describe the Department's efforts to support human rights
defenders, both in terms of support to their work and support to
provide them with safety and protection when threatened. Please be
specific. How does the Department currently define a human rights
defender?
Answer. I understand the Department defines a human rights defender
(HRD) as an individual, working alone or in groups, who non-violently
advocates for the promotion and protection of universally recognized
human rights and fundamental freedoms. I understand the Department
supports HRDs through a variety of diplomatic tools, including by
engaging with the U.N. and its special rapporteurs to address specific
threats against human rights defenders; developing policies to reduce
violence against human rights defenders; working across the interagency
to strengthen policies and practices related to protecting human rights
defenders; and conducting foreign assistance programs. More
specifically, I understand DRL has developed programming to provide
HRDs with flexible, short-term, emergency financial support that gives
them the real-time assistance they need to increase their safety and
continue their critical work. I understand short-term emergency grants
include support for: medical expenses, legal representation, prison
visits, trial monitoring, temporary relocation, security, equipment
replacement, daily living necessities, and dependent support. Since the
inception of impact reporting, I understand 97 percent of respondents
stated that the assistance received has had a positive impact on their
safety or reduced the threat they faced and 80 percent of respondents
have been able to continue their human rights work in some way.
Question. Please describe the role played by the DRL bureau in the
planning for the December Summit for Democracy.
Answer. The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor serves as
the subject matter experts within the Department. Given the scope of
the Summit shared to date, I am confident that DRL has been involved in
providing technical expertise in anti-corruption, human rights,
countering authoritarianism, supporting marginalized populations, and
engaging international organizations and civil society. DRL is also
skilled in planning and hosting large events including the Community of
Democracies Governing Council Ministerial in 2017. If confirmed, I will
also engage in Summit planning and implementation.
Question. What influence does the DRL bureau have on the invitees
to and the agenda of the Summit?
Answer. I understand that both established and emerging democracies
will be invited to participate in the Summit. I have not seen the
invitation list nor the agenda and am not involved in internal
administration deliberations. Therefore, I cannot provide specifics
about them, but believe DRL has played an important role in providing
input and more generally that this is an important opportunity for the
Biden administration to shore up not only its support for global
democracy but its own commitments to democracy as well. If confirmed, I
will engage on both the agenda and the proposed invitees.
Question. What criteria or process is being used to determine which
countries which will receive invites, and which countries will not?
Answer. It is my understanding that since this is a Presidential
Summit, the White House will make the final determination on which
countries will receive an invitation. I understand the Summit will
include both established and emerging democracies and presume
geographic diversity and country context may have also been factors in
the invitation list. In my view, the Summit would benefit from the
diversity of perspectives and voices discussing both democratic
achievements and challenges and hearing directly from organizations and
individuals who work on democracy and understand how best to secure
some of the core institutional components of a democracy in today's
world.
Question. How do you think the U.S. arms transfer process should
change to better incorporate human rights and civilian harm concerns,
and what changes would you advocate for as Assistant Secretary?
Answer. I understand the administration is already working to
develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms
transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy
priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the
center of foreign policy. While I understand human rights and civilian
harm concerns are one of several factors taken into account in the arms
transfer process, together with the implications of such sales for U.S.
and regional security, bilateral relations, and U.S. commercial
interests, if confirmed I will make sure DRL is at the right decision-
making tables to ensure human rights concerns are incorporated into the
process early on and given adequate weight. In addition, I will
coordinate closely with the Political-Military (P/M) and regional
bureaus to ensure they are seeing the same information and analysis
that we see. If confirmed, I will ensure that the arms sales process
gives appropriate weight to any human rights and civilian harm
concerns.
Question. Do you agree that the U.S. Government should refrain from
exporting arms to fragile states or countries at risk of atrocities?
Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
advances our national security interests. Our most valued, dependable,
and effective partner governments and security forces around the world
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to
create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
through diplomacy, measured assistance, frequent and ongoing
cooperation, and carefully considered arms exports. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure our arms export policies uphold and support U.S.
laws on global fragility and atrocity prevention.
Question. Under Erdogan, Turkey is neither a reliable NATO ally nor
a democracy. Turkey is among the top jailers of journalists and lawyers
in the world, which is unacceptable for a NATO member. The Government
of Turkey has slapped arbitrary restrictions on the Orthodox Church and
Orthodox community, Turkey's Kurds, and other minority groups. We must
be clear-eyed about Erdogan and the autocratic path he is taking, and
we must stand with the Turkish people as they work to change that. What
is the best way to support civil society and counter Erdogan's
aggressive push for power?
Answer. I share your concerns about measures employed by the
Government that negatively impact civil society and other voices
critical of the Government in Turkey. I am deeply troubled by the
pattern of punitive actions by Turkish officials targeting those whose
views differ from those of the Government. Turkey has been an important
NATO Ally for nearly 70 years and addressing democratic backsliding is
critical to our alliance. If confirmed, I would call for the immediate
release of Osman Kavala, who remains incarcerated on specious charges
despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling calling for his
immediate release, and will work to coordinate with U.S. allies,
particularly in the EU, on this issue. I would also urge Department
action to underscore for the Turkish Government the fundamental
importance of the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and
association in democracies. I would urge the Turkish Government to
revise laws that restrict freedom of expression and other essential
freedoms guaranteed by Turkey's constitution. I would also urge the
Department and the embassy to regularly engage with Turkish civil
society, hear their concerns, and amplify their voices.
Question. The situation in Tigray and across Ethiopia is bleak.
U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, released a
statement, in which she deplored ``multiple and severe reports of
alleged gross violations of human rights, humanitarian and refugee
law'' committed by all parties to the conflict in Tigray. Violations
included extrajudicial killings, torture, sexual violence, rape, and
racially-targeted killings. President Biden recently signed an
executive order threatening sweeping new sanctions against all parties
if serious negotiations do not start, attacks on civilians continue,
and if humanitarian access remains blocked.
While this is a welcome step, what more can the United States do to
ensure that gross human rights violations cease in Ethiopia and that
all parties are held accountable for mass atrocities committed over
these past eleven months?
Answer. It is imperative that the United States continue to use
every available tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in
northern Ethiopia and cease all gross violations of human rights. These
tools include the newly-signed Executive Order; a visa restriction
policy targeting those responsible for, or complicit in, undermining
resolution of the crisis; foreign assistance restrictions; defense
trade controls; multilateral development bank lending; and certain
trade benefits.
The United States must continue to marshal its diplomatic resources
to press for a negotiated ceasefire; full and unhindered humanitarian
access; protection of civilians; the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from
Ethiopia; a withdrawal of the Tigray People's Liberation Front and
Amhara regional forces to their home regions prior to the military
conflict; and a political settlement of the crisis. The United States
also must continue to press our concerns with like-minded partners,
regional governments, the African Union, eminent African voices, and
the U.N. Security Council and engage independent actors--including
Ethiopian civil society--in the process. If confirmed as Assistant
Secretary, I would work steadfastly to resolve the human rights crisis
in Ethiopia through these and other means.
I also believe that U.S. efforts must remain focused on ensuring
that all those who are responsible for atrocities, violations of
international humanitarian law, and human rights abuses in Ethiopia are
held accountable in transparent processes. To that end, if confirmed as
Assistant Secretary, I would make sure that DRL continues to support
independent, international investigations of human rights violations
and abuses and atrocities as part of a broader strategy to advance
transitional justice efforts in Ethiopia.
Question. During the 2020 Armenia-Azerbaijan war, according to
human rights organizations, the Azeri military deliberately targeted
civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh with cluster munitions and committed
extrajudicial executions, including decapitations, as well as beatings
of prisoners of war. The State Department's 2020 Country Report on
Human Rights for Azerbaijan documented these and other gross human
rights violations by the Azeri military. How will you lead State
Department efforts to hold Azerbaijan accountable? Why does the
administration continue to provide an exemption waiver for Section 907
of the FREEDOM Support Act, further incentivizing this conduct?
Answer. The 2020 Country Reports on Human Rights for Azerbaijan and
Armenia both detail credible reports of unlawful killings involving
summary executions of detained combatants and civilians, and civilian
casualties during the 44 days of intensive fighting last fall. The
Biden-Harris administration is deeply committed to fostering respect
for human rights. I understand that the administration has been urging
both sides to investigate any and all allegations of human rights
abuses or violations of international humanitarian law and bring to
justice those responsible, and, if confirmed, I would press for
accountability for such abuses. I also understand that administration
officials have been urging both sides to return all remaining
detainees--an area of work I would also take up, if confirmed, should
it remain unresolved.
U.S. assistance to the Government of Azerbaijan is provided
consistent with Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act and related
provisions of U.S. law. Assistance provided to the Government of
Azerbaijan that does not fall under a statutory exemption is contingent
upon a presidential waiver certifying that such assistance is a)
necessary to support U.S. efforts to counter international terrorism,
or b) is necessary to support the operational readiness of U.S. Armed
Forces or coalition partners to counter international terrorism, or c)
is important to Azerbaijan's border security, and d) will not undermine
or hamper ongoing efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement between
Armenia and Azerbaijan or be used for offensive purposes against
Armenia. The aforementioned waiver authority comes with reporting and
consultation requirements to help ensure that Congress is fully
informed with respect to assistance for the Government of Azerbaijan.
Additionally, all units receiving U.S. security assistance continue to
go through the Leahy vetting process. If confirmed, I would strongly
support the Leahy vetting process, which DRL is responsible for
managing.
Question. In the past year, the Lukashenka regime has detained
thousands of protesters, torturing hundreds, jailed political
opponents, banned and shut down media organizations, and persecuted its
people both at home and abroad. The regime is weaponizing migrants by
forcing them at gunpoint to cross illegally into Poland, Latvia, and
Lithuania. How can the United States partner with countries like
Lithuania and others on the front lines of democracy to support the
democratic opposition in Belarus?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen U.S. support for
the pro-democracy movement in Belarus and promote accountability for
the regime's abuses. As such, I will press for additional sanctions to
promote accountability for those responsible for human rights abuses,
undermining democracy in Belarus, and for supporting the Lukashenka
regime. Similarly, I hope to continue U.S. support for international
mechanisms designed to document the regime's abuses, including the
International Accountability Platform for Belarus (IAPB) and U.N. fact-
finding mission. If confirmed, I seek to increase U.S. support for
Belarusian civil society, independent media, and exiles fleeing
repression. Lastly, I hope to increase cooperation with likeminded
countries in the context of the Summit for Democracy, including
Lithuania, which has done remarkable work to provide a safe haven for
the Belarusian opposition, civil society, journalists, and ordinary
citizens fleeing the Lukashenka regime's repression. Lithuania
continues to demonstrate its strong commitment to democratic values,
and we look forward to collaborating with them and others to safeguard
and advance democracy globally.
Question. Earlier this month, Russian occupation authorities in
Crimea detained more than 50 Crimean Tatars, reportedly beating them
and questioning them without lawyers present. Arbitrary arrests, forced
disappearances, and torture of Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians
have been a recurring feature of Russian occupation, with many
residents being persecuted on religious grounds. An estimated 30,000
Tatars have fled from the region. How can the State Department work
with the international community to hold Russian authorities
accountable for their crimes in occupied Crimea?
Answer. I am appalled by the egregious abuses Russia carries out in
occupied Crimea and its targeting of Crimean Tatars, ethnic Ukrainians,
and other religious and ethnic minorities for intimidation, harassment,
and repression. Such abuses must cease immediately and perpetrators
must be held to account. If confirmed, I will lead the U.S. Government
in playing an active role in the newly launched Crimea Platform to
increase the spotlight on Russia's occupation of Crimea, hold Russian
occupation authorities to account for their human rights abuses on the
peninsula, and implement policy that increases the costs to Russia for
their continued occupation. Crimea is Ukraine. I would also focus on
securing releases for political prisoners and documenting human rights
abuses so that perpetrators can be held to account.
Question. Hungary, Poland, and other nominal democracies in Europe
continue to backslide on democracy and human rights. These countries
have undermined the independence of their judiciaries. In addition,
Hungary has outlawed gender transition and gay adoption, and banned
LGBTQ content from television and in schools. Poland has created `LGBT-
free'' zones in almost 100 Polish regions, town and cities. How can the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor work with NATO partners
like Hungary and Poland to meet not only their defense commitments to
the alliance, but their commitments on values like individual liberty,
human rights, democracy, and the rule of law?
Answer. I share the concerns expressed by the Biden-Harris
administration and members of Congress regarding the undermining of
democratic institutions in Poland and Hungary. Being a member of NATO
includes commitments to Transatlantic values, not only security. If
confirmed, I would engage with governments, civil society, the private
sector, and core European allies to support strengthening Poland and
Hungary's democratic institutions and urge transparency and respect for
the rule of law. I would work with partners in the European Union to
encourage the EU and member states to amplify U.S. messages through
complementary statements and action. Additionally, I would look for
opportunities to use available tools, including the Global Magnitsky
sanctions passed by the Congress, when there is sufficient credible
information that a particular politician has engaged in corruption or
serious human rights abuses. I am troubled by the rise in anti-LGBTQI+
rhetoric and legislation in recent years in both countries. If
confirmed, I would work with the Special Envoy to Advance the Rights of
LGBTQI+ Persons to raise awareness of this challenge and determine the
best way to respond to discriminatory laws and policies and intolerant
rhetoric while engaging local communities and/or organizations and
maintaining the safety and security of LGBTQI+ persons.
Question. The UK's Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis
introduced a proposal in July that would create a statute of
limitations on all crimes committed during the Troubles prior to April
1998. The proposal is not supported by a single political party in
Northern Ireland, signaling cross-community opposition, and its
incompatibility with the intent undergirding the Good Friday Agreement.
1,000 civil cases seeking justice and resolution for crimes during the
Troubles are currently pending in the High Court in Belfast, indicating
a continued desire to address legacy issues in the courts. What
leverage can the United States exert on the United Kingdom to ensure
that it protects the Good Friday Agreement, and respects the
intertwined questions of legacy and reconciliation?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to protecting the gains of the
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement as the bedrock of peace, stability, and
prosperity in Northern Ireland. Constructive engagement with all
affected parties is critical, and I will continue to urge the parties
to negotiate within existing mechanisms when differences arise. I will
encourage a focus on solutions that promote peace and stability in
Northern Ireland and help victims move forward.
Question. As of August, The Memorial Human Rights Center in Moscow
recognized 329 Russian political prisoners that were imprisoned in
connection with their right to freedom of religion. This list includes
87 Jehovah's Witnesses. Memorial identifies another 81 political
prisoners for non-religious reasons, including those on the front lines
of democracy in Russia like opposition leader Alexey Navalny and his
supporters. How will you use your role as Assistant Secretary to
pressure the Russian Government to release those unjustly imprisoned by
the Putin regime?
Answer. I share your concern about the growing number of political
prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Russia, one of the many
manifestations of the Kremlin's deepening repression. If confirmed, I
will ensure that the Department continues to call for the release of
political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in public statements
and in multilateral fora. I will work with likeminded governments and
civil society organizations to raise awareness of their cases and
demonstrate solidarity with their families, friends, and colleagues. I
will also use all available tools to promote accountability for those
officials responsible for their wrongful imprisonment and work with
other allies to ensure they're doing the same.
Question. In September, on the eve of the Russian elections, the
Russian Government accused Google and Apple of supporting extremism
under the Russian extremism law for hosting apps critical to informing
Russians of candidates associated with Alexei Navalny's democracy
movement. How will you work to address the increasing media repression
in Russia, where the internet seems to be the last outpost for freedom
of expression? How will you engage U.S. tech companies on their
policies and practices with regard to authoritarian regimes like
Putin's?
Answer. I share your concern about the stark erosion of media
freedom in Russia, including increasing restrictions on Internet
Freedom. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Department continues to
promote the courageous work of Russia's independent media, civil
society organizations, and democratic elements of society, and call out
and hold accountable the Russian Government for its repressive actions.
More broadly, concerns around the use of technology to undergird
authoritarian tendencies are only accelerating. While the United States
needs to continue promote connectivity to an open, interoperable,
reliable, and secure internet where the rights that all persons have
offline are also protected online, including freedom of expression,
there is also much work to be done engaging a wide range of
stakeholders, including other governments and tech companies, to
advocate for implementation of human rights principles in the tech
space. But additionally, if confirmed, I will work across the
Department to help build a collective and strategic approach to
combatting digital authoritarianism that ensures public-private
partnerships and any potential regulation are rooted in the promotion
and protection of basic rights and the core principles of democratic
governance.
Question. Locally-employed U.S. Embassy and Consulate staff remain
in prison following the Government's purges in 2016. In June 2020, one
translator employed by the U.S. Consulate was sentenced to more than 8
years in prison. Will you prioritize getting these staff out once
confirmed?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the ongoing prosecutions of U.S
locally employed staff in Turkey based on unsubstantiated charges
related to their official duties. If confirmed, I would strongly
support continued Department efforts to secure the immediate release of
Metin Topuz from prison and press Turkey to terminate any judicial
controls or prosecutions targeting Mete Canturk and Hamza Ulucay,
including movement restrictions.
Question. In June 2021, the Turkish Constitutional Court agreed to
hear a case seeking to ban the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), the
country's third largest political party and a strong proponent for
ethnic Kurdish rights. The campaign follows years of replacing
democratically-elected HDP mayors with so-called ``trustees'' appointed
by the Government. The State Department reported in its 2020 Country
Report on Human Rights for Turkey that ``the Government suspended 81
percent of HDP mayors elected in the March 2019 municipal elections,
suspending 16 mayors in 2020 alone.'' What do you intend to do about
this democratic backslide in Turkey, especially ahead of potential snap
elections? How will your bureau ensure ethnic minority rights and
political representation are protected in Turkey?
Answer. I share your concerns about democratic backsliding, erosion
of rule of law, and the repressive tactics employed by the Turkish
Government. If confirmed, I would urge Department action to make clear
to the Turkish Government the importance of political pluralism.
Banning the country's second largest opposition party would unduly
subvert the will of Turkish voters, further undermine democracy in
Turkey, and deny potentially millions of Turkish citizens their elected
representation. If confirmed, I would urge the Government to abandon
efforts to dissolve the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and impose
political bans on hundreds of HDP members. I would also call upon the
Turkish authorities to investigate and hold accountable perpetrators of
violence against HDP members. I would also support efforts to ensure
all parties in Turkey are able to campaign freely and on a level
playing field. I would also seek to work closely with like-minded
governments and consider engaging private sector companies that might
also have an interest in advancing rule of law issues to the benefit of
all Turkish citizens.
Question. How is State measuring Bangladesh's progress on labor
rights in the aftermath of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster? Is the
administration considering restoration of Dhaka's access to the
Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)? Under what circumstances or
conditions would it do so?
Answer. I understand that since the horrific building collapse at
Rana Plaza in 2013, the United States Government has worked with
partners across the international community, major industries, and
Bangladeshi authorities to advocate for and enable improvements in
factory safety, which included the establishment of new agreements by
major international brands to enforce safety standards across
factories. While these changes are encouraging, much more needs to be
done to institutionalize safety standards across Bangladesh's major
industries, as evidenced by the tragic fire at a juice factory in July
2021. The Department of State works closely with the U.S. Trade
Representative (USTR) and the Department of Labor to monitor
Bangladesh's progress to meet internationally recognized labor rights,
especially workplace safety, freedom of association, and collective
bargaining. I commit, if confirmed, to upholding the USTR's position
that if Congress reauthorizes GSP, restoring Bangladesh's GSP benefits
must be contingent upon strengthening labor rights and workplace
safety, as well as improving the overall business and civil society
operational environment.
Question. Extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion
(RAB) have reportedly spiked since the Government of Bangladesh began
its `war on drugs' in the months ahead of the December 2018 elections.
Do you support imposing sanctions on senior commanders of Bangladesh's
Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has reportedly conducted more than
400 extrajudicial killings since 2015?
Answer. I share the Biden-Harris administration's deep concern
regarding reports of extrajudicial killings in Bangladesh and urge the
Government to thoroughly and transparently investigate and hold
perpetrators accountable. I believe the United States Government must
continue to press the Bangladeshi Government to uphold its commitments
to human rights and the rule of law. If confirmed, I will seek to
utilize available tools to promote accountability, including, as
applicable, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the
Department of the Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions
program, in a targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals.
Question. There have been nearly 600 forced disappearances of
activists, opposition members, and government critics since Prime
Minister Hasina took office in 2009, as documented in Human Rights
Watch's August 2021 report. How will you address this issue?
Answer. I understand the Department of State has repeatedly
emphasized its concern over reports of enforced disappearances and have
urged the Government to hold perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I
will maintain this approach in bilateral meetings, multilateral
exchanges, and coordinate with like-minded partners to stop these
abusive practices and protect human rights in Bangladesh. If confirmed,
I will explore the use of available tools to promote accountability and
deter further violations and abuses.
Question. Rights groups have detailed increased abuse of Tamil
political prisoners--including beatings, burnings, suffocations, sexual
assaults--since Gotabaya Rajapaksa became president in 2019. What
consequences should there be to hold those responsible accountable?
Answer. Such allegations of abuse and gross violations of human
rights are disturbing and must be taken seriously. If confirmed, I will
work to promote the protection of human rights for all in Sri Lanka,
including, but not limited to, members of ethnic and religious minority
groups, women and girls, LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with
disabilities. For reconciliation to take place, members of the Tamil
and other ethnic communities can no longer suffer from systematic
discrimination and targeted treatment such as monitoring, harassment,
and abuse by security forces. If confirmed, I will utilize all
available tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable,
Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the
Treasury to consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a
targeted manner, to advance our human rights goals. I will also
advocate that Sri Lanka amend its Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)--
legislation that denies due process and is used disproportionately to
crack down on members of Tamil and Muslim minority communities. If
confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment to promote
justice, accountability, and reconciliation measures in support of all
people in Sri Lanka.
Question. In January 2021, Michelle Bachelet pushed for targeted
sanctions on Sri Lankan military commanders implicated in war crimes
committed during the civil war, including the current army chief and in
March, the Human Rights Council passed resolution 46/1 promoting
accountability in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, recently policies and actions
indicate that the Government's commitment rule of law, judicial
processes, and democracy are weak. How will you work to hold
accountable those who perpetrated atrocities during the war and since,
including current Sri Lankan officials and, if possible, forestall
further deterioration in Sri Lankan democracy?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the backsliding of democratic
governance and human rights in Sri Lanka, especially pertaining to
justice for victims, civil society, rule of law, human rights
defenders, and religious freedom. The United States' co-sponsorship of
Human Rights Council resolution 46/1 is a testament to our Government's
commitment to promoting democratic values, human rights for all, and
accountability measures. If confirmed, I will utilize all available
tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable, Section
7031(c) visa restrictions and/or with the Department of the Treasury to
consider the Global Magnitsky sanctions program, in a targeted manner,
to advance our human rights goals. I will also urge my Sri Lankan
counterparts, at the highest levels, to follow through on
recommendations of the United Nations and Sri Lanka's robust civil
society to make progress on justice, accountability, and reconciliation
objectives. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's commitment
to promote democratic values, respect for human rights, justice, and
accountability measures in support of the people of Sri Lanka.
Question. The five countries of Central Asia--despite progress in
some--regularly confine human rights defenders, political opposition
figures, outspoken minority members, and others to lengthy detention
without trial or following conviction for trumped-up charges. What will
you do to ensure that our diplomacy with these countries continues to
advocate for these unlawfully detained prisoners?
Answer. Countries are stronger when they enshrine and respect the
rights to peaceful protest and freedom of expression. Despite
advancement in some Central Asian countries, many challenges remain on
these issues, including meaningful democratic reform. If confirmed, I
will urge these issues be a priority for our diplomacy in Central Asia.
I will stress the long-term benefit in strengthening protection of
human rights. I am particularly concerned about the criminalization of
non-violent political speech and the detention of political prisoners,
but also concerned by an uptick in restrictions on freedom of
expression and politically motivated detentions in the run up to
upcoming elections in the region. If confirmed, I will directly engage
on specific cases, broader systematic concerns regarding political
prisoners, and the need to protect dissenting voices.
Question. Democratic progress in Central Asia is always uncertain.
Some countries may be trending in the right direction now, but we know
that this could change. What can the U.S. do to shore up human rights
in the region amidst our competing priorities with regard to China,
Russia, and Afghanistan?
Answer. Thirty years after their independence, some Central Asian
countries have made considerable progress in human rights reforms;
however, significant challenges in the region remain. Addressing these
shortcomings by promoting democracy and human rights in Central Asia is
central to our regional efforts to reassert core values and advance
respect for human rights, especially for women, girls, and minority
groups, as a cornerstone of our foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
support and reinforce ongoing reforms while pressing governments to
take necessary steps to create genuinely pluralistic political systems
that uphold human rights for all, including women, members of religious
and ethnic minority groups, LGBTQI+ persons, persons with disabilities,
and opposition members. I will press governments to secure fundamental
freedoms and expand space for civil society--including organizations
that work on resource transparency and accountability--by amending
problematic laws, easing excessive and burdensome administrative
requirements, and enhancing trust between the Government and
independent civil society. U.S. support is vital for democratic
progress to continue in Central Asia.
Question. Minority groups in Pakistan are under duress. Members of
the Ahmadi Muslim community are frequently accused of, prosecuted for,
and murdered on the basis of their identity or the belief that they
have committed blasphemy or apostasy. Furthermore, the Pakistani
Government has successfully pressured U.S. based technology companies
to remove web-based content and apps provided by the Ahmadi community
to its members. How will you lead State Department efforts to the State
Department to address the dire human rights situation there for
millions of minorities? What tactics will you employ to ensure that the
internet in Pakistan remains free of malicious government control for
these same persons?
Answer. I am very concerned about Pakistan's continued enforcement
of blasphemy laws, which are inconsistent with international human
rights law. Several dozen people are currently serving life
imprisonment or are on death row for blasphemy.
I am also deeply concerned by the targeted killings of individuals
accused of blasphemy and members of Pakistan's Ahmadiyya Muslim
community, spurred in part by discriminatory anti-Ahmadi laws. A recent
example of such violence was the assassination of Tahir Naseem, an
Ahmadi and U.S. citizen who was murdered by a violent extremist in open
court while on trial in Peshawar for blasphemy in July 2020.
If confirmed, I will advocate for the human rights of all
individuals irrespective of their religion or beliefs. I will advocate
for everyone to have the opportunity to live freely from harassment or
threat of violence and to practice the religion of their choice. I will
work with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom
and the Office of International Religious Freedom to engage technology
companies, to highlight the human rights costs of enabling these abuses
by governments, and to help empower civil society groups, including
religious actors, advocating against the use and abuse of blasphemy
laws. If confirmed, I will join my colleagues across the U.S.
Government actively supporting freedom of expression online and offline
and working to remove obstacles facing members of minority groups
around the world.
Question. I have concerns about the persecution of minorities in
India, the re-categorization of Muslim citizens as stateless persons
under the Citizenship Amendment Act. What will you do to ensure that
Indian democracy and its diverse population remain a centerpiece of our
diplomacy with India?
Answer. I share your concerns and believe strongly in the
importance of Indian democracy serving as a model for the region. If
confirmed, I would advocate the United States Government continue to
place human rights and democratic principles at the heart of our
diplomacy with India, including an open, inclusive civil society, and
respect for human rights, including the freedoms of religion or belief,
expression, peaceful assembly, and association. If confirmed, I will
urge Indian officials to protect and respect the right to practice
one's religion or belief, the right to peaceful assembly, and freedom
of expression for all, on and offline, in keeping with India's
constitution and democratic values.
Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led
democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's
Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of
genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence
against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's
decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide,
such determination is long overdue.
How can the United States work to promote accountability for the
military's gross abuses and atrocities? When will the administration
announce whether the Tatmadaw and/or the Burmese regime committed
genocide against the Rohingya people?
Answer. I am appalled by the atrocities that the Burmese military
continues to commit against the people of Burma, which underscores the
urgency of promoting accountability for perpetrators of atrocities and
other human rights violations and abuses. I understand that the
administration is taking action, alongside our allies and partners, to
promote justice for victims and accountability for those responsible,
including by supporting the U.N. Independent Investigative Mechanism
for Myanmar, providing assistance to Burmese civil society actors
seeking justice, and implementing sanctions on those responsible for
these horrific abuses. The Secretary has committed to reviewing whether
the atrocities committed against Rohingya constitute specific atrocity
crimes. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary in reaching a
decision and to making sure our commitments on accountability are
implemented with both the spirit and the letter of the law.
Question. After a decade of work to establish a civilian-led
democratic government, the Tatmadaw tragically overthrew Burma's
Government. The same leaders now running the country are guilty of
genocide against the Rohingya and of a sustained campaign of violence
against Burma's ethnic minorities. While I welcome Secretary Blinken's
decision to review the atrocities and make a determination on genocide,
such determination is long overdue.
How can the United States continue to support democracy and human
rights in Burma and halt the horrific reversal of progress there?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing our longstanding
support for democracy and promotion of respect for human rights in
Burma, which is vital in the face of the military coup d'etat and
continued deterioration of civilian security and human rights across
the country. I would continue to support Burma's pro-democracy movement
and provide humanitarian assistance on the basis of need, including to
ethnic and religious minority communities as appropriate, and to
regularly meet with members of Burma's civil society. Ensuring their
voices are heard as part of the roadmap for Burma's democracy is an
essential part of its legitimacy and so if confirmed I would urge that
the U.S. remain steadfast in our support for the people of Burma.
Additionally, I would encourage strong diplomatic engagement and
cooperation with our likeminded and regional partners, including in
international organizations, to deny the military regime international
credibility and press the regime to reverse course. If confirmed, I
will support continued efforts to pursue targeted sanctions and other
actions to deny the military financial resources and promote
accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ms. Sarah Margon by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What would you do to bolster and reiterate the U.S.
Government's commitment to protect and advocate for those on the
frontlines, including civil society organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to bolster protections for the
human rights and fundamental freedoms of all people--including women,
youth, and members of historically marginalized groups--so that they
may shape the laws, policies, and political processes that affect their
lives. To do so, I will support the utilization of a wide array of
tools to achieve this goal, including bilateral and multilateral
diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; and foreign
assistance to civil society, including rapid response programs to
support journalists, activists, and human rights defenders under threat
for their work. I will also make sure to seek out the views of civil
society groups and activists, meet them when I travel, help ensure they
are able to participate in multilateral fora, and take all steps to
ensure their concerns are central to our consideration on larger U.S.
policy decisions.
Question. How would you direct the State Department to enhance the
protections globally governing freedom of expression and press?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive
branch agencies, and Congress to bolster efforts to promote the ability
of people everywhere to exercise their right to freedom of expression--
online and offline--free from harassment, intimidation, and violence.
This includes through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy; public
messaging; accountability tools; multi-stakeholder initiatives such as
the Media Freedom Coalition, the Freedom Online Coalition, and the
President's upcoming Summit for Democracy; and foreign assistance to
civil society, including rapid response programs to support activists,
human rights defenders, and journalists under threat.
Question. How will you prioritize a ``whole-of-government''
approach to human rights policy and its application in regional and
functional diplomatic relationships?
Answer. The diplomatic work of the United States encompasses all
the work of all applicable federal agencies and tools. If confirmed I
will consult broadly with federal agencies and within the Department to
ensure that U.S. policy on human rights and fundamental freedoms is a
significant component of decision-making. If confirmed, my job will be
to use resources and information to ensure policy making adequately
reflects core human rights and democracy standards. It means ensuring
DRL is at the table, participating actively in interagency debates and
decision making. It also means making sure DRL is viewed across the
foreign service as career enhancing and a net positive in career
development so there is interest, engagement, and an understanding of
why our work matters. This cross-Bureau and interagency work is a high
priority and essential to effective diplomacy.
Question. There is serious concern about the state of press freedom
around the world. If confirmed, what actions will you take to curb
suppression of press freedom and support independent journalists around
the world?
Answer. I share the concern that press freedom is threatened
globally. If confirmed, I will direct the Bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor to work with other parts of the Department, executive
branch agencies, and Congress to promote the ability of journalists
everywhere to do their work--online and offline--free from harassment,
intimidation, and violence. This includes through bilateral and
multilateral diplomacy; public messaging; accountability tools; multi-
stakeholder initiatives such as the Media Freedom Coalition, the
Freedom Online Coalition, and the President's upcoming Summit for
Democracy; and foreign assistance to civil society, including rapid
response programs to support journalists under threat and training and
capacity building programs to bolster the safety of independent
journalists globally. If confirmed I'll also look at new ways to
partner in support of press freedom and to do so with allies around the
globe--whether other governments, philanthropic groups, or the private
sector.
Question. Everyone should be able to practice their faith however
they choose, including in places like China, India, and Uzbekistan. How
does international religious freedom factor into your priorities?
Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have made clear that
the United States prioritizes respect for human rights, including
freedom of religion or belief, as a key foreign policy objective. Human
rights are universal--no matter where someone is born, what they
believe, how they identify, or whom they love, they are entitled to the
enjoyment of these rights. Human rights are also co-equal,
interrelated, and interdependent. All people should be able to organize
their lives in accordance with their conscience, free from violence,
abuse, and discrimination. If confirmed, I intend to work alongside the
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and with our
embassies and consulates around the world, to deploy the full range of
diplomatic tools--both positive and punitive--to encourage governments
to respect their international obligations and commitments to protect
freedom of religion or belief.
Question. What do you believe is the U.S. Government role in
advocating on behalf of religious minorities?
Answer. I believe the U.S. Government must be committed to
advancing religious freedom internationally, including the protection
of members of religious minority groups, across the globe. As a part of
those efforts, we must demonstrate solidarity with those struggling to
secure their rights and provide foreign assistance to build the
capacity of local organizations to effectively advocate for themselves.
We must assist victims of abuses through direct advocacy with foreign
governments and other forms of emergency assistance, including working
to free individuals imprisoned for their beliefs. It is also imperative
that we engage in bilateral diplomacy to encourage governments to bring
their laws and policies into alignment with their obligations and
commitments to promote respect religious freedom, including ensuring
protection for members of religious minority groups. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with the Office of International Religious
Freedom and its appointed Ambassador at Large on these issues.
Question. Would you describe the U.N. Human Rights Council as a
deeply flawed body? Why or why not?
Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) does have flaws,
including in particular the Council's problematic membership and its
disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to
ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as
possible. When the United States has a seat at the table, it has been
able to advocate on Israel's behalf, resulting in changes like a
reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, a clear
benchmark for U.S. leadership, and has stood up to more problematic
members with notable records of abuse. When the United States plays an
active and constructive role on the Council, it has been able to engage
with our allies and partners to keep some of the countries with the
worst human rights records off the Council and encourage countries with
better records to run for seats.
Question. Can you please explain in detail how the Biden
administration plans to reform the U.N. Human Rights Council?
Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
disproportionate focus on Israel and the Council's problematic
membership. When the U.S. has had a seat at the table, it has been able
to advocate on Israel's behalf, and has seen changes like a reduction
in the number of resolutions targeting Israel, one benchmark I will use
for our leadership. I have not been part of these conversations, but I
understand it is a priority for the administration--and certainly one
for me, if confirmed. As part of that effort, I will prioritize working
closely with U.S. friends, allies, and long-time HRC experts in civil
society to address the Council's problematic membership record and its
anti-Israel bias. I will engage regularly with the Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights on a wide range of issues and also make
clear U.S. opposition to problematic anti-Israel mandates.
When the United States plays an active and constructive role on the
Council, it has been able to engage with our allies and partners to
keep off some of the countries with the worst human rights records and
to encourage and support countries with better records to run for
seats.
Question. Do you believe that human rights should be a permanent
agenda item for the U.N. Security Council?
Answer. Human rights are woven into the agenda items for the U.N.
Security Council in its work to maintain international peace and
security. Peace and security are intrinsically linked to respect for
and support of human rights. The U.N. Human Rights Council, to which
the United States is running for an elected seat, is the premier U.N.
body focused on human rights issues. I look forward to utilizing that
platform to advance human rights, if confirmed.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. That said, human rights are
woven into the agenda items for the U.N. Security Council in its work
to maintain international peace and security. Peace and security are
completely linked to respect for human rights. The U.N. Human Rights
Council, to which the United States secured an elected seat, is the
premier U.N. body focused on human rights issues. If confirmed, I look
forward to utilizing that as well as other multilateral platforms to
advance human rights.
Question. Do you support U.N. Security Council Resolution 2334?
Answer. I am committed to achieving a comprehensive and lasting
peace between the Israelis and Palestinians and to supporting dignity,
equal protection under the law, and fundamental freedoms for all. For
as long as Israel has been a member of the United Nations, Israel has
been treated differently from other nations at the United Nations. Such
unequal treatment not only unfairly singles out Israel, it undermines
the legitimacy of the United Nations itself.
If confirmed, I will uphold President Biden's strong commitment to
Israel and its security. This includes opposing efforts to unfairly
single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions,
reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the
Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and
other bodies. I will also continue to oppose any unilateral provocative
actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects
for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states.
I understand the United States will block any resolution that we
believe may undermine Israel's security or seek to impose a resolution
to the conflict.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will oppose, as
I understand the administration does already, efforts to unfairly
single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions,
reports, and other actions across the United Nations, including the
Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council, and
other bodies. Equally, I will firmly oppose any unilateral provocative
actions that risk sparking more violence and that undermine prospects
for a just, durable resolution of the conflict between Palestinians and
Israelis, which ultimately requires two states. I will work to preserve
the path to a two-state solution as the best way to ensure Israel's
future as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians
the state they seek. I will also continue and sustain diplomatic
engagement on the issue of settlements.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee in a bipartisan manner, including by
providing timely, accurate, and complete information on all relevant
strategies, initiatives, programs, and assistance under the purview of
DRL?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I would welcome the opportunity to work
closely with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in a bipartisan
manner, and in coordination with the Bureau of Legislative Affairs.
Foreign Assistance
Question. If confirmed, under what conditions, if any, would you
support conditioning U.S. foreign assistance?
Answer. Conditions that prohibit certain assistance to foreign
security forces that are credibly implicated in gross violations of
human rights, such as the Leahy Laws, support the U.S. foreign policy
objective of promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental
freedoms. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
values, promote, and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department of State's
continued rigorous implementation of the Leahy Laws and similar
conditions. Foreign assistance is an important part of how the U.S.
engages globally--a way for us to engage local communities and support
their goals for a more pluralistic society. I believe the principle of
``do no harm'' is an important one for all donors to embrace. If
confirmed, I would work closely with colleagues at USAID to consider
whether restrictions on U.S. foreign assistance related to DRL equities
are prudent.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe effective
implementation of existing U.S. law provides helpful starting points to
identify the conditions under which I would support appropriate
conditioning or limitations on applicable U.S. assistance. For example,
Section 502(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act precludes assistance to
governments that engage in a consistent pattern of gross violations of
internationally recognized human rights. Similarly, the Leahy laws
prohibit the provision of applicable U.S. assistance to foreign
security force units that are credibly implicated in gross violations
of human rights. U.S. national security is strengthened when partner
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
values, promote, and protect human rights, and hold those responsible
for human rights violations accountable. In addition, if confirmed, I
would carefully examine, on a case-by-case basis, other human rights
factors that may impact decisions about foreign assistance, such as
whether another government is engaged in acts that could constitute
atrocities or gender-based violence.
Question. Would you support conditioning assistance to the West
Bank and Gaza upon the achievement of measurable progress in ending the
Palestinian Authority's support for human rights atrocities through the
heinous ``pay for slay'' program?
Answer. I believe the Palestinian practice of prisoner and martyr
payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to
working to end the practice of Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr''
payments to address longstanding U.S. and international concerns. If
confirmed, I will commit to closely tracking requirements under the
Taylor Force Act and other similar legislation and ensuring that U.S.
assistance is consistent with it. By providing critical humanitarian
relief, fostering economic development, and supporting Israeli-
Palestinian security coordination, we will help millions of vulnerable
Palestinians and promote a stable environment that benefits both
Israelis and Palestinians in a manner that is consistent with our
values, with U.S. foreign policy priorities, and with U.S. law.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the Palestinian
practice of prisoner and martyr payments is abhorrent. The Biden-Harris
administration is committed to working to end the practice of
Palestinian prisoner and ``martyr'' payments to address longstanding
U.S. and international concerns. If confirmed, I would build on the
work thus far, through sustained diplomatic engagement and pressure,
underscoring that part of resetting the U.S.-Palestinian relationship
is seeing an end to this heinous practice.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and
functional bureaus, including the Bureau for Political-Military Affairs
(PM) to ensure statutory restrictions on the provision of certain forms
of U.S. foreign assistance to foreign security forces that commit human
rights abuses are upheld on the one hand, while balancing U.S. national
security interests and regional security imperatives on the other?
Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
advances U.S. national security interests. Our most valued, dependable,
and effective partner governments and security forces around the world
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
human rights violators accountable. Human rights is one of a number of
national security interests that need to be considered as part of U.S.
foreign assistance, but ensuring human rights is part of that
conversation requires doubling down on both information-sharing and
relationship-building. I understand DRL colleagues are engaged in
building relationships with the various regional and functional
bureaus; if I am confirmed, I will not only support such efforts but
undertake them myself. If confirmed, I will work to support to the
fullest extent partner governments' accountability mechanisms essential
to the resumption of assistance to elements of foreign security forces
critical to U.S. national security and regional security.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with regional and
functional bureaus to ensure that statutory restrictions on assistance
to foreign governments that engage in corruption and/or fail to uphold
budget transparency requirements are upheld on the one hand, while
balancing U.S. national interests and on the other?
Answer. U.S. national interests are served through a wide array of
tools and approaches, including bilateral and multilateral diplomatic
engagement, public diplomacy, and foreign assistance. In countries that
do not meet statutory restrictions on assistance to foreign
governments, including those relating to corruption, I understand the
Department elevates other forms of engagement, and can at times provide
assistance to civil society organizations capable of advancing U.S.
interests. Congress has passed important bipartisan legislation that
enables U.S. Government efforts to better fight corruption and
President Biden's Memorandum on the Fight Against Corruption as a Core
United States National Security Interest will further enable the
executive to assess corruption concerns by modernizing and resourcing
our ability to elevate and effectively address this problem. If
confirmed, I pledge to work closely and collaboratively with regional
and functional bureaus and across the interagency to strategically
leverage all foreign policy tools possible in each country context.
Question. If confirmed, how will you measure the impact of DRL
grants for building the capacity of civil society organizations,
particularly in non-permissive environments? What is--or should be--the
criteria for ``graduating'' civil society organizations from reliance
upon U.S. foreign assistance?
Answer. I understand that DRL is a leader in the Department of
State for their monitoring and evaluation of programs and grants. I
understand DRL measures outcomes and impact, including on capacity
building, through a set of custom indicators and routine evaluation. If
confirmed, I will continue to support this practice and closely examine
what criteria and metrics are in place for measuring success over all
programmatic goals, including capacity building for civil society
organizations (CSOs), including in non-permissive environments. My
understanding is that DRL does not provide core funding for CSOs, but
instead provides technical assistance (which can be geared towards CSO
sustainability) or assistance to conduct particular activities within a
time-limited grant (usually 2-3 years in length). Furthermore, my
understanding is that it is not a question of ``graduating'' from U.S.
foreign assistance as the grants, by nature, are time-limited and end.
Question. If confirmed, how will you de-conflict DRL's grant-making
with the work of the U.S. Agency for International Development--which
has a far more significant budget and deep roots with civil society
across all development sectors--to guard against duplication and waste?
Answer. DRL adds unique value to U.S. democracy, governance, and
human rights programming. DRL's close connection with activists and
human rights defenders on the ground, especially in repressive
environments, and programmatic flexibility allow it to address emerging
opportunities and challenges. If confirmed, I pledge to ensure these
programs are closely coordinated with the U.S. Agency for International
Development. My understanding is that USAID and other relevant
interagency representatives regularly participate in DRL's grant-making
process, to include serving on panels and reviewing program proposals.
I hope to continue and deepen this collaboration if confirmed.
Question. In your view, should the U.S. Agency for International
Development be directly engaging in democracy promotion, or would
democracy promotion be best left to the Department of State and its
diplomatic corps?
Answer. I believe that the U.S. Agency for International
Development should engage in democracy support, especially in the
context of development and strengthening government institutions in
permissive environments. Supporting and advancing democracy in all
environments is vitally important and has important links to
development and aid efforts. support , If confirmed, I look forward to
working with my colleagues both at the Department of State and the U.S.
Agency for International Development to use all tools at our collective
disposal to promote democracy.
Question. In your view, what is the difference between human rights
defenders and climate activists?
Answer. I understand the United States defines human rights
defenders as individuals, working alone or in groups, who non-
violently, and consistent with the law, advocate for the promotion and
protection of universally recognized human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Human rights defenders can be of any ethnicity, gender,
sexual orientation, religious denomination, disability status, or age.
They can come from any part of the world, from any social class or
background, and work on a wide range of issues. A climate activist is
someone who actively campaigns to have issues of climate change
recognized and addressed. In some countries, individuals who exercise
their human rights to peacefully express views on land, climate, or
environmental issues face abuses from corrupt actors and/or politically
motivated repression or reprisal. In such cases, I believe the
Department should continue to protect the universal human right of
these individuals to express and advocate for their views non-
violently.
Question. Do you agree with the Biden administration's recent
efforts to prioritize U.S. foreign assistance specifically set aside
for human rights defenders for climate activists, effectively placing
them above other categories of activists that may be subject to
security action?
Answer. The Department works to ensure foreign assistance funds are
programmed consistent with applicable directives, including those
related to human rights defenders. Members of civil society should be
heard and not silenced when exercising their rights to freedoms of
expression, association, and peaceful assembly as they seek to
participate in the governance of their country. U.S. diplomatic efforts
and foreign assistance programs seek to protect and support civil
society members and human rights defenders threatened and attacked for
exercising their human rights, including those advocating on
environmental issues. I also understand the Department has long
included environmental activists as beneficiaries of support through a
variety of foreign assistance programs. Activists exercising their
human rights when seeking to protect the environment, including
addressing climate change, are experiencing increasing repression and
violence, including killings. I understand U.S. foreign assistance is
provided to help address these threats. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with you and the committee on these and other U.S. foreign
assistance matters.
Security Partnerships
Question. How do you define a values-based security partnership?
Answer. Promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms
advances U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
effective partner governments and security forces around the world
uphold democratic values, protect the human rights of their citizens
and civilians they protect, hold human rights violators accountable,
and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of their people.
Partnerships should also allow partners to speak openly and honestly
about all issues--ones where there is agreement and ones where there is
disagreement. Waiting until a U.S. law is violated doesn't help the
U.S. and doesn't help the partner be at its best and more effective. If
confirmed, I will make every effort to ensure core DRL equities are
part of all security cooperation discussions, with an eye towards
enhancing behavior and strengthening the partnership. I believe that we
must continue to create and maintain strong values-based security
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I define a values-based security
partnership as one that promotes democracy, human rights, and
accountability in partner security forces. This means supporting
leaders and institutional safeguards in foreign security forces that
seek to advance those values but also placing importance on
transparency, both between governments and with the American public. It
means having regular, respectful, and frank conversations with our
foreign security partners through embassy personnel as well as in
bilateral security meetings with more senior officials. Rights-
respecting, accountable security forces enjoy more support from their
public, are better allies, and are more effective in promoting security
in their own countries. It also means looking for opportunities to help
with remediation so security forces can get back on track--or at least
understand that doing so is a viable option. This ultimately improves
U.S. security as well. If confirmed, I will work to build and maintain
such values-based security partnerships.
Question. Do you believe that the U.S. should only pursue security
partnerships with liberal democracies? Why or why not?
Answer. No. I believe that supporting democracy, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security and that most
valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
forces around the world uphold democratic values, protect the human
rights of their citizens and civilians, hold human rights violators
accountable, and do not unduly restrict the fundamental freedoms of
their people. While these are not the only security partnerships that
exist, it is important to centralize core democratic tenets within
these efforts. In some cases, if the partner in question isn't a
democracy, security assistance can be a valuable incentive to generate
reform. If confirmed, I will work to realize President Biden's vision
of a foreign policy, including with regards to security partnerships,
that are centered around human rights and democratic values, which can
certainly but not exclusively find expression in partnerships with
other democracies.
Question. How do you think a country's human rights environment
will be affected if China replaces the U.S. as security partner of
choice?
Answer. The PRC's active campaign to reshape the rules-based order,
and corrupt practices are often conducted under the guise of
diplomatic, economic, and security cooperation and can threaten both
the human rights situation in countries with which China partners, as
well as the partner country's very sovereignty. America's commitment to
democracy and human rights in our foreign policy is a competitive
advantage, including with our security partners, and one we have seen
demanded by local populations from Hong Kong to Belarus. If confirmed,
I will work to ensure that American values continue to remain a
centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I believe the PRC's active
campaign to reshape the rules-based order and other problematic
practices are often conducted under the guise of diplomatic, economic,
and security cooperation and threaten to degrade the human rights
situation in countries with which China partners if China replaces the
U.S. as a country's security partner of choice. America's commitment to
promoting democracy and respect for human rights in our foreign policy
is a competitive advantage, including with our security partners and
has created important opportunities for strengthening bilateral
relations. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that American values
continue to remain a centerpiece of U.S. security cooperation.
Question. Do you support imposing a new requirement for Leahy-like
vetting for all U.S. arms sales? Why or why not?
Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration is already
working to develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to
ensure arms transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign
policy priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at
the center of foreign policy; if confirmed, I will support and uphold
that policy. In the meantime, I understand the Department--consistent
with the Arms Export Control Act and other applicable laws--determines
on a case-by-case basis whether arms transfers support U.S. interests,
including human rights. If there is interest from Congress to move a
new Leahy-like vetting for all U.S. arms sales, I would engage
meaningfully in the discussion and consult closely with others in the
Department--as well as outside experts. When appropriate, that review
should include consultations with the U.S. Congress and input from DoD
and other interagency partners--a process I intend to take very
seriously, if confirmed.
Question. Should the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
have a veto over arms sales?
Answer. No single bureau has or should have a veto over foreign
arms sales; I understand human rights concerns are one of several
factors taken into account in the arms sales process, together with the
implications of such sales for U.S. and regional security, bilateral
relations, and U.S. commercial interests. If confirmed, I will ensure
that the arms sales process gives appropriate weight to human rights
concerns raised by any bureau, and I will fully support the role of
human rights considerations in arms transfer decisions, in line with
the requirement for such considerations in statute and with President
Biden's commitment to putting human rights at the center of foreign
policy. I understand the Biden administration is already working to
develop a new Conventional Arms Transfer (CAT) Policy to ensure arms
transfer decisions reflect the administration's foreign policy
priorities, including its emphasis on putting human rights at the
center of foreign policy
Question. There are efforts in Congress to condition security
assistance given to Israel. Yes or no, do you believe in conditioning
Foreign Military Financing, International Military Education and
Training, and other forms of assistance that the U.S. gives Israel? Why
or why not?
Answer. If confirmed I will fully support the administration's
commitment not to condition U.S. assistance to Israel. President
Biden's commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. I understand that
the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military Financing, International
Military Education and Training, and other forms of U.S. assistance to
foreign security forces that are credibly implicated in gross
violations of human rights, where no accountability is taking place. If
confirmed, I will fully support the letter and spirit of the Leahy Laws
and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the Department of State, and
the Department of Defense.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will fully
support the administration's commitment not to condition U.S.
assistance to Israel. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security
is ironclad. I understand that the Leahy laws prohibit Foreign Military
Financing, International Military Education and Training, and other
forms of U.S. assistance to foreign security forces that are credibly
implicated in gross violations of human rights, where no accountability
is taking place. If confirmed, I will fully support the letter and
spirit of the Leahy Laws and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the
Department of State, and the Department of Defense.
Question. Can the nominee clarify whether she thinks Israel
is such a place where no accountability is taking place, as
referenced in her answer?
Answer. I do not believe that Israel is a place where no
accountability is taking place.
Question. The United States provides significant funding to the
International Committee of the Red Cross. However, ICRC is now
advocating for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a
treaty that threatens the ability of the U.S. to defend itself and its
allies, among other issues. Do you believe this advocacy is outside the
ICRC's mandate? Should U.S. taxpayers fund it?
Answer. I am aware the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) has been addressing nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its
mission. I also understand that the PRM bureau at the State Department
is authorized to provide funds to the ICRC to respond to emergencies,
protect and assist civilians in situations of armed conflict, wounded
members of armed forces, prisoners of war, and other vulnerable
populations, and promote international humanitarian law. I understand
that the United States does not support the TPNW and, if confirmed, I
will commit to work with my State Department and interagency colleagues
on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk and enable
progress on nuclear disarmament.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been addressing
nuclear weapons since 1945 as part of its mission. The ICRC has an
important role that includes promoting respect for international
humanitarian law (IHL), helping to disseminate and teach it, and
working with States in fulfilling their obligations under IHL,
especially those of states parties to the Geneva Conventions. The
United States does not support the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear
Weapons, nor does the U.S. Government provide funds to support the
ICRC's advocacy activities related to it. If confirmed, I commit to
defending the ability of the United States to defend itself and our
allies and will work with my State Department and interagency
colleagues on tangible, verifiable measures to reduce strategic risk
and enable progress on nuclear disarmament.
Question. Since 2015, parties to the conflict in Yemen have carried
out gross human rights violations with impunity. This includes the
Iran-backed Houthis, who, both the U.N. and the Department of State,
have implicated in abuses ranging from arbitrary arrest, forced
disappearance, to gender-based violence and even torture.
Please provide your assessment of the Houthi Movement's adherence
to international human rights and humanitarian law.
Answer. The Houthis have committed egregious human rights abuses in
Yemen; the United Nations Panel of Experts noted they may have also
committed war crimes. The 2020 State Department Human Rights Report on
Yemen notes many of these allegations, including arbitrary deprivation
of life, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, gender-based
violence, including sexual violence, torture, and the recruitment and
use in hostilities of children. All parties to Yemen's armed conflict,
including the Houthis, are responsible for compliance with
international human law. Efforts to hold the Houthis responsible for
grave crimes are just as important as those to hold government
officials accountable. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special
Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties
to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen
Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to using your position to
bringing greater awareness to the human rights violations being
actively perpetrated by the Houthis in Yemen, which poses a grave and
long-term threat to regional stability?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Special Envoy Tim
Lenderking and our international partners to push all parties to the
conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Hans
Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions. The United States
continues to work with our international partners to apply pressure on
the Houthis, including via domestic and U.N. sanctions, and, if
confirmed, I would support that work. I would also work closely with
the U.N. Human Rights Council to continue highlighting the importance
of accountability for human rights abuses committed in Yemen.
Question. To what extent do you feel the deliberate targeting of
civilian infrastructure by the Houthis both in Yemen and in Saudi
Arabia constitutes war crimes?
Answer. The Houthis continue to impact Saudi civilians and
infrastructure with missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched
from Yemen. I understand that the Department of State shares concerns
over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to this
conflict to respect their obligations under international humanitarian
law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The Houthis continue to mount
egregious attacks against Saudi civilians and infrastructure with
missiles and unmanned aircraft systems launched from Yemen. While I am
not in a position to make a legal assessment of whether individual
attacks constitute war crimes, credible NGOs such as Human Rights Watch
have alleged that some of these attacks constituted war crimes. Houthi
attacks on Marib have killed civilians, including small children, and
have put over one million internally displaced Yemenis at grave risk,
and Houthi attacks on Saudi civilian infrastructure have killed and
wounded civilians. I understand that the Department of State shares
concerns over these actions and has continued to urge all parties to
this conflict to respect their obligations under international
humanitarian law, and to mitigate the risk of harm to civilians.
Question. How would the role of the Houthis in a future Government
of Yemen impact this administration's ability to carry out its
priorities with respect to human rights, religious freedom, and
democracy promotion in Yemen?
Answer. President Biden has committed to elevating the importance
of human rights in our foreign policy. The Houthis have a record of
egregious human rights abuses. Respect for human rights, accountability
for human rights abuses and violations, and progress on the political
track are all mutually reinforcing. If confirmed, I would work with
U.S. Special Envoy Tim Lenderking and our international partners to
push all parties to the conflict to engage with the new U.N. Special
Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg in good faith and without preconditions.
Question. In a 2020 report, the U.N. panel of experts noted that
their investigations ``confirmed rampant levels of serious violations
of international human rights law and international humanitarian law,
many of which may amount to war crimes.'' What role should DRL play in
international efforts to pursue accountability and justice for crimes
committed in Yemen?
Answer. The United States continues to work with our international
partners to promote accountability in Yemen, including via domestic and
U.N. sanctions, public and private diplomatic engagement, and support
for documentation of human rights violations and abuses by all parties
to the conflict. If confirmed, I would support that work and also
engage local civil society organizations on what types of justice would
be most meaningful.
Question. How does institutional capacity building at the local
level fit into the overall peace process in Yemen?
Answer. Years of war have degraded governmental and non-
governmental institutions throughout Yemen, and rebuilding key social,
political, and economic institutions will be critical to reaching and
maintaining a durable peace agreement. If confirmed, I will work
closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking, the United
Nations, the Government of Yemen, civil society leaders, including
women and youth, and key regional and international partners to build
on the unprecedented international consensus on the need to end the
war.
Question. How can local government structures be better used to
advance efforts to find a political settlement to the conflict?
Answer. Only a comprehensive peace agreement between Yemenis can
begin to reverse the humanitarian crisis and bring sustainable relief.
If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim
Lenderking, the United Nations, the Government of Yemen, and key
regional and international partners to build on the international
consensus on the need to end the war and to engage civil society
leaders, including women and youth at the local and national level. An
inclusive political dialogue involving civil society is essential to
ensuring all Yemenis are heard and represented in efforts to end the
war.
Question. Since anti-government protests broke out in October 2019,
dozens of protestors have been killed by Iran backed militia groups in
Iraq. These groups operate largely with impunity having successfully
evaded the Government of Iraq's efforts to hold them to account for
their crimes. What role should DRL play in ensuring the protests
movement's voices are heard and their concerns addressed?
Answer. The Government of Iraq has an obligation to respect and
protect freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Peaceful
demonstrators seeking democratic reforms should never be met with
threats and violence. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting
accountability for the ongoing violence against protesters,
journalists, and activists in Iraq. I also will ensure DRL continues to
work with other U.S. Government stakeholders and likeminded countries
to pursue justice, accountability, and democratic reforms through
increased diplomatic pressure on the Government of Iraq to investigate
and hold accountable individuals responsible for violence against the
media, protesters, voters, civil society activists and minority
populations, as well as to continue to communicate the U.S.
Government's strong support for the rights and dignity of all persons.
Question. After months of stalled government formation efforts
following the August 4, 2020 Beirut Port Blast, Lebanon's political
elite finally reached an agreement to form a cabinet on September 20,
2021. If confirmed, please outline your list of priorities with respect
to Lebanon.
Answer. If confirmed, I would support efforts to urge the newly
formed Lebanese Government to take action to address the dire economic
situation facing those living in Lebanon and to address the legitimate
demands of the Lebanese people, including concrete political and
economic reforms which would combat corruption and protect the rights
of Lebanese civil society, as well as accountability for the port
blast. I would also support efforts to work to ensure Lebanon's
parliamentary elections are held on-time and conducted in a free and
fair manner.
Question. How do you plan to work with Lebanon's newly formed
cabinet and civil society to support efforts to pursue accountability
for the Beirut Port Blast?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to push for the newly
formed Lebanese Government to work closely with Lebanese civil society
to ensure accountability for the Beirut Port Blast. I believe the
Lebanese justice system must work without any political interference,
and civil society plays an important role in promoting transparency.
Question. Please provide your assessment of Russia's role in the
Middle East and North Africa region with respect to human rights and
democratic ideals.
Answer. Russia's actions in the Middle East and North Africa
largely serve to undermine the international order, including human
rights and democracy, through its enabling of regimes committing human
rights violations. Among the greatest concerns is Russia's military
campaign in Syria in support of the Assad regime, which has led to
massive destruction, the detainment and abuse of countless individuals,
the displacement of millions, and the deaths of hundreds of thousands.
If confirmed, I will push back on Russia's efforts to shield the Assad
regime from accountability, including in multilateral fora.
Question. Is it your view that closer partnership with Russia
positively, or negatively, impacts U.S. interests in the region?
Answer. In general, Russia's interests in the region are mostly
geopolitical but there is an element of commercial interest as well--
which means there are multiple angles for the U.S. to consider
engaging. If confirmed, I would support cooperation with Russia in the
Middle East and North Africa region on issues where our interests
align, such as on constraining Iran's nuclear ambitions. In Syria, the
United States has always been open to dialogue with Russia as long as
it contributes to the protection of civilians, enables steps toward a
political resolution to the conflict, and promotes Syria's adherence to
its international obligations. Where Russia acts to thwart U.S.
objectives in the region, however, I believe the United States should
respond with firm resolve. Calling out and holding Russia accountable
for its malign actions is an important response tool.
Question. According to the U.N., widespread human rights violations
have been committed over the course of the conflict in Libya. What role
should DRL play in efforts to pursue accountability for the victims?
Answer. The United States shares the aspirations of the Libyan
people: a sovereign, stable, unified, and secure Libya, free from
foreign interference. Libyans should be able to feel that their rights
will be respected. Ensuring accountability for human rights abuses is
critical to the national reconciliation process.
If confirmed, I will explore all tools available to promote
accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and
abuses in Libya, including sanctions and support for multilateral
mechanisms like the U.N. International Fact-Finding Mission on Libya. I
will continue ongoing diplomatic engagement with the Libyan Government
and civil society, and will support civil society in their efforts to
document human rights violations and abuses as part of broader
accountability mechanisms.
Question. What is the best recourse to purse action against the
alleged perpetrators of such crimes?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with Libyan civil society and
build on international best practices and the expertise of my
colleagues in the Department to determine the most effective way to
promote accountability in support of a sovereign, stable, secure, and
unified Libya that protects the human rights of all individuals in the
country.
Question. Please provide your assessment of the exceptional
measures taken by President Kais Saied in July through which he
suspended parliament, lifted MP's immunity, and dismissed the prime
minister.
Answer. I share the Tunisian people's goal of a democratic
government that is responsive to the country's needs, as it battles
economic and health crises. I am concerned that President Saied's
transitional measures are continuing without a clear end in sight. If
confirmed, I would echo calls from the Tunisian public for the
president to articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive
reform process that includes civil society and diverse political voices
and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.
Question. To what extent do you feel President Saied's recent
actions threaten the state of Tunisian democracy?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration continues to urge President
Saied to swiftly end exceptional measures, appoint a prime minister to
form a capable government that can respond to Tunisians' legitimate
economic and political demands, and launch an inclusive reform process
that incorporates civil society and diverse political perspectives. If
confirmed, I would support and advance administration policy on these
fronts, echo calls from the Tunisian public for the president to
articulate a plan with a clear timeline for an inclusive reform process
that includes civil society and diverse political voices and ensure
that Tunisians' human rights are respected and protected.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to work with Tunisia to
preserve hard won democratic gains?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has called on the Tunisian
Government to continue its public commitment to respect Tunisians'
fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. If confirmed, I would
continue to make clear the United States' unwavering support for
Tunisian democracy and work closely with a range of Tunisian
interlocutors, including Tunisian civil society, to strengthen
Tunisia's democracy, and ensure that Tunisians' human rights are
respected and protected. I would also work closely with multilateral
organizations and the international financial institutions to ensure
Tunisia's democracy has wide support and adequate resources to succeed.
Question. In 2016, the Obama administration signed a 10-year
security assistance Memorandum of Understanding with Israel in which
the U.S. pledged military assistance in the form of Foreign Military
Financing and missile defense funding. Do you support providing Israel
with defensive capabilities that include Iron Dome munitions?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to
Israel's defense and security, including its qualitative military edge
in the region, consistent with U.S. law and policy. On May 20,
President Biden assured Prime Minister Netanyahu of his ``full support
to replenish Israel's Iron Dome system to ensure [Israel's] defense and
security in the future.'' If confirmed, I will support transfers of
defensive capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law and the 2016
Memorandum of Understanding.
Question. In May, President Biden confirmed his administration's
support for Israel and said, ``Until the region says unequivocally they
acknowledge the right of Israel to exist as an independent Jewish
state, there will be no peace.'' If confirmed, will you support
transfers of offensive capabilities to Israel so they can properly
defend themselves?
Answer. The United States remains unwavering in its commitment to
Israel's security. If confirmed, I will support transfers of offensive
capabilities to Israel consistent with U.S. law.
Question. Should the International Criminal Court investigate U.S.
or Israeli personnel? Why or why not?
Answer. No. I support the administration's efforts to firmly oppose
investigations by the International Criminal Court of U.S. or Israeli
personnel. The United States and Israel are not parties to the ICC and
have not consented to the Court's jurisdiction. I understand the U.S.
Government has expressed serious concerns about the ICC's attempts to
exercise its jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. The Palestinians do
not qualify as a sovereign state and therefore, are not qualified to
obtain membership as a state in, participate as a state in, or delegate
jurisdiction to the ICC.
I understand the United States Government remains deeply committed
to ensuring justice and accountability for international atrocity
crimes. I recognize the role that international tribunals such as the
ICC can play-within their respective mandates-in the pursuit of those
important objectives and believe a peaceful, secure, and more
prosperous future for the people of the Middle East depends on building
bridges and creating new avenues for dialogue and exchange, not
unilateral judicial actions that can exacerbate tensions and undercut
efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution.
Question. What are your views on the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions
(BDS) movement, which includes companies with whom the Department of
State does business?
Answer. I firmly oppose the BDS movement. While the United States
will protect the constitutional rights of our citizens to free speech,
the Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it resolutely
opposes the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement because
it unfairly and inappropriately singles out Israel.
Question. Under what conditions would you advocate for the United
States--and the Department of State, in particular--to join the boycott
movement?
Answer. Like the Biden-Harris administration, I firmly oppose the
BDS movement.
Question. Do you believe that Israeli settlements in West Bank and
Gaza are illegal?
Answer. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the
Palestinian Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate
tensions and undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state
solution, including annexation of territory, settlement activity,
demolitions, incitement to violence, and providing compensation for
individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The two-state solution is the
best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and democratic state,
and to give the Palestinians the state they seek. I firmly oppose any
unilateral provocative actions that risk sparking more violence and
that undermine prospects for a just, durable resolution of the conflict
between Palestinians and Israelis, which ultimately requires two
states. I believe it is critical for both Israel and the Palestinian
Authority to refrain from unilateral steps that exacerbate tensions and
undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, including
annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, incitement
to violence, and providing compensation for individuals imprisoned for
acts of terrorism. I am not in a position to speak to the
administration's legal views. If confirmed, I will work to preserve the
path to a two-state solution, as the best way to ensure Israel's future
as a Jewish and democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state
they seek.
Question. The Egyptian Government has a less-than-stellar record on
human rights, including recent arbitrary detentions of human rights
activists, impunity for security services, deplorable detention
conditions, suppression of fundamental freedoms, and more. It is
important that the United States seek to bolster human rights and civil
society in Egypt. What tools will you use to address these human rights
abuses and end impunity for those committing them?
Answer. It's clear that the United States has multiple priorities
when it comes to policy toward Egypt, but I think it's important to
recognize that the Secretary of State's recent decision neither to
certify improvements in Egypt's human rights record nor to waive the
Foreign Military Financing human rights conditions presents an
opportunity for the administration to double down on its efforts to
address Egypt's grave human rights crisis. If confirmed, I will
consider all tools available to address human rights violations in
Egypt and to end impunity for those violations, including through
public and private diplomatic engagement, engagement with partners and
at multilateral forums, and more punitive measures to address specific
abuses, including restrictions on security assistance as appropriate. I
also will support engagement with Egyptian civil society groups,
including human rights defenders and work closely with the NEA bureau
and Embassy Cairo to ensure those civil society voices are heard.
Ultimately, the Egyptian people will be the most effective advocates
for human rights and government accountability in Egypt, so if
confirmed I will prioritize identifying how to best push back on
Egyptian restrictions on civic space and how to secure adequate space
for independent civil society groups working to address these issues in
Egypt.
Question. If confirmed, what would you change about current
programming in Syria?
Answer. I understand that since before the 2011 uprisings, DRL
programs have been actively supporting Syrian civil society,
independent journalists, civic groups, and women and youth activists,
to advance the cause of democracy and human rights. I believe DRL's
programs protect civic space for Syrian civil society groups to
advocate for the needs of their communities; play an active role in the
political process; promote reconciliation and stabilization of areas
recently liberated; hold local governance institutions accountable;
contribute to accountability and transitional justice efforts; and
provide support to survivors of torture and sexual and gender-based
violence. While other donors have ceased or limited their support for
these Syrian civil society actors, DRL has provided continuous
assistance to help protect civil society's role as positive change
agents within Syria, in neighboring countries, and in the diaspora. If
confirmed, I will look closely at DRL's programmatic efforts in Syria
to determine if any changes are needed to ensure the continued success
and impact of these efforts, to ensure our programs remain aligned with
our policy, and to ensure our partners can continue to operate as
safely as possible.
Question. Do you agree that the United States should not be funding
reconstruction efforts in Syria? Please explain your answer.
Answer. If confirmed, I would not support reconstruction assistance
to Syria until there is irreversible progress toward a political
resolution to the conflict in line with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 2254. I would support the United States continuing to
provide humanitarian aid in Syria, including certain early recovery
assistance, to build resilience and restore Syrian civilians' access to
basic services, so long as these are delivered on the basis of need and
conducted by independent and impartial humanitarian agencies.
Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster civil
society in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure the United States continues
its strong support for courageous Syrian civil society actors whose
efforts are critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I
understand DRL has provided continuous assistance to maintain civil
society's role as positive change agents within Syria, including
through efforts to protect and expand civic space and encourage
meaningful citizen participation in public policy and governance;
promote local reconciliation; support human rights and accountability
efforts; and facilitate reintegration of returning IDPs, among other
activities, as well as Syrians in neighboring countries and the
diaspora. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to work closely
with interagency colleagues to ensure the continued success and impact
of these efforts, and that our partners can continue to operate as
safely as possible.
Question. What steps, if confirmed, will you take to bolster human
rights defenders in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure DRL continues its strong
support for courageous Syrian human rights defenders whose efforts are
critical to advancing peace and stability in Syria. I understand DRL
has provided continuous assistance to ensure human rights defenders'
efforts to contribute to accountability and transitional justice
efforts; provide support to survivors of torture and gender-based
violence; play an active role in the political process; and promote
stabilization in areas liberated from ISIS. If confirmed, I will ensure
DRL continues to work closely with interagency colleagues to support
and encourage the continued success and impact of these efforts, and
that our partners can continue to operate as safely as possible.
Question. Syrian-Russian forces continue to deliberately and openly
attack civilian entities, community centers, and populations. How would
you engage with the intra-Department and interagency to promote a
political solution through United Nations Security Council Resolution
(UNSCR) 2254?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage the United States to remain
engaged with the U.N., our allies, and our international partners to
encourage all possible efforts to advance a political resolution to the
conflict through a U.N.-facilitated, Syrian-led process as laid out in
U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254, including a nationwide ceasefire
and the release of arbitrarily detained Syrians. Peace and stability in
Syria, and the greater region, can only be achieved through a political
process that addresses the root causes of the conflict, including the
Assad regime's ongoing campaign of arbitrary detention and violence
against his own people, and promotes accountability for the innumerable
atrocities the Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the
Syrian people.
Question. The use of arbitrary detention and torture by the Assad
regime continues to shock the conscious. Please explain what tools are
available to you, if confirmed, to hold the regime accountable for its
crimes against civilians?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use every tool at my disposal to
promote an end to the Assad regime's vicious campaign of arbitrary
detention and torture in Syria. I will consult with our DRL team and
Department colleagues to assess which tools are most appropriate to
achieving this objective, including continued support for human rights
and documentation groups laying the groundwork for accountability
efforts; support for former detainees, families of the missing, and
other survivors of the regime's abuses; the continued use of targeted
sanctions that promote accountability for perpetrators of human rights
abuses and limit their access to resources; and ensuring our efforts to
advance a political resolution also address the root causes of the
conflict and promote accountability for the innumerable atrocities the
Assad regime and its allies have perpetrated against the Syrian people.
Question. The recent botched evacuation in Afghanistan highlights
some serious gaps in the policy decisions made by this administration.
What conditions would a Biden administration place on future assistance
to Afghanistan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will monitor closely how any future
Government of Afghanistan respects and protects human rights,
especially for women, girls, and minority groups, and fundamental
freedoms that have become an integral part of the life of all Afghan
citizens, and actively engage our bilateral and multilateral partners
to maintain unity in holding the Taliban accountable to their actions.
If confirmed, I also commit to ensuring unhindered U.S. humanitarian
assistance continues to safely flow to support the needs of Afghan
people and that female aid workers are granted the ability to fully
participate in the delivery of aid. I will work to increase support to
human rights defenders, independent journalists, and civil society
activists who remain in Afghanistan. The provision of humanitarian
assistance is a demonstration of the U.S. commitment to the Afghan
people, and an important part of ensuring they remain protected and
supported. If confirmed, I will encourage the United States, to work
with other governments, with financial institutions, and with NGOs to
support humanitarian and emergency assistance to Afghans whose lives
depend on it.
Question. U.S. efforts in Afghanistan dramatically improved
conditions for women, minority and youth but now are at great risk of
violence and regression from the Taliban. How should the State
Department safeguard the gains made for Afghan women, minority, and
youth in the current security environment?
Answer. The meaningful participation of women and members of
minority groups in governance has a positive effect on the economic,
political, and health aspects of a country and its people. If
confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to its
stated commitment to allow U.S. citizens, Legal Permanent Residents,
and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave the country
to do so. I will also continue to support efforts to hold the Taliban
to international expectations on respecting the fundamental human
rights of all Afghans, including those of women, children, and members
of minority and vulnerable groups. I will also work with the
international community, including the United Nations, to hold the
perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for
those actions. Part of my job, if confirmed, will be to make sure the
Department--as well as the interagency--is aware of the fragile
situation for women, minorities, and youth and has all the updated
information available so we can make decisions as U.S. Government that
lessens the burdens--and threats--they face and increase protection and
opportunities.
Question. Do you feel that this administration failed women, girls,
and youth in Afghanistan given the botched evacuation?
Answer. Over 124,000 American citizens, lawful permanent residents
(LPRs), locally employed staff, Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs), and
Afghans at-risk, including women, children, journalists, persons with
disabilities, members of the LGBTQI+ community, and members of minority
groups were evacuated from Afghanistan prior to September 1. That said,
many vulnerable Afghans remain in Afghanistan and will need support and
protection. The administration will continue to hold the Taliban to
their commitment to allowing the safe passage of American citizens,
LPRs, and Afghans with the proper documentation, including women and
children, who desire to leave. The meaningful participation of women
and members of minority groups in governance has a positive effect on
the economic, political, and security health of a country. If
confirmed, I will work with the rest of the interagency to press the
Taliban on the international community's expectations of their ability
to uphold the rights of all Afghans, including women and children. I
will engage our multilateral and bilateral partners on the same, to
ensure they are pushing the same message of respect for human rights
and fundamental freedoms and the need to form an inclusive government
that includes women and members of minority groups. I will work with
the international community, including the United Nations, to hold the
perpetrators of human rights abuses and violations accountable for
their actions.
Question. How will you continue to support vulnerable populations
in Afghanistan and the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promoting respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms, especially for Afghan human rights
defenders, women, children, journalists, persons with disabilities,
members of the LGBTQI+ community, members of minority groups, and other
vulnerable persons. I will support U.S. efforts to hold the Taliban to
its stated commitment to allow American citizens, Legal Permanent
Residents, and Afghans with the proper documentation who wish to leave
the country to do so, as well as press them to respect human rights,
including those of women and children, in Afghanistan. I will also look
for ways for the State Department to support multilateral initiatives
that protect and support vulnerable populations, work with regional
governments, multilateral organizations, international civil society
organizations and USAID colleagues. I will seek to maintain our robust
relationships with Afghan human rights defenders both inside and
outside Afghanistan. If confirmed, my commitment to these relationships
will remain unwavering as we work with academics, human rights
defenders, women activists, and disability activists on these issues.
Question. The U.S. recently killed 10 civilians, including seven
children, via an over-the-horizon drone strike in Afghanistan. The U.S.
has killed civilians in numerous other errant strikes. Would other
countries be justified in boycotting, divesting, and sanctioning the
United States? Why or why not?
Answer. I share my deepest condolences with the families and
friends of those who were killed by the strike. While the United
States, like all other countries, has a right to defend itself and, if
confirmed, I will defend that right, there has been tremendous work in
the area of how best to respond to civilian casualties and a number of
lessons learned that if implemented robustly can help generate both
effectiveness towards national security goals and good will amongst
local communities. General McKenzie stated on September 17, ``This
strike was taken in the earnest belief that it would prevent an
imminent threat to our forces and the evacuees at the airport. But it
was a mistake and I offer my sincere apology.'' Secretary Austin said
that ``We will endeavor to learn from this horrible mistake. To that
end, I have directed a thorough review of the investigation just
completed by U.S. Central Command. I have asked for this review to
consider the degree to which the investigation considered all available
context and information, the degree to which accountability measures
need be taken and at what level, and the degree to which strike
authorities, procedures and processes need to be altered in the
future.'' I believe such a response is important not just to the
immediate friends and family of those killed but also for us as a
country and is morally responsible. If confirmed, I will support the
approach described in these statements.
Question. Is it your opinion that the policy and objectives being
advanced by the Chinese Communist Party pose the greatest foreign
policy challenge to the United States today and will continue to do so
for the foreseeable future?
Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant
challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and
the interests of the American people. If confirmed, I will pay special
attention to the PRC, whose pernicious attacks on human rights,
dissent, and the rule of law are on the rise domestically and fast
becoming a common export. Our priority must be making sure the PRC does
not succeed in its efforts to undermine international human rights and
the rules-based order.
Question. If not, why not?
Answer. There is no doubt that the PRC poses the most significant
challenge of any nation to the United States in terms of our values and
the interests of the American people.
Question. What do you believe is our greatest foreign policy
challenge?
Answer. I believe there is not one issue that is our greatest
foreign policy challenge but instead a number of interlocking ones that
include digital and technological advancements, the climate crisis,
rising authoritarianism, and an increasingly aggressive China. These
transnational issues are already testing democracies worldwide and,
left unchecked or ill-coordinated, have the potential to lead to frayed
alliances, institutional vulnerabilities, massive, large scale and
persistent migration, and a serious deterioration of basic, fundamental
freedoms. If we don't rise to the occasion to respond to each of these
developments in a coordinated way, the consequences to democracy,
security, and human rights could be catastrophic.
Question. Will the Biden administration continue public
presidential meetings with, and support for, the Dalai Lama as
conducted by the Trump administration?
Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political
parties have long welcomed engagement with, and support for, His
Holiness the Dalai Lama as a globally renowned religious leader. If
confirmed, I would support a continuation of that practice.
Question. Will you commit that the Department of State will meet
with the Dalai Lama's representatives, as the Assistant Secretary of
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor did in 2020?
Answer. Yes. I understand administrations from both political
parties have long welcomed engagement with representatives of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama. If confirmed, I would support a continuation
of that practice.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to confront the Chinese
Government on the human rights violations taking place in Xinjiang?
Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently
and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and
to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
responsible and deter future abuses. If confirmed, I will continue
concrete U.S. Government action--in coordination with our allies and
partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing
atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang, including through the imposition
of visa restrictions, tightening of export controls, enforcement of
import restrictions, imposition of financial sanctions, and
multilateral initiatives. We will continue to caution businesses about
the economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to
entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China.
Question. Due to the massive amounts of human rights abuses being
committed by the Chinese Communist Party, do you believe they should be
allowed to host the Olympics in 2022?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and
abuses being committed by the PRC. If confirmed, I will ensure the
Department of State continues to play a strong leadership role in
global efforts to combat serious human rights abuses committed by the
PRC, domestically and abroad, and consults closely with our allies and
partners to establish a shared approach regarding the Olympics.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The International Olympic
Committee (IOC) members select the Olympic host. If confirmed, I will
engage with the IOC and the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee to
advocate for human rights to be considered in the selection of host
cities consistent with the Olympic Charter, which highlights respect
and human dignity as key values.
I am deeply concerned by the human rights violations and
abuses being committed by the PRC Government and the PRC
Government's abhorrent genocide and crimes against humanity
against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other
ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang. If confirmed,
I will ensure the Department of State continues to play a
strong leadership role in global efforts to end the genocide
and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, combat human rights
abuses committed by the PRC, domestically and abroad, and will
consult closely with our allies and partners to define our
common concerns and establish a shared approach.
Question. Legislation currently under consideration proposes a
human rights briefing for the Olympic athletes on Team USA. The
briefing would help inform athletes about major human rights abuses
committed by the government hosting the Olympics, and alert them to
narratives that the government pushes to deflect or deny such abuses.
Do you support such a proposal?
Answer. I support raising awareness among athletes of the human
rights abuses committed by the government hosting the Olympics. If
confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders, including the Centre
for Sport and Human Rights, in developing an approach that does so.
Question. Would you devote Department of State resources and
personnel toward working with the International Olympic Committee and
other relevant stakeholders to ensure such briefings are provided to as
many American athletes as possible prior to the 2022 Olympics?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with key stakeholders,
primarily the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee, in developing our
approach to continue to conduct outreach on human rights issues to
American athletes chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to
the 2022 Olympics.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. If confirmed, I will work
with the U.S. Olympic and Paralympic Committee (USOPC) and relevant
others in the Department to ensure that briefings, including about PRC
human rights and atrocities, are provided to as many American athletes
chosen or competing for a place on Team USA prior to the 2022 Olympics.
Question. Do you support a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022
Olympics? Why or why not?
Answer. I understand this is a strongly bipartisan issue that many
in Congress are focused on and I understand why. If confirmed, I will
closely consult with key stakeholders in developing our approach,
ideally a shared approach with allies and partners, in advance of and
during the 2022 Olympic Games. I will review this issue in light of the
PRC's abhorrent human rights record, including genocide and crimes
against humanity in Xinjiang.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The PRC has an abhorrent human
rights record, including the commission of genocide and crimes against
humanity in Xinjiang. I believe the United States should continue to
speak out consistently and jointly with allies and partners to condemn
these atrocities, and to consider all appropriate tools to promote
accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses, including
a potential diplomatic boycott of the Beijing 2022 Olympics. I
personally support such a diplomatic boycott as a way of signaling U.S.
disapproval of the PRC's behavior.
Question. The CCP has cracked down on the most basic rights of the
people of Hong Kong. How will you address the human rights abuses
occurring in Hong Kong?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC and Hong Kong Governments'
increased efforts to wield the National Security Law as a tool to
curtail the exercise of human rights, dismantle civil society, and
silence dissenting views. If confirmed, I will support the United
States' continued efforts to press the PRC to abide by its
international obligations and commitments; to cease its dismantlement
of Hong Kong's democratic institutions, autonomy, and rule of law; to
immediately release and drop all charges against individuals unjustly
detained in Hong Kong; and to respect the human rights of the people of
Hong Kong.
Question. Do you believe that reaching a climate agreement should
be the top priority in our dealings with China? If so, why?
Answer. Addressing the climate crisis with urgency is a top
priority for the administration, but without question, so is protecting
human rights. I believe human rights should not be given a back seat
even as other issues come to the fore. The administration has said
rights are not a negotiating chip in engagements with the PRC or any
other country for greater action on climate. If confirmed, I will seek
to ensure that that approach continues.
Question. If not, what should be our top priority instead?
Answer. The administration's Interim National Security Strategy
states that ``we will only succeed in advancing American interests and
upholding our universal values by working in common cause with our
closest allies and partners, and by renewing our own enduring sources
of national strength.'' If confirmed, I will seek to ensure the
promotion of our democratic values are at the center of U.S. foreign
policy, including in our dealings with China.
Question. The PRC Government and Chinese companies have been
implicated in corruption at home and in its dealings with other
countries around the world. If confirmed, will you commit to
highlighting corrupt Chinese practices and prioritize assistance to
help counter corruption, including corruption caused or exacerbated by
the Chinese Government or Chinese companies?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Several countries have forcibly returned Uyghurs fleeing
persecution and abhorrent human rights abuses by the Chinese Communist
Party. How will you and interagency partners work with other nations to
discourage, and eventually end, this practice?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to urge
third countries to act to avoid complicity in the PRC's human rights
violations and abuses committed against Uyghurs and other ethnic and
religious minorities from Xinjiang, including by providing protection
to and preventing the forcible return of individuals seeking to flee
the PRC's repressive policies.
Question. Do you consider the human rights abuses committed by the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) against the Uyghurs and other religious
and ethnic minorities, including forced sterilization, to constitute a
genocide? If not, please explain.
Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, the PRC has committed
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups. These atrocities remain ongoing.
Question. The Chinese Government continues to ``Sinicize''
religions, which the Congressional Executive Commission on China
describes as ``a campaign that aims to bring religion in China under
closer official control and into conformity with officially sanctioned
interpretations of Chinese culture.'' These policies affect Christians,
Muslims, Han Buddhists, Taoists, and many others. What can the Biden
administration do to support freedom of religious practice for the
people of China, free from interference and enforced conformity?
Answer. I share your concerns regarding the ongoing deterioration
of freedom of religion or belief in the PRC. The PRC demonstrates
blatant disregard for freedom of religion or belief and exercises
extreme hostility toward members of all religious and spiritual
communities, including predominantly Muslim Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists,
Protestants, Catholics, and Falun Gong. These communities have suffered
unspeakable oppression at the hands of China's authoritarian
government.
The PRC is engaged in human rights abuses--and in the case of
Xinjiang, genocide and crimes against humanity--that shock the
conscience and must be met with serious consequences.
If confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and
partners to condemn these atrocities and abuses, and I will consider
all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those responsible
and to deter future abuses. I will also continue to urge the PRC to
uphold its international commitments with respect to freedom of
religion or belief for all individuals and call on the international
community to condemn with a united voice the PRC's atrocities in
Xinjiang.
Question. The Vatican extended its agreement with the Chinese
Government that establishes a process for appointing bishops in China.
Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in communion with Rome but
also approved by the Chinese Government. The details of this agreement
have never been made public. Despite the agreement, Catholic bishops
not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association continue
to face persecution. Do you believe this Vatican-China agreement
advanced human rights and religious freedom in China? If so, why? If
not, why not?
Answer. As I understand, despite the provisional agreement between
the Holy See and Beijing, the PRC continues to repress Catholics,
particularly clergy and laypersons who refuse state control of
religion. In his book published late last year, Pope Francis
characterized Uyghurs in the PRC alongside members of other religious
and ethnic communities as persecuted due to their beliefs.
If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out publicly
against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of members of
minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also encourage the
Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the terms of the
provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement public to
promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.
Question. If confirmed, will you prioritize religious freedom
issues in China in your diplomatic engagements with Vatican officials?
What will you emphasize to them in these engagements?
Answer. The Holy See has a long history of promoting freedom of
religion or belief, including through advocacy and interfaith dialogue,
and, if confirmed, I look forward to working with the Vatican on this
issue. If confirmed, I would encourage the Holy See to speak out
publicly against the PRC's human rights violations and abuses of
members of minority religious and ethnic communities. I would also
encourage the Holy See to hold the PRC Government accountable to the
terms of the provisional agreement and make the terms of the agreement
public to promote accountability for the PRC's commitments.
Question. Xi Jinping has emphasized the desire to ensure that
Hollywood filmmakers use their position to ``tell China's story well''.
This translates into Beijing's overreach into and censorship of
Hollywood films through explicit censorship requirements for the
Chinese market, boycotts and economic pressure, and acquisitions of
industry corporations by Chinese companies. As Hollywood director Judd
Apatow recently said, ``Instead of us doing business with China and
that leading to China being more free, what has happened is that China
has bought our silence with their money''.
Will the Biden administration, including yourself and other senior
State Department officials, engage the film industry regarding
the pernicious impact of censorship by the Chinese Government
and other authoritarian governments on freedom of expression
and other principles that are fundamental to the political
system of United States?
Answer. Yes.
Question. What are your views on the implications and consequences
of Beijing's tactics in Hollywood for the PRC's overall strategy to
exercise malign influence across various types of U.S. media? What
other types of media in the United States are at risk of being
subjected to tactics we are seeing used by Beijing to influence
Hollywood?
Answer. I am concerned by the PRC's campaign of disinformation and
censorship, which extends well beyond its borders and directly impacts
the information environment in the United States. The PRC's attempts to
control freedom of expression are not limited to Hollywood or U.S.
media but extend into cultural, academic, and social media spaces as
well.
If confirmed, I will engage with governments and nongovernmental
actors, including media organizations and private institutions, to
promote freedom of expression and support U.S. entities in resisting
PRC malign influence and coercion. I will also work closely with
partners and allies to build resilience to, and jointly confront, the
PRC's efforts to control the global information environment.
Question. China is starting to build extraterritoriality into its
laws and regulations, not just the Hong Kong National Security Law but
also numerous other laws and regulations. Please describe what you
think the implications are for human rights abroad and for the United
States in particular.
Answer. The PRC continues its efforts to reshape the international
rules-based order to advance its own interests, including by utilizing
its laws and regulations to commit transnational repression. These
actions threaten global peace and stability and threaten human rights
and democratic institutions and actors in the United States and
globally.
If confirmed, I will work closely with our partners to address
these challenges from a position of strength, reengage in international
institutions, and resist attempts to rewrite the rules that govern
these institutions. I will use all available diplomatic tools to
promote accountability for these egregious abuses and support human
rights defenders and civil society organizations seeking protection.
Question. Will you commit not to advise or support entrance into an
agreement with the People's Republic of China (PRC) that trades key
U.S. interests away for cooperation or future promises by Beijing on
climate change?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner
consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the
climate crisis. I believe these two goals are complementary.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and focus on
what Beijing does--not what it says it will or won't do. I will not
advise that the United States sacrifice vital U.S. interests or our
values for PRC promises on climate change. We can speak the truth about
the PRC's human rights abuses and atrocities and promote accountability
for them while working to reverse the effects of climate change.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend decreasing freedom of
navigation exercises in the South China Sea to either secure or
preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
U.S. values and interests, including a rules-based order in the Indo-
Pacific and South China Sea that ensures freedom of navigation. I
believe this goal is consistent with and supportive of the President's
goals on climate change.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests, including the
continuation of activities that protect and promote the rules-based
order in the South China Sea such as freedom of navigation exercises. I
will not recommend decreasing freedom of navigation exercises in the
South China Sea to either secure or preserve a climate change agreement
with the PRC.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend making changes in our
defense relationship with any U.S. ally, or our overall defense posture
in the Indo-Pacific region to either secure or preserve a climate
change agreement with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's
commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and
strengthening strategic alliances including in the Indo-Pacific region
in line with U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of
human rights; I believe these goals are complementary.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
support President Biden's commitment to policies that address the
climate crisis while deepening and strengthening strategic alliances
including in the Indo-Pacific region in line with U.S. interests, which
include the promotion of democracy and respect for human rights; I
believe these goals are complementary. If confirmed, I will support
cooperation with the PRC where it is in line with these objectives.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend delaying arms sales to
Taiwan, or pulling back from any form of U.S.-Taiwan cooperation to
either secure or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support President Biden's
commitment to policies that address climate change while deepening and
strengthening strategic partnerships including with Taiwan in line with
U.S. interests, including the protection and promotion of human rights;
I believe these goals are complementary.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
support President Biden's commitment to policies that address climate
change while deepening and strengthening strategic partnerships
including with Taiwan in line with U.S. interests, including the
protection and promotion of democracy and human rights; I believe these
goals are complementary. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, I will seek to enhance the U.S
relationship with Taiwan, including the defense relationship, as a way
of implementing the President's vision of a foreign policy with
democracy and human rights at the center.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend deciding not to pursue
policies that safeguard the U.S. economy from Beijing's anti-
competitive trading practices to either secure or preserve a climate
change agreement with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
U.S. values and interests. I believe this can be done in a manner
consistent with the President's commitment to policies that address the
climate crisis.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will strongly
support policies that advance U.S. values and interests and to work
alongside U.S. allies and partners to confront the PRC's anti-
competitive, market distorting, and coercive behaviors. I will not
recommend against pursuing policies that safeguard the U.S. economy
from Beijing's anti-competitive trading practices to either secure or
preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend terminating sanctions
against individuals or entities of the PRC, or removing a PRC company
from the Entity List to either secure or preserve a climate change
agreement with the PRC?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support policies that advance
U.S. values and interests. I will make recommendations regarding
sanctions and Entity List designations that promote and protect human
rights and labor rights, including forced labor and I will recommend
those not be lifted until there is progress on human and labor rights.
I believe this can be done in a manner consistent with the President's
commitment to policies that address the climate crisis.
Question. Will you commit not to recommend dropping U.S. policies
that hold CCP officials and companies accountable for egregious human
rights abuses, including those conducted in Xinjiang to either secure
or preserve a climate change agreement with the PRC?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to advocating for U.S. policies
that protect and promote human rights and hold PRC and CCP officials
accountable for egregious human rights abuses, including the ongoing
atrocities in Xinjiang and campaign of repression targeting Tibetans,
Hong Kongers, lawyers, and human rights defenders. I believe this can
be done in a manner consistent with the President's commitment to
policies that address the climate crisis.
Question. Recently the Government of Bangladesh has forcibly moved
Rohingya refugees from Cox's Bazaar to Bhasan Char, an island in the
Bay of Bengal. This move was done without consultation with donor
countries and international organizations. If confirmed, do you commit
to discussing this move with Bangladeshi Government officials?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will uphold the U.S. Government's
long-standing commitment to ensure movements of displaced persons are
informed and voluntary. I recognize and appreciate the generosity
Bangladesh has shown in hosting nearly 900,000 Rohingya refugees since
they fled horrific atrocities and abuses in Burma in 2017. I believe
that the United States, as the leading contributor of humanitarian
assistance in response to the Rohingya crisis, also has a
responsibility to ensure Bangladesh respects these refugees' human
rights, including freedom of movement. If confirmed, I will work with
other donor countries and international organizations to message
consistently to Bangladeshi authorities that any transfers must be in
full coordination with humanitarian organizations and align with
humanitarian principles.
Question. Do you commit to pressing the Bangladeshi officials to
ensure that no further moves before the United Nations conducts a
thorough and independent technical and protection assessments to
determine the safety, feasibility, and desirability of relocating
refugees Bhasan Char?
Answer. Yes. I understand the United States has consistently
recognized and appreciated the challenges and responsibilities that the
Rohingya humanitarian response has placed on the Government and people
of Bangladesh. If confirmed, I will commit to supporting consistent,
strong U.S. messaging to urge Bangladesh to permit the U.N. to conduct
a comprehensive technical and protection assessment on Bhasan Char. I
would also commit to working with Bangladesh and humanitarian groups to
ensure that such relocations are voluntary and based on informed
consent without pressure or coercion.
Question. Do you support United States security alliances and
partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain
such important security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific,
guided by President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values
are inseparable.
Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and
partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in
relevant countries?
Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as
important aspects of foreign policy can and should be used for positive
effect on countries' human rights records. Promoting democracy, human
rights, and fundamental freedoms advances U.S. national security. Our
most valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
forces around the world uphold democratic values, respect and protect
human rights, and hold human rights violators accountable. The United
States must continue to create and maintain strong security
relationships with such partners through diplomacy, measured
assistance, and frequent and ongoing cooperation.
Question. Do you consider the Philippines to be a strategically
important ally of the United States? Please explain your position.
Answer. Yes. The U.S. alliance with the Philippines is one of the
oldest and most strategically important in East Asia. Continued
engagement with the Philippine Government is vital to regional
security. At the same time, in that engagement, I believe it is crucial
for the U.S. to emphasize the importance of shared values including
respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms to sustain a stable,
bilateral partnership. If confirmed, I will raise human rights
concerns--from arbitrary and unlawful killings to targeting the
independent press--at every possible opportunity with the Government of
the Philippines.
Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.-Philippine
relationship and its importance to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific
region more broadly?
Answer. The United States' effort to build a network of allies and
partners that can credibly and collectively respond to shared security
threats has the benefit of strengthening the free, open, and inclusive
regional order, which is in our national interest. If confirmed, I will
continue to pursue that goal while helping to ensure that our
engagement with those partners and allies includes promotion of human
rights and accountability for abuse. I believe that respect for human
rights is integral to maintaining strong and sustainable countries and
partnerships.
Question. Do you support continuing a robust security partnership
with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through appropriate
arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support continuing a robust security
partnership with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through
appropriate arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law and
provisions that promote and protect human rights.
Question. Do you support United States security alliances and
partnerships in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Yes. U.S. national security benefits when partner
governments and security forces around the world uphold democratic
values, promote and protect human rights, hold human rights violators
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we develop and maintain
security alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, guided by
President Biden's insistence that U.S. interests and values are
inseparable.
Question. Do you believe that U.S. security alliances and
partnerships can contribute to improving human rights records in
relevant countries?
Answer. Yes, I believe U.S. security alliances and partnerships as
important aspects of foreign policy and can be used to positive effect
on countries' human rights records. While security alliances have
manifold reasons to exist, the important role they can also play as a
joint investment in promoting democracy and human rights is central to
also advancing U.S. national security. Our most valued, dependable, and
effective partner governments and security forces around the world
uphold democratic values, respect and protect human rights, and hold
human rights violators accountable. The United States must continue to
create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
through diplomacy, measured assistance, and frequent and ongoing
cooperation.
Question. Will you ensure that the U.S. Department of State
consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could
jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our
relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially
those in Southeast Asia?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging with Congress, as
appropriate, on our actions and engagements with partners and allies in
the Indo-Pacific region, including those partners and allies in
Southeast Asia.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our alliances and partnerships
are a strategic advantage over our competitors and the strength of this
network of defense relations cannot be taken for granted. If confirmed,
I am committed to consulting with Congress, as appropriate, on our
actions and engagements with all partners and allies in the Indo-
Pacific region, including those partners and allies in Southeast Asia.
Question. How will you prioritize Internet Freedom within the
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor bureau and across the Department?
Answer. I strongly believe that the same human rights people have
offline must be protected online, including the rights to freedoms of
expression, association, and peaceful assembly. If confirmed, I will
support DRL's efforts to promote internet freedom by raising our
concerns bilaterally and building and participating in multilateral and
multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition,
where we play a leadership role. I will support investment in global
internet freedom programming to support digital safety, policy
advocacy, technology, and research to help global internet users
overcome barriers to accessing the open internet.
Question. Do you believe that internet shutdowns are a threat to
human rights?
Answer. Yes. In May, Secretary Blinken condemned the use of partial
or complete government-imposed internet shutdowns, among other tactics,
to prevent the exercise of freedom of expression online. I believe that
in addition to restricting the exercise of human rights, including the
right to expression and assembly, internet shutdowns disrupt access to
essential services such as healthcare and emergency services, and
negatively impact the economy. If confirmed, I will support DRL's
efforts to address internet shutdowns by raising our concerns
bilaterally, continuing our participation in multilateral fora that are
working to raise awareness such as the G7, and supporting our efforts
in multi-stakeholder coalitions such as the Freedom Online Coalition,
where we play a leadership role.
Question. The Department has been focused on the idea of ``internet
freedom'' as a key programmatic effort to combat and counter malign
influence and authoritarian governments. How will you bring more
cohesion to the various internet freedom programs throughout the
department?
Answer. I will support DRL's continued leadership of the State
Department's efforts to promote internet freedom globally through a
variety of bilateral and multilateral engagements as well as through
foreign assistance programming. I understand that DRL works to advance
the U.S.-led vision of the open, interoperable, reliable, and secure
internet, governed in a manner consistent with international human
rights standards and democratic norms. I also believe growing concerns
around digital authoritarianism or tech governance are tremendously
important policies on which DRL needs to engage given how these tools
are used to undermine democracy and restrict fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will ensure that DRL continues to coordinate throughout
the Department on internet-related issues, such as cybersecurity,
disinformation, and emerging technologies.
Question. Do you believe that these programs are effective in
providing training and tools to civil society?
Answer. Yes, I believe that DRL's global internet freedom programs
are effective in providing training and tools to civil society. My
understanding is that since 2008, the State Department has invested
over $320 million in global internet freedom programs, which support
digital safety, policy advocacy, technology, and research to help
global internet users overcome barriers to accessing the open internet.
These programs support leading anti-censorship tools that allow
millions of internet users worldwide to safely connect to the
uncensored internet, which helps to advance U.S. business opportunities
abroad, foster the free sharing of information across borders, and
counter political repression around the world. They also help to
protect journalists and activists operating in repressive environments
from online censorship and cyber-attacks. I believe these efforts
ensure that users have access to diverse information and perspectives,
which play a critical role in combatting corruption, countering
disinformation, undermining extremist narratives, strengthening
democratic norms, and promoting accountability for violations of human
rights.
Question. If confirmed, how would you expand internet freedom
programming to additional countries with shrinking civil societies and/
or space for free online expression?
Question. If confirmed, I will prioritize this critical programming
and apply DRL's deep expertise on regional and country-level threats to
human rights online to direct resources to where they are most needed.
I believe that the Department should apply available resources to
innovative technical programs, including surging and sustaining support
for critical anti-censorship platforms, in order to counter technical
developments in censorship and surveillance by repressive governments,
and further develop programs to provide protection against accelerating
cyber threats to civil society and independent media. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with my colleagues--and Congress--to expand
these vital programmatic efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that
information collected by the bureau of Conflict Stabilization
Operations (CSO) and then used by the bureau of Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor are harmonized and used for the improvement of
programmatic efforts?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to foster what I
understand is a productive relationship between DRL and CSO. DRL will
utilize all data sources available to maximize the efficiency and
effectiveness of its programs.
Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
(the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the
relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil
society working to identify and address the early warning signs of
atrocities. How does the task force define success?
Answer. I will work with the various interagency players in the
task force, if confirmed, to refine and clearly articulate our
successes, but ultimately the goal is to identify the various risk
factors for atrocities and then address, mitigate, and ameliorate them,
thereby reducing the likelihood of an atrocity occurring. This
measurable reduction in risk is success.
Question. How would you, if confirmed, use this data as the
Assistant Secretary of DRL?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
information to make the soundest and most effective decisions possible
including where to focus diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts,
allocation of resources, and where and when to partner with likeminded
colleagues.
Question. What efforts can the task force undertake to amplify
public messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict
indicators?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to encourage
the Task Force to present atrocity prevention messaging in whatever
fora are available, including multilateral and within the civil society
and non-governmental space. If confirmed, I will also consult with
interested Members of Congress.
Question. What efforts can DRL undertake to amplify public
messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict indicators?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek out opportunities to amplify
atrocity prevention messaging in whatever fora are available:
multilateral, with DRL's extensive networks in the civil society and
non-governmental space, and with partners across the interagency. I
also believe in some cases calling out human rights abuses and looking
for ways to course correct and address impunity can be an important way
to respond to signs of atrocities before they worsen If confirmed, I
will also consult with interested Members of Congress. I understand the
Secretary participated in the rollout out this year's Elie Wiesel
annual report and I will further expand this high-level involvement and
attention.
Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
force and within the department to provide assistance to Afghanistan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the State Department
and interagency to use all available sources of data and information to
make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to utilize in the
case of Afghanistan to support our goal goals and objectives. These
tools include but are not limited to diplomatic efforts, sanctions
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
justice efforts, and potential to partnerships with likeminded
colleagues, depending on the policy goals under consideration. I will
also regularly engage civil society members that fled Afghanistan to
better understand the situation on the ground and what the most viable
pathways are to offer support in a way that does not create additional
security risks.
Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
(the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the
relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil
society working to identify and address the early warning signs of
atrocities. How would you use the tools available within the task force
and within the department to provide assistance to Tigray?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the atrocities underway in Tigray,
the dehumanizing rhetoric, clear indications from the U.N. that the
region is ``sliding into famine,'' and the government's recent decision
to eject U.N. humanitarian officials from the country. I am grateful
for this committee's activity on Ethiopia and its repeated efforts to
draw attention to the Tigray crisis and Ethiopia's growing instability.
If confirmed, addressing the crisis in northern Ethiopia would be one
of my top priorities. I would use all appropriate tools available
within the Task Force to ensure the USG's response to ongoing
atrocities in northern Ethiopia continued to involve a whole-of-
government, coordinated response. And I would work through the Task
Force to ensure that the United States continues to use every available
tool to urge all parties to end the conflict in northern Ethiopia,
cease all gross violations of human rights, hold those perpetrators
accountable, and allow full and unhindered humanitarian access so that
those in need receive urgently needed assistance.
Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
force and within the department to provide assistance to Burma?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
information to make the most informed decisions possible on what tools
to utilize in Burma. These tools include but are not limited to
diplomatic efforts, programmatic assistance, sanctions regimes, other
forms of support for civil society, public messaging, accountability
and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that
fled Burma to better understand the situation on the ground and what
the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that doesn't
create additional security risks.
Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
force and within the department to provide assistance to Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
information to make the most sound decisions possible in what tools to
utilize in the case of Venezuela. These tools include but are not
limited to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance,
sanctions regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability
and justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
colleagues. I will also regularly engage civil society members that
fled Venezuela to better understand the situation on the ground and
what the most viable pathways are to offer support in a way that
doesn't create additional security risks.
Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
force and within the department to provide assistance to Yemen?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to
utilize in the case of Yemen. These tools include but are not limited
to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
colleagues. I will also regularly engage Yemeni civil society members,
including individuals who have fled Yemen, to better understand the
situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer
support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks.
Question. How would you use the tools available within the task
force and within the department to provide assistance to Syria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available sources of data and
information to make the soundest decisions possible in what tools to
utilize in the case of Syria. These tools include but are not limited
to diplomatic efforts, programmatic efforts, assistance, sanctions
regimes, support for civil society, messaging, accountability and
justice efforts, and where and when to partner with likeminded
colleagues. I will also regularly engage Syrian civil society members,
including individuals who have fled Syria, to better understand the
situation on the ground and what the most viable pathways are to offer
support in a way that doesn't create additional security risks. I will
also assess what is already funded by DRL and what additional support
would be useful.
Question. Do you commit to regular, quarterly briefings to Congress
on the efforts of the Task Force as well as those within the
Department?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing what I understand
is a productive, ongoing, regular conversation between the Department
and interested congressional members and committees about atrocity
prevention efforts.
Question. State Department employees have been under enormous
stress over the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19 working
from home, and Department management issues. What is your understanding
of morale throughout the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
(DRL)?
Answer. As a nominee I have not discussed morale issues with anyone
at DRL, but I understand that the bureau is full of passionate and
experienced civil service and foreign service officers committed to
advancing human rights and democracy around the world and pushing back
against authoritarianism and democratic backsliding. The Biden
administration's public commitment to putting human rights at the
center of U.S. foreign policy, and its demonstrated pledge to advancing
the human rights of all persons, are important validations of DRL's
centrality to the mission of the State Department.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across DRL?
Answer. If confirmed I would seek to hold regular meetings with
each office within DRL to really get to know the bureau, the work, and
the teams. I also would conduct ``deep dive'' reviews to understand
each team's long-term vision, current priorities, and the challenges
they face. If confirmed, I would be as accessible as possible to the
entire bureau, keeping an ``open door'' policy and blocking off regular
times on the schedule to meet with any DRL staff. If confirmed, I won't
only be there to lead the bureau, but also to support the team, amplify
and advance shared priorities, and reward hard work. Morale is in part
about leadership, team strengthening, and seeing ``wins'' on the board,
but it is also dependent on proactive recruitment and retention
policies. To that end, if confirmed I would strive to continue to
strengthen the bureau's reputation as one of career-enhancement and
excellence. I would also support DRL staff's career development within
the wider State and foreign affairs community. I would seek to rely on
the expertise that already exists in the bureau to ensure staff feel
empowered, are heard, and know that they are having impact.
Responsibility and accountability for the A/S are essential, but I
would be equally focused on encouraging problem-solving by staff while
making sure they know I'm in their corner and ready to contribute as
needed so that together we can tackle the challenges that come our way.
That's what I've always done and it's what I'll do at DRL if confirmed.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across DRL?
Answer. I am excited by the potential, if I am confirmed, to help
guide DRL into a team that is even better unified to promote and
support human rights and democracy around the globe in a genuine and
principled manner. Foremost, I would seek to create opportunities for
DRL's offices to collaborate more closely on functional issues like
counter-authoritarianism, technology and human rights, and arms sales/
security assistance. Part of creating that unified mission and vision
will mean defining goals with the staff, within the framework the
President and the Secretary have set, and then empowering the experts
to implement them with encouragement and top cover. Once our goals are
set, if confirmed, I will encourage DRL colleagues to reinforce
relationships with allies in and out of the building--including in
Congress. Finally, I would want to make sure we're learning lessons
whenever possible and course-correcting whenever necessary. Programs
and policies need to be closely integrated and matched with the current
moment, which means being flexible and open to changing direction as
needed.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for Assistant
Secretaries of State. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe effective leaders need to surround themselves
with an empowered team. My support of my team means they will support
me; we all bring complementary skills to the table. At DRL, if
confirmed, I would seek to encourage staff to think boldly and take
risks to advance our shared goals, knowing that I will have their back.
I want to empower problem-solving before elevating. I want to build
trust through our mutual belief in the power of the United States to do
good in the world, and through our shared work to overcome the
challenges in seeing that belief fully realized. Good management also
sometimes requires engaging more senior principals and responding to
their needs while simultaneously providing direction to staff. If
confirmed I will seek to balance both while helping staff value how
their work fits into a larger picture. Humility and humor are key to
me, balanced with clarity of purpose and a calm, steady approach.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to a Department setting, where resources may not be readily available
and your workforce are career employees?
Answer. My hope is that my style may be refreshing and invigorating
for career employees, for whom I have great respect and admiration.
They deserve someone who believes in them. I believe strongly in the
talent and expertise of the bureau, so I want to elevate and support
them in areas where I am able, even if resources are not readily
available. Sometimes support is less about more money and bigger
offices, and more about a leader who will listen and take action. I've
spoken to a number of former DRL Assistant Secretaries who served in
administrations of both parties, to hear their guidance on policy,
vision, and management strategies. I believe there is a lot to learn
from their experiences.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on the Department leaders to integrate
themselves into Bureau operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. No matter one's appointment authority, I think any
Assistant Secretary's goal is to maximize the contributions that every
member of the team can make and understanding how the bureau operates
is essential to good management and good policy making. If confirmed, I
intend to take the time to understand how DRL has operated, what the
culture has been, and what's worked, what needs to be fixed, and what
disagreements, if any, need to be resolved so we can function as a
united team. I am not afraid to make tough decisions if there's a need
but will want to do so after a full review and adequate consultation.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never appropriate or constructive, and as a
leader I have never and will never tolerate such behavior.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate performance reviews for both Foreign and Civil
Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do you believe
that it is important to provide employees with accurate, constructive
feedback on their performance in order to encourage improvement and
reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes. Constructive feedback is an important part of holding
staff accountable for their work, holding supervisors accountable for
their management, and ensuring strong work products. If confirmed, I
will make sure all formal evaluations are completed on time and with a
high degree of specificity. For those whom I may not directly oversee,
I will put time on my calendar to ensure we are discussing their goals,
concerns, and accomplishments.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage the
managers in your bureau to provide clear, accurate, and direct feedback
to employees in order to improve performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, I would, because such feedback is essential to helping
high achievers continue to excel, helping other employees become high
achievers, and retaining talent in a competitive environment.
Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Russian Government
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering
malign Russian Government influence around the world, including in the
Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will take a comprehensive view of
this complex problem and its effects on democracy and human rights in
the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will advocate for the use of
all of our tools to counter Russian malign influence in the hemisphere,
including diplomatic engagement, technical exchanges, foreign
assistance, and public diplomacy. DRL's existing policy and
programmatic lines of effort focused on anti-corruption, civil society,
and strengthening rule of law should continue, and undercut Russian
malign influence and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in
the region.
Question. If confirmed, how will you organize and mobilize the
resources of the DRL Bureau to counter malign Chinese Government
behavior and influence in the Western Hemisphere?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) represents a serious
challenge to U.S. interests and values in the region, with its growing
security ties and infrastructure investments. If confirmed, I will lead
our team to meet this challenge by advancing our positive agenda for
the hemisphere and working with likeminded partners--whether aligned
governments or regional organizations. We will build on our shared
values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We will welcome
our allies and partners' expertise and resources to support the
region's COVID-19 response, entrepreneurship, and sustainable
infrastructure. We will support high-standard investment in
infrastructure and transparent economic development that creates jobs
essential for regional pandemic recovery.
Question. Are China's growing commercial ties and investments in
Latin America a threat to human rights in the hemisphere? Please
explain.
Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) aggressive efforts
to expand market share for state-affiliated firms, carrying out of
infrastructure projects, implementation of disinformation campaigns,
and export of surveillance and censorship tools play a direct and
indirect role in human rights violations and abuses in Latin America.
The lack of transparency in the PRC's transactions and its increase of
the region's dependence on debt financing enables corruption. The PRC's
infrastructure projects often ignore both labor and environmental laws,
undermining individual workers' rights and labor standards more
generally. The PRC's manipulation of media outlets silences
investigative journalists who hold human rights abusers publicly
accountable while suppressing negative stories of the PRC's activities
in the region. The proliferation of untrusted vendors' surveillance and
control equipment in the region also increases the risk to human rights
defenders and those willing to expose human rights violators. The PRC's
activities take place throughout the region and result in countries
adopting policies inconsistent with democratic values.
Question. Are Russia's activities in Latin America a threat to
human rights in the region? Please explain.
Answer. Russia's engagement in the region is marked by
disinformation, military and equipment sales, and energy deals, all
with implications for human rights in the region. The Biden
administration is committed to countering disinformation and imposing
costs on Russia for its aggression and malign activities across the
globe. If confirmed, I will continue to monitor closely Russia's
activities in the region, including its relationships with Cuba, the
illegitimate Maduro regime in Venezuela, and the Ortega-Murillo
Government in Nicaragua. I will work with colleagues and the
interagency to promote and protect human rights, combat disinformation,
and combat corruption and reduce impunity in Latin America.
Question. According to the 2019 National Drug Threat Assessment,
fentanyl and other highly potent synthetic opioids continue to be the
most lethal category of illicit substances in the U.S. The 2020 DEA
report on fentanyl flows to the United States indicates that Mexican
transnational criminal organizations are producing increased quantities
of fentanyl and cartels such as the Sinaloa and the New Generation
Jalisco cartel are the primary trafficking groups responsible for
smuggling fentanyl into the U.S. from Mexico.
Please explain how illicit drug trade impacts human rights in
Mexico.
Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) in Mexico are a
threat to public health, safety, and human rights. Crime and violence
are at record-high levels in Mexico, with as many of three-fourths of
all homicides tied to organized crime. Mexico reported 34,515 homicides
in 2020 and 34,648 in 2019, a rate of around 29 per 100,000 habitants.
As to other human rights abuses, for example, indigenous persons in
isolated regions reported incidents of forced labor, in which cartel
members forced them to perform illicit activities or face death. Minors
were recruited or forced by cartels to traffic persons, drugs, or other
goods across the border. Migrants were also recruited by criminal
organizations to conduct illicit activities. To enable their criminal
activities, TCOs corrupt democratic institutions and put the safety and
livelihoods of ordinary citizens at risk. If confirmed, I will continue
the State Department's work with government partners in Mexico to build
institutional capacity to dismantle TCOs and hold them accountable for
their behavior.
Question. The Ortega regime in Nicaragua has repeatedly failed to
take action to pass meaningful electoral reforms--which the U.S., OAS,
EU and U.N. have called for. The U.S. has leveraged sanctions and
diplomatic tools, but what other options are on the table?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' ongoing
efforts to rally international pressure on the Ortega-Murillo
Government, through public statements by Secretary Blinken, regular
media engagements by Department leadership, and bilateral and
multilateral diplomacy with our partners, such as joint public
condemnations that call out the Ortega-Murillo Government's attacks on
democracy. If confirmed, I will support continued use of the diplomatic
and economic tools available to the Department, such as sanctions and
visa restrictions.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing and
maintaining policies and programs to create acceptable conditions for
free and fair elections in Nicaragua?
Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken stated on August 7, the
Nicaraguan electoral process, including its eventual results, has lost
all credibility. The Ortega-Murillo Government has made no effort to
honor its agreement with the opposition to begin electoral reforms
ahead of the November election. To the contrary, it has changed the
legal code and implemented new, vague laws based on Russian legislation
that restrict human rights and fundamental freedoms. If confirmed, I
will support continuing U.S. policies and programs in support of the
Nicaraguan people's desire for a return to democracy.
Question. What strategies would you employ to improve the capacity
of the democratic opposition to coalesce and become a credible
challenge to Ortega?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to
build the capacity of and strengthen civil society organizations that
work to promote human rights protections, democratic governance, and
transparency.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. President Ortega has ensured the
rigged elections on November 7 will proclaim him victorious. If
confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to hold the Ortega-
Murillo Government accountable. Through USAID and the Department of
State, we will continue to support Nicaraguan civil society
organizations, independent media, and human rights defenders as they
fight to restore democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights.
We will continue to work with democratic actors, inside and outside of
Nicaragua, to promote consensus-building and unification around their
efforts to challenge President Ortega and Vice President Murillo's
authoritarian government. Our continued support will help to
demonstrate to the Nicaraguan people that the international community
has not forgotten them.
Question. Please describe the long-term implications for Nicaragua
and the region if Ortega fraudulently extends his time in office.
Answer. The Ortega-Murillo Government will not have a democratic
mandate following fraudulent elections in November. The June resolution
of the Permanent Council of the OAS stated just this--that the measures
adopted by the Government of Nicaragua do not meet the conditions for
transparent, free and fair elections to which all member states have
committed under the Inter-American Democratic Charter. Thus, it is
foreseeable that a fraught election could further isolate the
government internationally and rekindle domestic unrest. At the same
time, a fraudulent election in Nicaragua could embolden other
autocratic governments in the region. The consolidation of power under
Ortega and Murillo will also have migration implications for the
region, as an increasing number of Nicaraguans decide to leave their
country due to continued repression. If confirmed, I will support
consideration of all diplomatic tools to address the fraudulent
elections in Nicaragua.
Question. Should the U.S. support an internationally-accompanied
negotiation between the Ortega regime and the Nicaraguan democratic
forces, as the Biden administration is supporting in Venezuela? Please
explain.
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Nicaraguan people's
expressed desire for democracy. I will collaborate with the embassy in
Managua and Department staff in Washington to continue to work with
civil society and the international community to support opposition
voices in Nicaragua and within the Nicaraguan diaspora. It is past time
for free and fair elections so the people of Nicaragua can turn the
page on the corrupt and repressive Ortega-Murillo Government.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States continues to
seek to increase bilateral and multilateral pressure on the Ortega-
Murillo Government. With President Ortega and Vice President Murillo
throwing the leading opposition figures in jail and crushing all
political dissent, the repressive conditions in Nicaragua do not
support the prospect of negotiations. If confirmed, I will continue to
support the unilateral and multilateral efforts to hold the Ortega-
Murillo Government accountable and explore with allies a coordinated
path forward to address the electoral sham scheduled for November 7.
Question. Should Cuba be removed from the list of state sponsors of
terrorism (SST) while they continue to harbor U.S. fugitives?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's goals
toward Cuba, and I look forward to consulting with Congress on this
issue.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. If confirmed, I will support the
administration's goals toward Cuba. In May, the administration
certified Cuba as a Not Fully Cooperating Country with U.S. counter-
terrorism efforts, which I fully support. If confirmed, I will consult
closely with my counter-terrorism and other colleagues in reviewing the
facts and legal standards in determining my position on whether Cuba
should be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism (SST).
Question. Would you advise establishing diplomatic relations with
Cuba while it continues to provide safe harbor to fugitives from the
U.S. justice system?
Answer. I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives from
justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence, many
of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will support
the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from justice and
would look forward to supporting the administration's review of Cuba
policy.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am aware that Cuba harbors
several U.S. fugitives from justice wanted on or convicted of charges
of political violence, many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades.
If confirmed, I will strongly support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to
return fugitives from justice and would not advocate for increased
diplomatic engagement unless it would enhance respect for human rights
and democracy in Cuba.
Question. If confirmed, would you support Cuba's removal from the
SST list without verifiable assurances that it would cease to foster a
permissive environment for international terrorists in Venezuela?
Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism
designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on
fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation
should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in
question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the
criteria needed for such a designation. Regardless of the state sponsor
of terrorism designation, I do believe other corresponding punitive
measures are an important tool to be used on repressive governments
and/or officials. I will consult closely with the intelligence
community and Congress on the way forward, including on the decision to
designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about the
support Cuba has provided to the Maduro regime to engage in human
rights abuses against the Venezuelan people. I have long believed that
state sponsor of terrorism (SST) designations should be based on fact,
law, and analysis. I believe an SST designation should not be lifted
until the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet
the criteria needed for rescission. The administration has committed to
carefully reviewing decisions made in the prior administration,
including the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of
Terrorism. If confirmed, I am committed to carefully reviewing the
facts and the law in determining my views on whether Cuba should
continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and to
consulting closely with Congress on the issue.
Question. Please describe the trajectory of Cuban involvement in
Venezuela.
Answer. Cuba has long had deep engagement in Venezuela's military
and intelligence services. Fidel Castro was a close confidant and
advisor to Hugo Chavez. With Cuba's support, the Maduro regime, which
the United States does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela,
has ignored the Venezuelan people's calls for change and a return to
democracy, and learned from Cuban advisors how to spy on its own
citizens and suppress dissent. Venezuelan secret police have perfected
the torture tactics, systems of social control, and mechanisms of
repression that Cuban authorities have used against their own people
for decades. If confirmed, I would seek to thwart such abuses.
Question. Do you agree that Cuban military and intelligence support
is the linchpin to Maduro's survival in Venezuela?
Answer. Cuba shields the Maduro regime, which the United States
does not recognize as the Government of Venezuela, from some of the
effects of international economic and diplomatic pressure, while
providing the intelligence and muscle that improves Maduro's ability to
cling to power. I understand that Cuban military and intelligence
advisors actively support Maduro through the provision of security
forces, intelligence officers, and by providing direction to Venezuelan
authorities. They equip the Maduro regime with the tools he needs to
repress any domestic or internal dissent, including in his military.
Cuba also provided thousands of medical professionals to Venezuela,
before and during the COVID-19 crisis, allowing Maduro to avoid the
domestic political consequences of his failed economic and health
policies. Allegations of forced labor and using the mission to conduct
political interference and intelligence collection on behalf of Maduro
are widely reported by former participants. If confirmed, I would seek
to stem these practices.
Question. Please describe your views on the most effective approach
to persuade the Cuban regime to play a more positive role in Venezuela.
Answer. I understand the United States will continue to coordinate
closely with likeminded nations, including within the EU and OAS, to
promote a negotiated solution to the crisis in Venezuela. The aim is to
counter interference and raise the costs to Cuba for supporting any
anti-democratic actions or human rights abuses by the Maduro regime,
which the United States does not recognize as the Government of
Venezuela. I support this approach.
Question. Please explain your views on how the international
community can exert pressure on Cuba for its involvement in Venezuela.
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' efforts to
continue to exert pressure on Cuba through Secretary Blinken's public
statements, regular media engagements by Department leadership,
bilateral diplomacy with other countries in the region, and
multilateral diplomacy. I would also continue U.S. efforts to protect
and support the human rights of Cubans and to empower them to determine
their own future.
Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
human rights conditions in Cuba and Venezuela if the United States were
to elevate its diplomatic relations with Cuba by nominating and
confirming an Ambassador.
Answer. I believe the protests that began on July 11 have
demonstrated how important it is for U.S. diplomats to engage directly
with the Cuban people. I understand the U.S. diplomatic corps will
continue to engage directly with and support civil society, including
human rights defenders and political dissidents, as part of an overall
effort to empower the Cuban people and their desire for freedom. If
confirmed, I would strongly support such continued engagement.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Our primary goal in Cuba and
Venezuela is to promote democracy and respect for human rights and any
potential change in our diplomatic relations must serve to further this
goal. The United States must ensure that any changes to our diplomatic
engagement do not negatively affect our ability to support the societal
demands in Cuba and Venezuela for democratic reforms. If confirmed, I
will closely evaluate the impact of potential changes to diplomatic
engagement on the administration's ability to promote democracy and
human rights.
Question. Please describe your understanding of the role of
military-controlled firms in the Cuban economy.
Answer. The Cuban Government exercises significant control over
most of Cuba's important economic sectors. For example, the Cuban
Government benefits from remittance fees that are handled through its
remittance processor, Financiera Cimex S.A. (FINCIMEX), which is a
military-controlled entity. State-owned stores as well as the medical
missions program are also an economic boon for the Cuban Government,
which significantly marks up prices in the stores and keeps a large
portion of medical workers' salaries. The Armed Forces Business
Enterprise Group (GAESA), which is led by Raul Castro's son-in-law, is
involved in all sectors of the economy. The Cuban military controls
tourism, including through ownership of Gaviota Hotels.
Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. policy were to facilitate or
allow financial transactions that benefit military-controlled firms in
Cuba.
Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the
administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
accountable for its abuses through efforts that maximize benefits to
the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefits to the Cuban
Government and its military. I look forward to consulting with Congress
on these efforts.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about
Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious
human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize the
military's role in the Cuban economy. If confirmed, I will support the
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
accountable for its abuses, including by minimizing or eliminating any
financial benefits to the Cuban Government and its military.
Question. Please explain your views on the impact it would have on
human rights conditions in Cuba if U.S. public and private engagement
with Cuba were to disproportionately benefit the Cuban military,
intelligence, or security services or personnel at the expense of the
Cuban people?
Answer. Democracy and human rights are at the core of the
administration's efforts toward Cuba. If confirmed, I will support the
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits
for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban
Government and its military. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting
with Congress on these efforts.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I share your concerns about
Cuba's military, intelligence, and security services' role in serious
human rights abuses against the Cuban people, and I recognize their
role in the Cuban economy. I would oppose any move that would
disproportionately benefit the Cuban military, intelligence, or
security services at the expense of our efforts to lift the Cuban
people out of oppression. If confirmed, I will further the
administration's goals to support the Cuban people and hold the regime
accountable for its abuses, including efforts that maximize benefits
for the Cuban people and minimize or eliminate any benefit to the Cuban
Government and its military intelligence, or security services.
Question. According to the State Department, in 2019, the
Government of Cuba maintained an estimated 50,000 medical personnel in
more than 60 countries under conditions that represent forced labor.
The U.S., United Nations, independent media outlets and NGOs have
documented and called out the Cuban regime's exploitative and coercive
practices toward its doctors participating in its overseas medical
programs.
Can you describe your understanding of how Cuban doctors are forced
into participating the program and sent to a foreign country, as well
as the conditions by which they live while in this program?
Answer. I understand that former participants in Cuba's overseas
medical programs have stated that the Cuban Government coerced some
participants to remain in the program, including by withholding their
passports and medical credentials; restricting their movement; using
``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work;
threatening to revoke their licenses to practice medicine in Cuba;
retaliating against their family members in Cuba if participants left
the program; or imposing criminal penalties, forced exile, and family
separation if participants did not return to Cuba as directed by
government supervisors.
Question. Can you describe how these programs only go to serve the
Cuban Government at the expense of the Cuban people?
Answer. The export of professional services, including medical
missions, remains Cuba's largest source of foreign exchange earnings. I
understand that it is difficult to ascertain the exact amount of
proceeds due to a lack of transparency in bilateral agreements with
host countries. Contracts often involve direct payments to the Cuban
Government with former participants reporting receiving roughly 10 to
25 percent of the amount paid by the host governments to the Cuban
Government for their services. In addition, there are reports of in-
kind transfers of medical equipment for medical professionals in South
Africa and of oil for doctors in Venezuela and Algeria.
Question. Do you consider the Cuban regime's overseas medical
missions to be exploitative human trafficking efforts?
Answer. I understand there are documented reports of widespread
abuse and exploitation of medical professionals within the medical
program, including allegations that the Cuban regime coerced some
participants to remain in the program, including by withholding a large
portion of their salaries; restricting their movements; using
``minders'' to conduct surveillance of participants outside of work;
threatening to revoke their medical licenses; retaliating against their
families in Cuba if participants leave the program; or imposing
criminal penalties, exile, and family separation if participants do not
return to Cuba as directed by government supervisors. I agree with the
Department of State's conclusion that these practices are ``clear
indicators of human trafficking.'' If confirmed, I will urge countries
to take the necessary measures to protect Cuban medical workers and to
seek transparency on contractual agreements between the Cuban
Government and the medical professionals.
Question. Do you commit to instructing our Embassies in countries
that accept Cuban medical missions to communicate to host governments
to inform them of the Cuban regime's forced labor practices?
Answer. I am very concerned about the human and labor rights abuses
within the Cuban medical missions program. If confirmed, I will
highlight these issues with host governments and work with our officers
in the field and foreign government officials, at the highest
appropriate level, to urge them to take necessary measures to protect
Cuban medical workers and to seek transparency on contractual
agreements between the Cuban Government and medical professionals. I
will encourage countries to put steps in place to prevent exploitation
and forced labor, and to proactively monitor these programs, given
persistent allegations that the Cuban Government are compelling medical
professionals to work.
Question. Please describe your understanding of the relationship
between the Government of Cuba, the U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist
Organization Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and the Maduro
regime in Venezuela.
Answer. I understand members of the Colombian-origin National
Liberation Army (ELN), including senior leadership, traveled to Cuba in
2018 for now-defunct peace negotiations with the Government of
Colombia. When negotiations failed, Cuba continued to provide safe
haven to ELN leadership. In January 2019, ELN claimed responsibility
for a deadly bombing in Colombia. Citing peace protocols signed before
the ELN negotiators traveled to Cuba, Cuba has refused to extradite ELN
leaders to Colombia. With respect to Venezuela, Maduro and his
associates use criminal activities to help maintain their hold on
power, fostering a permissive environment for known terrorist groups,
including the ELN and its sympathizers. The Cuban intelligence and
security apparatus has infiltrated Venezuela's security and military
forces, helping Nicholas Maduro to maintain his stranglehold over his
people while allowing terrorist organizations to operate.
If confirmed, I will commit to closely reviewing the status of ELN
leadership in Cuba and consulting with Congress as the Biden-Harris
administration reviews U.S. policy toward Cuba.
Question. Considering the well-documented ties between the Maduro
regime and the ELN, and Cuba's harboring of ELN terrorists, why should
the Cuban regime not be included in the list of States Sponsors of
Terrorism?
Answer. I have long believed that state sponsor of terrorism
designations should be used for states that are terrorists, based on
fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I believe a designation
should not be lifted until there's full clarity that the government in
question has taken all steps necessary to relieve themselves of the
criteria needed for such a designation. If confirmed, I will consult
closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way
forward, including on the previous administration's decision to
designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am very concerned about Cuba's
harboring of members of the ELN. I have long believed that state
sponsor of terrorism designations should be based on fact, law, and
analysis. Similarly, I believe a designation should not be lifted until
the government in question has taken all steps necessary to meet the
criteria needed for rescission. If confirmed, I am committed to
carefully reviewing the facts and the law in determining my views on
whether Cuba should continue to be designated as a State Sponsor of
Terrorism and to consulting closely with Congress on the issue.
Question. Over the last three decades, Colombia has emerged as
source of economic and stability in the region, in great part due to
the success of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and Plan
Colombia. Yet, policy decisions made during the negotiations of the
2016 deal with the FARC created new challenges for Colombia and our
relations. Coca production in Colombia steadily increased since 2013,
reaching 212,000 hectares in 2019. In March 2020, the United States and
Colombia announced a joint action plan to reduce coca cultivation and
cocaine production by 50 percent by the end of 2023. The plan would
make full use of all available tools, including rural development,
interdiction, as well as manual and aerial eradication.
Would you agree that achieving this goal by 2023 would deliver
significant health and security benefits for Americans here at
home?
Answer. Yes. Significant and sustainable reductions in coca
cultivation and cocaine production will deliver significant health and
security benefits for Americans by reducing the amount of cocaine
flowing to the United States. The U.S. Government's new
counternarcotics strategy for Colombia pursues sustainability through
an integrated, bilateral focus on integrated supply reduction, rural
security and development, and environmental protection. Integrated
implementation of these pillars will reduce cocaine-related overdoses
and violence in the United States, and slow migration caused by
narcotrafficking-related violence in drug-transit countries. If
confirmed, I would support this approach.
Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
growing coca cultivation and violence against human rights defenders in
Colombia.
Answer. The enormous profit margins associated with the cocaine
trade mean that narcotrafficking organizations will violently oppose
any interference in their money-making activities, whether it be from
the Colombian Government for prosecuting offenders; human rights
defenders and social leaders for their efforts to support crop
substitution and public advocacy on behalf of rural communities; or
competition from rival criminal organizations. Narcotrafficking
organizations will target anyone who interferes in their illicit
business model.
In areas with significant narcotics trafficking, coca cultivation,
and where organized criminal groups exercise significant control, human
rights challenges abound, including killings of social leaders,
including human rights defenders. I understand that a review by the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) of social
leader murders in 2020 found that 93 percent occurred in areas the
Colombian National Police identify as being under the control of
criminal organizations. The UNODC has found that in Cauca, the
department with the highest level of social leader killings, the
probability of a social leader being killed is 4.3 times higher in
areas where coca is grown. I understand that Embassy Bogot 's
integrated counternarcotics and rural security strategy aims to reduce
coca cultivation while also expanding state and CNP presence to rural
areas to reduce the influence of armed groups and curtail the violence
they perpetrate against social leaders and the general public. If
confirmed, I would support these efforts.
Question. Please explain your understanding of the nexus between
community participation in Colombia's National Program for Integral
Substitution and the rate of social leaders' killings.
Answer. Narcotrafficking organizations' profits depend upon having
farmers who either work directly for them or from whom they buy coca.
The National Program for Integral Substitution (Programa Nacional
Integral de Sustituci"n de Cultivos Il!citos--PNIS) seeks to convince
farmers to switch to the cultivation of legal commodities. As the
Government's authority is weaker in rural areas, the farmers are
vulnerable to threats from the narcotrafficking organizations.
I understand that INL invests an average $10 million annually to
implement human rights programming that seeks to improve protections of
human rights defenders (HRDs) and help Colombian authorities pursue
accountability for crimes against HRDs. Since its creation, INL has
assisted the unit of specialized human rights prosecutors in the
Attorney General's Office with training, mentoring, and equipment and
is now working with specialized human rights judges to provide similar
assistance. If confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for
ways to build on them.
Question. Do you agree that the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is
the direct result of the political and security conditions imposed by
the Maduro regime in that country?
Answer. Yes. Since 2015, nearly 5.7 million Venezuelans have been
forced to flee the economic, political, and humanitarian crisis caused
by the Maduro regime's abuses, corruption, and mismanagement, making it
the largest external displacement of persons in the Hemisphere's
history. I understand the United States supports a wide range of life-
saving humanitarian programs for Venezuelans, such as food assistance;
emergency shelter; access to health care, water, sanitation, and
hygiene supplies; support for livelihoods; and protection for
vulnerable groups including women, youth, LGBTQI+, and indigenous
people. If confirmed, I would support the continuation of that
assistance.
Question. Can the humanitarian crisis be resolved on Maduro's
watch?
Answer. Maduro could resolve the underlying causes of the
humanitarian crisis by restoring democracy and respect for human
rights, as well as taking the necessary steps to rebuild the Venezuelan
economy. Venezuelans are suffering from one of the worst economic and
humanitarian crises outside of a war in modern history. Since 2017,
more than 5.6 million Venezuelans have been forced to flee their
country.
The Maduro regime mismanages the economy, plunders public coffers,
and impedes access to critical humanitarian assistance, including
lifesaving food and nutrition aid. If confirmed, I will work to open
more possibilities for humanitarian workers, organizations, and
assistance to reach the Venezuelan people in Venezuela and beyond, to
meet their most urgent needs. I am deeply committed to the Venezuelan
people and strongly support their desire for free and fair presidential
and parliamentary elections and the return to the rule of law and
democracy, which can only have a positive impact the humanitarian
crisis.
Since 2017, the United States has provided more than $1.2 billion
in humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance to help
Venezuelans, including more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance,
both inside Venezuela and throughout the region. On September 22, the
United States announced more than $336 million in additional
humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance at the 76th
Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Of this total, nearly
$247 million is for humanitarian assistance and more than $89 million
is for economic, development, and health assistance. The United States
is the largest donor of foreign assistance for the Venezuela regional
crisis, having provided over $1.9 billion in funding since Fiscal Year
2017. If confirmed, I would support these efforts.
Question. There has been more than a dozen failed attempts at
negotiating with Maduro. They have occurred in an environment of
engagement during the Obama administration, and under the pressure of
punitive measures implemented by the Trump administration.
Is the United States using all available tools to create the
appropriate conditions for a successful negotiation with the
Maduro regime to transition to democratic rule in Venezuela?
Answer. I understand the United States continues to support a
negotiated, Venezuelan-led solution to the Venezuelan crisis that leads
to free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections and a return
of the rule of law and democracy in Venezuela.
I also understand the State Department continues to prioritize
coordination with its closest regional partners, as well as its
European partners, to improve the effectiveness of our sanctions,
address growing humanitarian needs, and support a negotiated, political
solution. I understand the United States remains steadfast in our
support to the Venezuelan people in their struggle for the restoration
of democracy and rule of law. If confirmed, I would support these
efforts.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The United States supports a
Venezuelan-led solution to the crisis, which the Venezuelans have
decided must be a negotiated solution that leads to free and fair
presidential and parliamentary elections and a return to rule of law
and democracy in Venezuela. The United States will continue to advocate
for pressure from regional and European partners to pursue this end. If
confirmed, I would support these efforts.
Question. Please explain how the United States could work with the
European Union--and specifically Spain--to create the right conditions
for a credible transition to democratic rule in Venezuela.
Answer. I understand the Department regularly engages with the
international community bilaterally and in multilateral fora to raise
awareness of human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela and to get
other countries and international bodies to join us in pressing the
Maduro regime to uphold democracy and respect human rights. If
confirmed, I would support these efforts and look for creative ways to
double down on these efforts, including support for justice and
accountability measures, programs that strengthen democratic
institutions, transparency, rule of law, inclusion, empowerment, and
access to information.
Answer. Will you, if confirmed, advocate for the release of the
nine American Citizens currently held on political charges and against
their will in Venezuela? How will you work with the regional bureau and
Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate for the release of all
American citizens currently held on political charges and against their
will in Venezuela. I will consult with all relevant Bureaus and
Offices, including the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs,
to resolve these cases.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. The safe return of wrongfully
detained U.S. nationals is a top priority for the Biden administration.
Using wrongful detention as a bargaining chip represents a threat to
the safety of everyone traveling, working, and living abroad. The U.S.
opposes this practice everywhere. If confirmed, I will work closely
with the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and WHA to
identify how DRL can help ensure the safe return of the nine American
Citizens currently held on political charges in Venezuela and any other
American who is wrongfully detained.
Question. In September 2020, the U.N. Independent International
Fact Finding Mission on Venezuela cited evidence of unlawful
executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions and torture
in the country since 2014, amounting to crimes against humanity. If
confirmed, what tools will you use to ensure every person responsible
is punished for their actions and brought to justice?
Answer. I understand the United States will continue to hold the
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
Government of Venezuela, and regime-aligned individuals accountable for
their human rights abuses by applying a wide array of diplomatic and
economic tools, including employing sanctions and visa restrictions. If
confirmed, I would support these efforts.
Question. In December 2020, the General Secretariat of the
Organization of American States (OAS) accused the chief prosecutor of
the International Criminal Court (ICC) of failing to take swift action
after allegations that Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro's Government
committed crimes against humanity. Do you support the ICC opening a
formal investigation into these allegations?
Answer. I understand the United States is committed to promoting
accountability for human rights violations and abuses in Venezuela,
which is a party to the Rome Statute of the ICC. If confirmed, I will
promote the importance of accountability for the horrific violations
and abuses that continue to be committed in Venezuela. Where domestic
systems are unable or unwilling to genuinely pursue the justice that
victims deserve and that societies require to sustain peace,
international courts such as the ICC can play a meaningful role in
advancing accountability. I understand the United States is united with
like-minded democracies in denouncing human rights violations and
abuses that have occurred in Venezuela and in calling for
accountability for the perpetrators and justice for the victims.
I understand the United States is aware of the ICC Prosecutor's
ongoing evaluation of whether to open an investigation into the
situation in Venezuela.
Question. Please explain your understanding of how the Maduro
regime operates as a narco-terrorist regime.
Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been
clear that he believes Maduro is a dictator and that his administration
will stand with the Venezuelan people and their call for a restoration
of democracy through free and fair elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD
Act'' and the administration that there must be a negotiated solution
to the problems in Venezuela.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as
Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that
are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support
U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro,
call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human
rights abuses.
Question. Please explain your views on the role of the Venezuelan
military in narcotics trafficking.
Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
Maduro regime, which the United States does not recognize as the
Government of Venezuela, to traffic narcotics. President Biden has been
clear that his administration will stand with the Venezuelan people and
their call for a restoration of democracy through free and fair
elections. I agree with the ``VERDAD Act'' and the administration that
there must be a negotiated solution to the problems in Venezuela.
If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies, such as
Colombia, to combat drug trafficking in the Andean region in ways that
are both meaningful and economically sustainable. I also will support
U.S. Government efforts to increase multilateral pressure on Maduro,
call for the release of political prisoners, and implement sanctions
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption and human
rights abuses.
Question. Please explain your views on the relationship between the
Maduro regime and U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, FARC
and ELN
Answer. According to the Department of Justice indictments of
Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed in March 2020, senior
Venezuelan political, intelligence, and military officials have
facilitated drug trafficking through the country since at least 1999.
Colombian drug-trafficking organizations--including dissident FARC
factions and the ELN--exploit the lack of rule of law created by the
illegitimate Maduro regime to traffic narcotics.
Question. In Africa, DRL focuses its programs on non-presence
countries or where limited democracy, rights and governance (DRG)
investments are made by USAID. Do you agree with this approach? Why?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure DRL continues to consider many
factors in determining where to support democracy and governance
program goals, including those mentioned above. I believe it is
important for DRL programming to continue to support U.S. policy
objectives on the continent--while also maximizing effectiveness and
avoiding duplication--through close coordination with other funders,
including USAID. I understand that DRL's approach to programming,
however, is different from other bureaus within the Department and
other U.S. agencies due to its close connection with activists and
human rights defenders on the ground and programmatic flexibility which
allows it to address emerging opportunities and challenges. Recognizing
this, I believe DRL should remain invested in certain countries with a
USAID presence, such as Sudan and Nigeria, where DRL's programming can
complement and amplify other programs and given long-standing and
sensitive human rights concerns that could complicate aspects of the
bilateral relations.
Question. In your role as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human
Rights and Labor, if confirmed, how will you follow through on
administration statements that ``Africa is a priority for the Biden
administration''? How will you demonstrate--through DRL's work and in
your engagements within the Department--that the U.S. respects and
values our African partners while being clear about our values and
expectations, particularly as it relates to respect for democratic
norms, human rights and rule of law?
Answer. Promoting and advancing respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms is a top priority for the United States in Africa.
If confirmed, I would seek ways to support democratic advancement on
the part of governments and stand with citizens, civil society, and the
private sector to hold their governments to be more responsive and
accountable. I would also travel regularly to the continent and meet
with a range of actors, including opposition leaders and members of the
independent media. In diplomatic engagements, I would encourage close
attention to free and fair elections and attempts to manipulate term
limits, the context in which elections are held, respect for democratic
norms, media freedom, and the health of civil society.
Question. Across Africa, the USG has invested in a number of early
warning early response (EWER) systems focused for conflict prevention
and mitigation. What is your assessment of EWER systems as an effective
conflict prevention tool in Africa?
Answer. I understand EWER systems across Africa provide communities
at risk for conflict and atrocities practical means to take a lead role
in their own protection. I believe by creating low-cost, easy to use
means of communicating with security providers and other communities at
risk, these USG-supported programs have empowered previously
unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented
escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic
Republic of Congo and Nigeria especially at the grassroots, community-
level.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. EWER systems across Africa
enable vulnerable and remotely located communities at risk for conflict
and atrocities practical means to take a lead role in their own
protection. I believe that by creating low-cost, easy to use means of
communicating with security providers and other communities at risk,
these U.S. Government-supported programs have empowered previously
unprotected or ignored communities and have evidently prevented
escalations of conflict in the Central African Republic, Democratic
Republic of Congo and Nigeria. I understand U.S. Government investments
also seek to support EWER systems that can be easily adapted and
managed by local actors, ensuring sustainability and ownership at both
the government and community level.
Question. Do you feel they are a good investment of U.S. resources
given limited resources for conflict prevention and resolution in
Africa?
Answer. Yes. I understand these early warning systems use radio and
SMS to communicate, and that the training required to use them is cost-
effective. Trained community members can in turn train others in their
operation, and partnerships with telecom and security providers ensure
that the communication channels remain available at a very low cost. I
believe their sustainability and effectiveness make them a good
investment of limited resources in this field.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes, especially when paired with
training and capacity support for community members to identify
violence trends and forecast risks to prevent attacks before the
happen. Preventing violence and interrupting cycles of retaliatory
intercommunal violence helps save lives and is a more impactful and
cost-effective intervention than responding to conflict once it has
broken out. Moreover, I understand that these early warning systems use
radio and SMS to communicate, and the training required to use them is
cost-effective. I understand trained community members can in turn
train others in their operation, and partnerships with telecom and
security providers ensure that the communication channels remain
available at a very low cost. Their sustainability and effectiveness
make them a good investment of limited resources in this field. While
sophisticated defense systems have their place in protecting vulnerable
populations in Africa, EWER systems that utilize technology already in
regular use in at-risk locations can be much more effective in alerting
populations in real time by being readily accessible, quick to stand
up, and easy to use.
Question. Are you supportive of DRL investing in EWER systems in
Africa? If yes, in what circumstances are they appropriate?
Answer. Yes. I believe EWER systems can be appropriately deployed
in a number of situations where security providers are either slow or
reluctant to provide quality protection for communities at risk for
conflict due to ethnic, religious, resource, or other reasons. I
understand due to the ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not
limited to only a certain subset of users; indeed, we have seen
tangible success when groups often overlooked for leadership roles-
youth and women-have been empowered to use these systems. DRL's EWER
systems are also appropriate and effective even where the government is
the primary perpetrator. I believe in those circumstances, the alerts
can be directed to alternative sources for response, such as local
civil society or regional or international actors.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. Yes. EWER systems can be
appropriately deployed in any number of situations and locations where
security providers are either slow or reluctant to provide quality
protection for communities at risk for conflict due to ethnic,
religious, resource, or other reasons. I understand that due to their
ease of use, DRL-supported EWER access is not limited to a certain
subset of users and has demonstrated success when groups often
overlooked for leadership roles-youth and women-have been empowered to
use these systems. I believe DRL's EWER systems are also appropriate
and effective where the Government is the primary perpetrator of
abuses. In those circumstances, the alerts can be directed to
alternative sources for response, such as local civil society or
regional or international actors. I understand DRL also seeks to deepen
its programs' coordination with security actors active in locations of
mutual priority to ensure that information sharing is maximized.
Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under
threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral
processes to remain in power, while stifling dissent and limiting the
activities of opposition parties and candidates. In 2020 alone, we saw
ruling parties and incumbent leaders apply authoritarian tactics under
the guise of democracy, including in Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and
in the last year, four coups d'etat have occurred in Chad, Guinea and
two in Mali:
What is your perspective on balancing the sometimes competing U.S.
priorities of security and democracy and human rights in Sub-Saharan
Africa, especially when some of our top security partners--including
Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Chad and Mali--periodically or consistently
engage in undemocratic practices or experience undemocratic and
unconstitutional transitions of power?
Answer. A 2019 Afrobarometer study encompassing survey data from 34
African nations found that 68 percent of Africans believe democracy is
the best form of government, while 78 percent reject strong-man rule
and 72 percent oppose military rule. While it is in the U.S. interest
to support African states facing security crises, we must make clear to
African leaders who flout democratic norms that respect for human
rights and democratic institutions is in their best interest, as well
as that of their people, and their country. Without meaningful
democratic governance, African states will not be well-positioned to
expand peace and security and foster economic growth.
Question. In your view, which should take priority in Africa?
Answer. I firmly agree with President Biden's stated commitment to
place respect for human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. I
also believe considering the human rights and democracy components of
U.S. security engagement is an important element of policy development
and can help guide and strengthen how the administration engages in
Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in countries with weak or nascent
democracies. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in an
interagency policy process as the Biden-Harris administration develops
a fresh U.S. approach for Africa that addresses our national interests
in Africa including respect for human rights and democratic norms, as
well as security.
Question. How can the U.S. better engage the African Union on
issues related to democracy, human rights, corruption, and rule of law?
Answer. I understand that democracy and governance is a core pillar
of the U.S. High Level Dialogue with the African Union (AU), and one
through which the U.S. Government works to advance the shared values of
promoting democratic institutions and human rights on the continent
throughout the year. If confirmed, I would work with the U.S.
Ambassador to the AU as well as the AF bureau to seek policies that
continue to counter corruption; promote constitutional reform
undertaken in a democratic and transparent manner; mitigate conflict;
protect civilians; support transitional justice; protect the
independence of accountability mechanisms, such as the African
Commission of Human and People's Rights; and promote political space
for civil society. I also welcome the strategic use of U.S. foreign
assistance resources to advance shared democracy, human rights, and
good governance priorities through the AU, such as the ongoing
technical assistance in support of the AU Assembly presidency in an
effort to advance democracy and human rights, and training for youth
experts on the AU's transitional justice policy.
Question. In the last three years, Sudan and Ethiopia embarked on
unexpected democratic transitions. While the U.S. was, and continues to
be, eager to support these transitions, rapidly mobilizing adequate
resources has been a challenge in both cases:
As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and
Labor, how will you work inside DRL and with the Africa Bureau
to be better prepared to contribute financial and diplomatic
resources to support democratic transitions and opportunities
that emerge unexpectedly in Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to build on democratic openings
across the Africa continent and in close coordination with the recently
confirmed A/S for Africa to ensure we are coordinating closely and
maximizing our resources and aligned in our policy approach. I would
work to develop and coordinate strategic U.S. diplomatic engagement and
assistance on democracy and human rights for countries in transition,
working closely with the Africa Bureau, as well as colleagues from
throughout the J Family, USAID and beyond.
Question. What lessons have the challenges to the transitions in
Sudan and Ethiopia taught us about how to best support unexpected
democratic transitions in the medium and long term?
Answer. The challenges in the transitions in Sudan and Ethiopia
have taught us that the democratic transition process is extremely
fragile and that success requires sustained medium and long term
support but also that civil society--and women in particular--are
important partners to understand alternative perspectives in
transitioning countries.
If confirmed, I would work to support democratic institutions, so
that they're strong, accountable, able to govern capably, and have the
capacity to support credible and inclusive elections, enabling a
peaceful transition to a democratic state; promote the protection of
human rights and fundamental freedoms including through legal reforms;
and promote comprehensive transitional justice measures and credible,
independent justice mechanisms.
Question. Russian malign activity in Africa is of increasing
concern, particularly given credible reports of election interference,
the engagement of Russian mercenaries, including Wagner Group, in
Northern Mozambique, and Russia's security sector support to the
Touadera administration (which includes an exemption to the U.N. arms
embargo) in the Central African Republic (CAR).
In your opinion, what should the U.S. be doing in Africa to counter
malign Russian interference in elections, other democratic
processes, and to reduce its influence over elected leaders?
Answer. I understand that the United States supports efforts by
African nations to develop strong peace and security institutions to
improve access to justice through capacity building and technical
assistance. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen coordination within
the Department of State, across the U.S. Government, and with
likeminded partners such as the European Union and France to ensure our
efforts are aligned and mutually supportive to strengthen African
governments' abilities to mitigate conflict, stop human rights abuses
and violations, hold those responsible for such actions accountable,
and help countries achieve stable democracies that do not require the
short-term security assistance of malign external actors. As has been
demonstrated in multiple contexts, governments that partner with groups
like Russian-supported Wagner become weaker, poorer, and less secure.
As a practical matter, leaders in such countries lose control of their
militaries and natural resources. Specifically, to counterbalance
Russia's influence, if confirmed, I will pursue opportunities to stand
up to Russian malign influence and reaffirm America's commitment to
countries that uphold democracy and human rights. Additionally, I will
work with partners to develop security alternatives for governments
facing conflict and poverty.
Question. The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of
the fragility of the Malian state. What is your assessment of the
status of the Algiers Accord and prospects for its implementation?
Answer. The events in May of this year underscore just how
important it is that Mali conducts free and fair elections on time in
February 2022 and that the Head of the Transition and the Prime
Minister of the Transition should not under any circumstances be
candidates for the forthcoming presidential election. Without a
legitimate government in place, it will be very difficult to make
progress on the key provisions of the Algiers Accord.
Question. In your opinion, should the Algiers Accord remain the
primary framework for peacebuilding and governance in Mali? If so, why?
The recent coups d'etat in Mali are recent examples of the fragility of
the Malian state.
Answer. In my opinion, the United States should continue to support
the Algiers Accord, because, if implemented, it would play a
substantial stabilizing role in Mali and the region. In particular,
Accord provisions that concern decentralization and government services
for marginalized populations will help respond to ongoing grievances
that erode state legitimacy and fuel conflict.
Question. In light of the recent coups d'etat in Mali and Chad,
would you agree that Niger is the U.S.' most important democratic ally
in the Sahel? If yes, do you feel that U.S. democracy and governance
support to Niger is sufficient to reflect the importance of this
strategic relationship? If no, why not?
Answer. Niger is a democratic example for the region, especially
for the transition governments in Mali and Chad. In February, the
transition from former Nigerien President Issoufou, who voluntarily
stepped down after two terms, to President Bazoum was Niger's first
handover from one democratically elected president to another.
Mauritania similarly achieved its first peaceful democratic transition
of power in 2019. I understand Niger is a strong partner of the United
States on matters of regional security through its participation in the
G5-Sahel Joint Force, MINUSMA, the MNJTF, and D-ISIS Coalition. U.S.
democracy and governance support to Niger totaled $1.78 million in FY
2021. I believe greater U.S. democracy and governance support to Niger
would further strengthen Nigerien democratic institutions and serve as
a bulwark against growing regional anti-democratic trends.
Question. Given the ongoing political and constitutional crisis in
Somalia, do you feel U.S. policy toward Somalia requires a re-think? If
no, why not? If yes, in what alternative ways should the U.S. support
democracy and human rights in Somalia?
Answer. I believe that it is always important for the United States
to reflect upon its policies and seek to ensure that its approach will
bring about the best possible outcome, and this is especially true when
there is a crisis. I understand the administration recently completed a
comprehensive policy review for Somalia, which identified addressing
the political dynamics at the root of the current political situation
as necessary for advancing long-term stabilization goals for the
country.
If confirmed, I would seek to ensure that implementation of U.S.
policy toward Somalia helps resolve the political and constitutional
crisis and supports long-term democracy and human rights objectives. If
confirmed, I will welcome your engagement and make myself available to
brief you on these efforts.
Question. Immediately following the indirect selection of Mohamed
Abdullahi Mohamed (aka Farmajo) as President of Somalia in 2017, the
U.S. engaged with the Somali Government in Mogadishu on the premise
that Somalia would hold one-person-one-vote direct elections in 2020.
Was this a realistic expectation to set in 2016 or has U.S. policy
been based on a fundamentally-flawed assumption?
Answer. I am not aware of the deliberations that followed the
indirect selection of Farmaajo as President of Somalia in 2017, but I
am aware that one-person-one-vote direct elections have not yet come
about in Somalia.
Question. How do you view the prospects of one-person-one-vote
direct elections in Somalia in the future?
Answer. Somalia is a deeply challenging context, but I am always
hopeful about the prospects for democracy and the tenacity of people to
pursue a governance system that truly affords them fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting efforts towards
more inclusive, representative governance in Somalia, to include one-
person-one-vote elections when feasible.
Question. Is it an appropriate approach to orient U.S. democracy
and governance programs toward a specific electoral event in Somalia?
If no, what is a more prudent approach for building democratic
institutions and norms?
Answer. I believe that democracy is an evolving process. While
elections are seminal events that often serve as milestones for
measuring democratic progress, they are insufficient markers for
building or consolidating a democratic state. If confirmed, I would
seek to ensure that U.S. democracy support continues to be holistic in
its response to challenges and focuses on building institutions and
support norms globally. I understand that while DRL does not currently
have any programs in Somalia, any future investment should be
strategically targeted in coordination with interagency efforts to
further democratic priorities in country.
Question. Is it your view that a coup d'etat occured in Guinea on
September 5, 2021 to depose President Alpha Conde?
Answer. On September 5, military officers led by Colonel Mamdy
Doumbouya deposed duly elected President Alpha Conde and seized power.
Doumbouya's dissolution of the constitution and government plunged
Guinea into a political crisis. COL Doumbaya now exerts de facto
control over the Guinean Government.
Question. What is your assessment of the challenges to democracy
and human rights in Liberia?
Answer. Corruption is endemic in Liberia and affects nearly every
facet of life. In 2019 and 2020, Liberia ranked 137 of 180 countries
and territories on the Transparency International Corruption
Perceptions Index, having fallen from 120 in 2018.
Recent editions of the Department of State's annual Human Rights
Report note that restrictions on freedom of expression are among the
most significant human rights issues in Liberia. Journalists sometimes
perceive the Government's approach to them as antagonistic and
sometimes self-censor as a result. Individuals protesting against the
Government must apply for a permit from the Ministry of Justice before
organizing demonstrations, though the laws and regulations regarding
permits remain unclear. Other significant human rights issues in
Liberia include violence against women, including widespread female
genital mutilation and other harmful practices against women and girls;
ongoing impunity for serious human rights abuses and violations, and
harsh prison conditions and lengthy pretrial detention; and
discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
intersex (LGBTQI) persons.
Question. Do you feel that issues of justice and reconciliation
from Liberia's civil wars has been adequately addressed? If no, what
options for justice and reconciliation in Liberia should be explored?
Answer. Liberia's 2009 Truth and Reconciliation Commission report
recommended a mix of criminal accountability and restorative measures
to address the crimes committed during the country's civil wars to
include prosecution of gross violations of human rights and violations
of international humanitarian law and monetary reparations and
memorialization of victims. To date, I understand the Liberian
Government has not implemented the majority of the recommendations from
the TRC report. Efforts to promote justice and reconciliation in
Liberia must be Liberian-led. This is not to say that all Liberians
feel their issues from that long war have been resolved, and questions
about how the administration can continue to support those needs remain
important. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States stands
ready to be a partner to Liberia in justice and reconciliation efforts
and will continue to encourage the Liberian Government and people to
pursue such efforts.
Question. In several Francophone African countries--Togo, Gabon,
Democratic Republic of Congo, and recently Chad--dying and long-serving
presidents have manipulated fragile constitutions to pave the way for
their sons to replace them should they pass away while in office. Is
such a scenario likely in Cameroon, and if so, what should be the U.S.
position if this occurred?
Answer. The trend of elected leaders seeking to change
constitutions or laws in order to remain in office, or transfer power
to members of their family, is deeply concerning and undermines
critical governing institutions that bring stability. President Biya
has been in power for nearly 40 years and is among the world's longest
ruling leaders. If confirmed, I will seek to promote democracy, respect
for human rights, and accountability in Cameroon and will use a range
of tools to do so.
[Additional Response--11/11/2021]. I am deeply concerned by the
trend of unconstitutional changes in power in Africa and efforts to
manipulate constitutions and laws in a manner that undermines
democratic transfers of power, including in favor of successions within
families. While Cameroon's constitution is clear regarding the
presidential transition process, it has not been tested in more than 40
years. It is important that the Government and people of Cameroon work
to strengthen institutions to ensure a democratic transition should the
President be unable to complete his term. An unconstitutional transfer
of power to any would-be successor could exacerbate current challenges
and lead to instability. If confirmed, I will work with our Embassy in
Yaounde and like-minded partners to engage the Cameroonian Government
and civil society actors interested in strengthening Cameroon's
democratic institutions, respect for human rights, and accountability.
I will also reaffirm the United States' strong support for countries to
respect their constitutions during transitions in power and to oppose
extra-constitutional changes or maneuvers to facilitate successions
within families.
Question. As Assistant Administrator for Democracy, Human Rights
and Labor, if confirmed, how can DRL better support a resolution to the
Anglophone Crisis and the significant and longstanding challenges to
democratic elections and democratic governance in Cameroon?
Answer. I share your concerns about the ongoing violence in
Cameroon and the crisis in the Anglophone region. Secretary Blinken's
decision to restrict the visas of individuals responsible for
undermining peace in Cameroon is a concrete example of options the
Department of State can exercise to push for peace and dialogue. If
confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for human rights
violations and abuses and ensure any Cameroonian security force unit
that may be nominated for assistance is fully vetted for allegations of
gross violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy law.
My focus would be to continue urging all parties to end violence
and to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. I would
make clear U.S. support for the Swiss Government's effort to advance
mediation between the Government and separatist armed group leaders and
encourage the Cameroonian Government take concrete steps to move this
effort forward. I would also continue to pursue engagement with African
nations, France, other likeminded partners, and U.N. Security Council
member states to find ways to promote a peaceful resolution of the
ongoing violence.
Question. DRL has led the USG's efforts to support electoral
processes and a democratic transition in CAR since the lead up to CAR's
2016 elections. In your opinion, what areas are most critical for U.S.
democracy, governance and human rights support to focus on in CAR in
the post-2020/21 election period?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with colleagues throughout the
State Department and interagency and with likeminded governments to
identify areas where interventions may advance democracy, governance,
justice and accountability, and respect for human rights in the Central
African Republic (CAR). I understand that the United States has
historically supported CAR's efforts to develop strong institutions and
strengthen rule of law through capacity building and technical
assistance. I am deeply concerned by reports of human rights violations
and abuses by the CAR Armed Forces and Russian-supported mercenaries,
respectively, and reports of violence by armed groups against civilians
and increased use of IEDs. I am equally concerned by credible reports
of money laundering and a wide range of illicit trafficking and believe
the U.S. has a role to play in further investigating these allegations
and ensuring they do not undermine CAR's electoral process. The CAR
Government's pending commission of inquiry will be critical to
demonstrating its commitment to justice and accountability. If
confirmed, I will seek to strengthen the CAR Government's ability to
expand access to justice for more Central Africans, prevent human
rights abuses and violations, promote accountability for those
responsible, and help the country achieve stability and security
without calling on malign actors for short-term security assistance.
Question. What is your perspective on the performance of the
Tshisekedi administration to date?
Answer. Since President Tshisekedi took office in 2019, the DRC has
released unjustly detained individuals; established an anti-trafficking
agency; and realized the highest-level corruption conviction in DRC
history. These were among the steps that merited the reinstatement of
DRC's AGOA eligibility. I was pleased to see the first U.S.-DRC Human
Rights Dialogue occur in June 2021 with the support of the Tshisekedi
administration and if confirmed, I will aim to advance and deepen the
commitments made during that dialogue.
Question. Do you feel that the Tshisekedi administration is in a
position to continue to advance reforms, including in the areas of
anti-corruption, the security sector and the natural resources sector?
Question. I understand that under the Tshisekedi administration,
the DRC saw the highest-level corruption conviction in that country's
history. If confirmed, I would work with the Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and partners in the DRC to help
address corruption and encourage accountability for corrupt actors with
all available tools. The DRC has a long history of corruption and abuse
in the mining and security sectors so a core component of any strategy
must be engaging on both issues in a meaningful way that can bring
about a more professional and effective security sector and a mining
sector that truly benefits all Congolese. Essential to doing this work
will be close collaboration with local communities and civil society
groups.
I believe that the United States should support the Congolese
Government's efforts to stabilize eastern DRC by addressing the drivers
of escalating violence, including holding those in the military
responsible for corruption and human rights abuses and violations to
account.
Question. In your view, how can the U.S. best continue to support
democratic reforms in DRC, including prospects for free, fair and
transparent elections in 2023?
Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early
imperative of undertaking the legal, financial, and technical
preparations necessary for free and fair elections in 2023, including
reform of the Independent National Electoral Commission. To be
credible, the 2023 elections must be inclusive, conducted transparently
and impartially, and held in accordance with constitutional deadlines.
If I am confirmed, I would work to ensure appropriate resources are in
place to help our Congolese partners with this important task.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting the legitimate
victor of a free and fair electoral process in 2023?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work diligently to support a free and
fair electoral process and a constructive election environment in the
run up to and including the 2023 elections. The declared winner of the
presidential election should reflect the will of the Congolese people
at the ballot box through a transparent, impartial, and inclusive
electoral process.
Question. What is your assessment of the current human rights
situation in Burundi?
Answer. Since the election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian
Government has lifted bans on media outlets associated with the
political opposition, freed imprisoned journalists and human rights
defenders, increased efforts to address trafficking in persons, and
taken steps to end abusive practices by the ruling party's youth
militia. However, I am also aware of the recent report by the United
Nations Commission of Inquiry on Burundi, which documents ongoing human
rights violations, the absence of adequate democratic space, ongoing
targeting of journalists, denial of freedom of association to civil
society, and a lack of meaningful structural reform. If confirmed, I
will engage with colleagues from across the State Department and the
interagency to address the current human rights situation in Burundi.
Question. Do you feel the democracy and human rights situation in
Burundi has improved or declined in Burundi since President
Nkurunziza's death and the inauguration of President Ndayishimiye? How?
Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2020 elections took place in a
markedly different atmosphere from that in 2015 and were characterized
by a competitive process with relatively little violence. Since the
election of President Ndayishimiye, the Burundian Government has lifted
bans on media outlets associated with the political opposition, freed
imprisoned journalists and human rights defenders, increased efforts to
address trafficking in persons, and taken steps to end abusive
practices by the ruling party's youth militia. However, I am also aware
of the recent report by the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on
Burundi, which notes the absence of any structural reform to ``durably
improve the [human rights] situation'' and multiple ongoing human
rights violations and other concerns. If confirmed, I will engage with
colleagues across the State Department and the interagency to assess
the approach of President Ndayishimiye's administration and review
Burundi's progress on democracy and respect for human rights.
Question. In your opinion, have the conditions in Burundi
adequately changed for the Departments of State and Treasury to
consider terminating the Burundi Sanctions Program?
Answer. I understand the Burundi sanctions program has been a
valuable tool to deter abuses and promote accountability among those
connected with the 2015 violence and instability in the country. If
confirmed, I will engage with the Bureau of Economic and Business
Affairs, the Bureau of African Affairs, and the Department of the
Treasury to assess whether Executive Order 13712 remains an effective
tool to advance our foreign policy goals in Burundi, including improved
respect for human rights. I will also consider the use of all available
tools to respond to human rights violations and abuses in Burundi.
Question. Do you feel that the upgrading of Burundi from Tier 3 to
Tier 2 Watch List in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report was
an objective reflection of the efforts of the Burundian Government,
specifically its justice sector, to make good faith efforts to improve
the TIP situation in Burundi?
Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report tier ranking as Tier 2 Watch List was based on the Burundian
Government's increased efforts, including by the Ministries of Justice,
Foreign Affairs, and Interior, at the direction of the Office of the
President, to counter trafficking in persons. These efforts included
increasing investigations and prosecutions of suspected trafficking
offenses, convicting traffickers, and referring victims to assistance.
The Government also developed and implemented the country's first-ever
national data collection system on law enforcement's efforts to combat
human trafficking and trained officials on its use. If confirmed, I
commit to working with Burundi to ensure it continues to prioritize
countering trafficking in persons.
Question. Kenya will have elections in 2022. In your opinion, are
planned levels of USG support to Kenya's electoral process adequate?
Answer. I understand that the United States has invested
significant resources over the last two decades in support of free and
fair elections and democratic reform in Kenya, covering a broad set of
programming areas. If confirmed, I would assess the electoral climate
and work with colleagues to determine whether planned levels of U.S.
Government support are adequate for the 2022 general elections in Kenya
and whether additional funding, if available, would be merited. I
believe continued U.S. engagement and programs for the August 2022
elections can help Kenya, one of four U.S. strategic partners in
Africa, conduct credible elections and forestall the violence and
instability that have too often plagued prior election cycles. I
strongly support the ongoing efforts to enhance accountability and
transparency of the election process, support anti-corruption efforts,
promote initiatives to mitigate possible election-related violence and
protect human rights, strengthen civic engagement and voter education,
and improve the information and media environment.
Question. While there was hope that the end of Mugabe's 37 year
reign as president of Zimbabwe would usher in democratic and economic
reforms that would enable the beleaguered country to cast off its
pariah status, the three years of leadership under President Mnangagwa
has demonstrated a continuation, if not worsening, of human rights
abuses, economic mismanagement and kleptocratic behavior of the ZANU-PF
regime. What tools does the U.S. have at its disposal that are
underutilized to encourage democratic and economic reforms in Zimbabwe?
Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe's authoritarian and corrupt
practices, including the targeting of opposition political figures,
journalists, and members of civil society through harassment, arrests,
and detentions are matters of great concern. I greatly appreciate that
this committee has publicly called out repressive actions taken by the
Zimbabwe Government. The State Department and the U.S. Embassy in
Harare also issue condemnations when appropriate and publicly voice
support for the courageous Zimbabwean women and men who speak out
against government corruption and abuses. I understand the U.S.
supports governance programs that improve electoral processes, refine
citizen advocacy strategies, and enhance public accountability
measures. It provides support to those the Zimbabwean Government
singles out for abuse, and imposes targeted sanctions to promote
accountability for corrupt actors and those who abuse human rights and
undermine democratic processes. If confirmed, I will work with this
committee, civil society, regional neighbors, and likeminded partners
to direct more attention to the situation in Zimbabwe so that,
together, we can increase the pressure on the Government to respect
democratic principles and human rights. If confirmed, I will also work
with interagency partners to mobilize sanctions programs to promote
accountability for those individuals who are currently active in
corruption and human rights abuses.
Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of
reincorporating political party programming into the U.S.' portfolio of
democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to working with the
Africa Bureau to review the Department of State's posture on political
party support to Zimbabwe?
Answer. The Government of Zimbabwe has systematically weakened the
opposition through manipulated court rulings, harassment and
incarceration of key figures, and thinly veiled actions to install
pliant political figures in parliament since it took power after the
2018 election.
If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the Department of State's
posture on political party support in Zimbabwe, as well as how to
better engage civil society organizations, build confidence in the
electoral commission, and encourage more regional engagement.
Question. As Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human
Rights and Labor, would you support the investment of DRL resources
into programming that would support investigative journalism and
research to better understand corruption and kleptocratic networks in
Zimbabwe?
Answer. It is important to look into all options available that
would help counter the corrupt and authoritarian actions of the
Government of Zimbabwe. If confirmed, I will explore new funding
options for DRL interventions in Zimbabwe while factoring how such
programs would complement existing USAID programs in country to ensure
effectiveness and avoid duplication of efforts, as well as the
availability of funds, the timing of appropriations, and procurement
lead times.
Question. Given the supermajority retained by the MPLA in the
August 2017 legislative elections, has President Lourenco and his party
used this legislative power to push through the necessary democracy and
human rights reforms from the start of their current term in office as
prioritized by the United States and the international community? If
so, what are these specific democracy and human rights reforms? If not,
what has the U.S. done to ensure that Angola's Government makes these
necessary reforms?
Answer. I understand the Government of Angola has made significant
progress in its efforts to combat corruption, including investigations
and prosecutions of current and former government officials and
adopting a new penal code which increased penalties for corrupt
officials. The Government has also taken steps to hold officials
accountable for human rights abuses. Though challenges remain, the
Government has noted that human rights are a matter of national
security and acknowledged the need for oversight provided by civil
society organizations across the country. Since the release of the 2020
Trafficking in Persons Report, Angola has demonstrated further
commitment to combat human trafficking by increasing the criminal
penalties for human trafficking; convicting and sentencing traffickers
to prison; and conducting a national awareness campaign on human
trafficking. Angola also modified its religious registration law to
reduce restrictions on Islam and other religions. I understand the
United States looks forward to discussing ways to build upon Angola's
progress at their fourth Bilateral Dialogue on Human Rights in the
coming months. If confirmed, I intend to use that and other
opportunities to strengthen bilateral cooperation to support Angola's
anti-corruption efforts, enhance accountability mechanisms for human
rights violations and abuses, advance democratic governance, and
support protections for human rights and fundamental freedoms,
including the rights to peaceful assembly and freedoms of expression,
association, and religion or beliefs.
Question. While Angola's constitutional court rejected the
opposition parties' legal petitions in the last election for alleged
irregularities, what specific electoral reforms are needed to address
some of the concerns raised in those petitions as well as to improve
the overall electoral process for the 2022 polls?
Answer. The 2022 legislative elections will be an opportunity for
Angola to demonstrate its commitment to democratic governance. A
transparent planning process for the elections will aid in their
success.
If possible, I would also like to see local elections held in
conjunction with the legislative elections, noting that they would be
the first to be held in recent Angolan history.
Question. The ruling MPLA under the leadership of President
Lourenco introduced changes to the electoral law that would centralize
the counting of votes instead of doing it at the level of each
municipality and province. Given that centralized counting of votes is
not a best practice in results management, particularly in terms of
engendering confidence in the transparency and credibility of
transmission of election results, how would the centralizing of vote
counting be seen in your view? Given the concerns raised by opposition
candidates in the 2017 elections through their legal petitions citing
the lack of transparency by the electoral commission and alleged vote
counting irregularities at the provincial level, would such a law
engender greater confidence in the electoral process? If so, how so? If
not, why not?
Answer. President Lourenco has shown a willingness to take into
account the concerns of minority parties as well as the public demand
for free and fair elections. The draft law could present logistical
challenges in registering voters in remote areas, and constraints in
the prescribed electoral timeframe could lead to low voter registration
and participation abroad. As the law is debated and refined, the U.S.
Government should continue to advocate for transparency and adherence
to international norms.
I also note that on September 11, Angola saw its largest political
demonstration since before the pandemic began in response to the draft
election law, and that the peaceful nature of the march and the
authorities' willingness to permit such a sizeable gathering, despite
standing COVID restrictions, is a hopeful signal as Angola gears up for
its 2022 legislative elections.
__________
responses to additional questions for the record
submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator marco rubio
Question. In 2016, the Washington Examiner quoted you as saying
that the human rights situation in Cuba was improving. Specifically,
you said that in ``Cuba we've seen more engagement on HR issues.'' In
2021, you opposed the State Department's decision to designate Cuba as
a State Sponsor of Terrorism:
Do you believe that the human rights situation in Cuba is
improving? And if so, what specific indicators are you looking
at to make this determination?
Answer. I do not believe that the human rights situation is
improving. In response to peaceful protests in July, Cuban security
forces violently repressed the protests, arresting hundreds of
demonstrators simply for exercising their rights of freedom of
expression and peaceful assembly, as well as numerous human rights
activists. If confirmed, I pledge democracy and human rights in Cuba
will remain at the core of our Cuba policy.
Question. Can you explain why you oppose Cuba's designation as a
state sponsor of terrorism?
Answer. As a nominee I do not have access to information that would
enable me to have an informed opinion as to whether Cuba should be
designated as a state sponsor of terrorism. I have long believed that
state sponsor of terrorism designations should be used for states that
are terrorists, based on fact, analysis, and intelligence. Similarly, I
believe a designation should not be lifted until there's full clarity
that the government in question has taken all steps necessary to
relieve themselves of the criteria needed for such a designation.
Regardless of the state sponsor of terrorism designation, I do believe
other corresponding punitive measures are an important tool to be used
on repressive governments and/or officials. If confirmed, I will
consult closely with the intelligence community and Congress on the way
forward, including on the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor
of Terrorism.
Question. Are you aware that Cuba continues to provide safe haven
to convicted criminals on the FBI's most wanted list, like Joanne
Chesimard, who executed a New Jersey State Troop in 1973 and William
Morales who was convicted in a U.S. District Court for possession of
explosives and other crimes?
Answer. Yes, I am aware that Cuba harbors several U.S. fugitives
from justice wanted on or convicted of charges of political violence,
many of whom have resided in Cuba for decades. If confirmed, I will
support the regular U.S. calls on Cuba to return fugitives from
justice.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for Cuba to be de-listed
as a state sponsor of terrorism?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
administration's review of Cuba policy, including the previous
administration's decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of
Terrorism. I will consult with the intelligence community and Congress
on the way forward.
Question. In July of this year, we witnessed the largest protests
against the regime in 62 years. It's clear from the videos and messages
shared, that these protests were clearly sparked by decades of
mismanagement and human rights abuses by the regime. The unprecedented
size and spread of these protests are directly related to ordinary
Cubans' access to internet circumvention tools like VPNs. If confirmed,
you will oversee the Bureau at State, which is responsible for U.S.
assistance to promote democracy and human rights in Cuba.
If confirmed, do you commit to support robust funding for the
democracy movement in Cuba?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will use all tools at my disposal to
support independent civil society and democratic actors in Cuba,
including through robust funding for democracy and human rights
programs. I believe that these programs, including those that promote
internet freedom, are central to empowering independent civil society
organizations and ordinary citizens to promote democracy and human
rights in Cuba.
Question. If confirmed, will you support providing internet
circumvention tools that allow Cubans unfettered and uncensored access
to the internet?
Answer. I understand the United States provides funding--over $70
million globally on an annual basis--to support the development,
deployment, and operation of the latest secure and reliable technical
solutions to counter Internet censorship, content blocking, and
shutdowns, and other violations of Internet Freedom. I also understand
U.S.-supported programming makes secure circumvention and
communications tools available to internet users everywhere, including
in Cuba. If confirmed, and with the continued appropriations support
for these activities, I will ensure DRL continues these critical
programs.
Question. In 2018, you tweeted in support for the anti-Semitic BDS
movement, praising AirBnB for removing rental listings of homes located
inside the West Bank.
Do you still support this decision?
Answer. I firmly reject the BDS movement, which unfairly singles
out Israel. If confirmed, I will work with Israel to counter efforts to
delegitimize it around the world, while respecting the First Amendment
rights of Americans and supporting U.S. businesses.
Question. Do you view the BDS movement as hateful and anti-Semitic?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear that it
resolutely opposes the BDS movement. I also have made clear that I
firmly reject the BDS movement. The administration has stated it will
always fully respect Americans' First Amendment rights, while also
remaining a strong partner in fighting efforts to delegitimize Israel.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to support Israel's further
integration into the international community, and to oppose the BDS
movement and any efforts to delegitimize Israel.
Question. In July 2020, you praised an op-ed by Peter Beinert that
argued for Israel to discard its identity as a Jewish State. This
conflicts with longstanding U.S. support for Israel as a Jewish state.
Can you clarify whether or not you fully endorse the views
expressed by Beinert in this op-ed? Specifically, like Beinert,
do you no longer believe in a Jewish state?
Answer. I believe that Israel is a democratic and Jewish state. If
confirmed, I will work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel
partnership.
Question. Can you clarify, is it ``cruel'' to limit Tehran's
support for groups that violate the human rights of ordinary people
across the region?
Answer. The Iranian Government has a deeply troubling record on
human rights both at home and abroad. If confirmed, I am committed to
working to disrupt Iran's efforts to repress, harass, harm, or
otherwise violate the human rights of individuals in any part of the
world, including via its support for violent partners and proxies, and
to continuing to use a variety of tools, including sanctions, to
counter Iran's support for violent partners and proxies in the region.
Question. Has your opinion of the Iranian Government changed since
Raisi's election as President?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's Iran policy is designed
to advance U.S. interests, which include deterring and punishing human
rights abuses, regardless of who is in power in Tehran. If confirmed, I
will ensure that we deploy all available tools to promote
accountability for human rights violators.
Question. If the Iranian Government is still replete with nasty
characters, do you believe that providing that regime with sanctions
relief advances democracy and human rights in Iran?
Answer. The Iranian Government regularly denies Iranians their
human rights, including through severe restrictions on the freedoms of
peaceful assembly, association, religion or belief, and expression. If
confirmed, I will ensure we continue to call out and stand up to Iran's
human rights abuses, and to maintain and impose sanctions on Iranian
entities and individuals perpetrating human rights abuses.
__________
responses to additional questions for the record
submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator todd young
Question. Recently, the United States and the U.N. Relief and Works
Agency agreed upon a framework for cooperation which includes a mutual
commitment to abide by the Foreign Assistance Act's prohibition on
assistance to UNRWA without adequate oversight of funding, specifically
over funds which could end up in the hands of terrorist. But UNRWA has
displayed an insufficient track record in exercising oversight of its
funds, even after committing to our government to do so:
At what point is it necessary to accept that the constant flow of
U.N. support is enabling corrupt entities in the region and not
actually helping bring about peace and security? What options
exist for alternative, U.S.-led and U.S.-facilitated
assistance?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports the work of UNRWA,
which provides critical services to vulnerable Palestinian refugees.
UNRWA is a lifeline for thousands of Palestinian refugees in the
region. I understand the United States and UNRWA have reaffirmed a
commitment to uphold the principles of accountability, neutrality, and
transparency. I understand the Department is deeply engaged with UNRWA,
including on key reforms related to efficiency, effectiveness, and
importantly neutrality. I want to be clear--neutrality means
antiracism, combatting antisemitism and tolerance.
The Department is committed to ensuring U.S. Government funding
does not end up in the hand of terrorists, including Hamas. The
administration provides assistance to trusted international
organizations and NGOs in a manner consistent with U.S. law and does
not direct assistance to Hamas. The Department takes oversight of U.N.
operations, including UNRWA, seriously to ensure U.S. taxpayer-funded
assistance is reaching the intended recipients.
Question. Do you agree with President Biden that further
conditioning security aid to Israel would be ``outrageous''?
Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris administration remains unwavering in
its commitment to Israel's security and will work to strengthen all
aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership. If confirmed, I will support
these efforts to strengthen our bilateral ties.
Question. Do you acknowledge that Israel's security environment is
unlike any other in the world, by means of its very existence?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Is the Human Rights Council serving the interests of the
United States when it consistently displays bias against the state of
Israel?
Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC) has flaws, including in
particular the Council's problematic membership and its
disproportionate focus on Israel. If confirmed, I am committed to
ensuring with colleagues the HRC can be as effective and balanced as
possible, and will continue to advocate that the HRC treats Israel in
the same way as the HRC handles any other country. When the United
States has a seat at the table, we are able to advocate on Israel's
behalf. The U.S. is hopeful about moving resolutions out of Agenda Item
7, which will be a step in the right direction. Advancing democracy and
protecting human rights are vital to U.S. national security interests.
U.S. leadership in multilateral venues, including the Human Rights
Council helps focus international attention on the world's most
egregious human rights situations such as Afghanistan, Iran, Syria,
Ethiopia, Burma, and help direct U.N. assistance to countries in
transition like Sudan.
__________
responses to additional questions for the record
submitted to ms. sarah margon by senator ted cruz
Cuba
Question. The Cuban regime annually proposes a resolution at the
United Nations General Assembly condemning the U.S. for policies toward
Cuba, and among other things calling for the embargo to be lifted. The
U.S. has consistently voted against this measure, with the exception of
2016, when the Obama-Biden administration instead abstained from the
vote. Long-standing policy of the U.S. to use its voice and vote to
oppose this measure was restored under the Trump administration. The
Biden administration has extended this policy, and this year U.N.
Ambassador Thomas Greenfield voted against the Cuban-sponsored
resolution condemning the United States' congressionally mandated trade
embargo at the United Nations General Assembly.
Meanwhile, the United States Congress has been and remains
committed to maintaining America's embargo on Cuba. The Cuban Liberty
and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-114)
codifies the U.S. embargo. The executive branch is prevented from
lifting the embargo without congressional concurrence through
legislation until certain democratic conditions set forth in the law
are met.
Do you agree with the Congressionally mandated policy mandating an
embargo?
Answer. The LIBERTAD Act codifies the bulk of the embargo and the
circumstances under which it can be ended. Unless it is repealed or
amended by Congress, the embargo can only be ended if the President
determines Cuba has entered a transition to democracy. The
administration is committed to implementing U.S. law while ensuring its
policies advance the right to self-determination for the Cuban people,
greater freedom for the Cuban people, and expanded support for pro-
democracy, human rights, and independent media in Cuba. If confirmed, I
look forward to supporting these goals as part of the administration's
policy toward Cuba and consulting with Congress on ways to advance them
that is consistent with U.S. law.
Question. Do you agree with the decision to vote against U.N.
resolutions condemning the U.S. embargo?
Answer. Yes. Under LIBERTAD, the embargo is U.S. law. If confirmed,
I commit to supporting the administration's policy approach to Cuba
consistent with U.S. law.
Question. Please describe what policies you would take to deepen
Congress's policy mandating an embargo of Cuba?
Answer. Democracy and human rights in Cuba are at the core of the
administration's efforts to empower the Cuban people to determine their
own future. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
administration's goals to support the Cuban people to further
strengthen Cuban civil society, and to increase pressure on the regime
for its repression and human rights violations, as the Biden
administration did this past July following the Government's brutal
response to protests. I look forward to consulting with Congress on the
way forward and to ensuring our policy towards Cuba is rooted in broad
support for fundamental values.
Israel/State Dept
Question. On July 8, 2014 our Israeli allies launched Operation
Protective Edge in response to a string of Hamas terrorist attacks and
atrocities. The State Dept. among other things called on Israel to
avoid civilian casualties and committed to resupplying them with
military technology they required to defend themselves. On July 31 you
criticized that stance as ``consistently inconsistent'' in a post on
Twitter. Your view is particularly worrisome because, if confirmed, you
would contribute to decision-making related to providing resources to
allies in crisis conditions.
Please clarify what you meant by the criticism that the State Dept.
being ``consistently inconsistent'' for urging Israel to avoid
civilian casualties while seeking to resupply Israel.
Answer. I strongly support Israel's right to self-defense and the
United States' continued commitment to Israel's security. I also
believe that mitigation of civilian casualty risks, consistent with
U.S. law, should be considered for all U.S. arms sales My tweet was an
unnuanced expression of that objective. If confirmed, I will support
the United States' continued commitment to Israel's security and will
work to strengthen all aspects of the U.S.-Israel partnership.
Secretary Blinken also has underscored the U.S. expectation that Israel
should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of civilian
casualties, which I believe is in line with our shared values and
common strategic interests.
Question. Please describe human rights concerns that you believe
are relevant to decisions related to supplying our Israeli allies with
resources they need to defend themselves.
Answer. The U.S. commitment to Israel's security is ironclad. The
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to Israel's defense and
security, including its qualitative military edge in the region,
consistent with U.S. law and policy. The President has also made it
clear that the rule of law and respect for human rights are front and
center in U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will join this
administration in insisting on adherence to our agreements on the use
of U.S.-origin defense equipment by our allies and partners, compliance
with the laws of armed conflict, and respect for human rights.
Question. n May 16, 2018 you criticized the United States
Government on Twitter for being ``virtually silent'' on ``Israeli
security forces' disproportionate attacks on Palestinians in Gaza.''
This assessment is not a legal assessment: it is an institutional
judgment about the role of U.S. Government officials. These assessments
and others like them would be significant if you are confirmed for role
as Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
Please list which Israeli actions in the context of your May 16,
2018 post you believe the U.S. Government should have been more vocal
about?
Answer. I believe that the United States should continue to
underscore the expectation that Israel, as a key democratic ally in the
region, should do everything it possibly can to mitigate the risk of
civilian casualties. It is critical for all parties to refrain from
unilateral or disproportionate steps that exacerbate tensions and
undercut efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution, such as
annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions, and
incitement to violence.
Interbranch Cooperation
Question. In January 2020 Sens. Cotton, Cruz, and Braun sent an
oversight letter to then-Attorney General Barr requesting that he
``review the activities of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC)
and its sister organization NIAC Action for potential violations of the
Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).'' You criticized this request,
and joined a letter saying that the Senators had used ``tactics [that]
have no place in our political process or our national discourse, and
risk turning our Justice Department into a political tool.''
Do you believe that the Senators' letter asking for a review of
activities has no place in our political process?
Answer. To the contrary, I believe Congress has a strong role to
play in exercising vital oversight functions. In joining that letter, I
was expressing concern about the potential for federal law enforcement
power to be misused to intimidate or silence civil society
organizations. If confirmed, I would seek to be in regular
communication with Congress and meaningfully accommodate oversight
requests.
Question. Please describe your understanding of the role that
elected officials play in overseeing agencies charged with
investigating potential violations of statutory regulations such as
FARA, in the context of your potential role as Assistant Secretary of
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor?
Answer. Elected officials have an important oversight function. I
commit to working with Congress to accommodate its need for information
to conduct oversight.
Question. Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese
Government is engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other
minorities in the XUAR that is ongoing?
Answer. Yes. I agree that the PRC has committed genocide and crimes
against humanity against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and
members of other ethnic and religious minority groups, and that these
crimes are ongoing.
Question. What role do you see for the State Department in
countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights
atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. The United States should continue to speak out consistently
and jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities, and
to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
responsible for those abuses. If confirmed, I will advocate to continue
concrete U.S. Government actions--in coordination with allies and
partners whenever possible--to promote accountability for ongoing
atrocities and genocide in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China, including
through the imposition of visa restrictions, tightening of export
controls, enforcement of import restrictions, imposition of financial
sanctions, and multilateral initiatives. I will also look to engage the
private sector on questions related to digital authoritarianism and the
economic, legal, and reputational risks of supply chain links to
entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor in
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. Finally, if confirmed I will work with
DRL colleagues and other non-governmental entities to ensure civil
society is adequately supported to monitor, document, and respond to
China's abuses--wherever they may occur.
Israel/Sovereignty
Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
communities, and by taking several other steps.
Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?
Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration gives
great weight to Israel's security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in
control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door. The
Biden administration has not reversed U.S. policy on this important
issue.
Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration has not
altered U.S. policy on this important issue. Jerusalem is the capital
of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved
through direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. The
administration also recognizes that Jerusalem is central to the
national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. If confirmed, I
will handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and
sensitivity that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
any part of the Golan Heights?
Answer. I understand that U.S. policy regarding the Golan has not
changed since the beginning of the Biden-Harris administration. As long
as Bashar al-Assad is in control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to
urge Israel to part with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic
Golan Heights provides Israel an added measure of security from the
turmoil next door.
Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
any part of Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?
Answer. Jerusalem is central to the national visions of both
Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
Jerusalem itself is a final status issue to be resolved through direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. If confirmed, I will
handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
that they deserve.
Question. Do you believe that Israel has engaged in discriminatory
policies, in response to which the private sector has an important role
to play in not promoting or pursing?
Answer. I believe all governments, including the United States and
Israel, should work to end discrimination of any kind. If confirmed, I
will work with all partners, including the private sector, to address
discrimination and help ensure all people are treated with the dignity
and respect they deserve.
Question. If so, please describe which discriminatory Israeli
policies you believe the private sector has an important role to play
in not promoting or pursing.
Answer. If confirmed, I will review all available evidence and work
with all partners to address discrimination--whether targeting Israelis
or Palestinians--and ensure full compliance with existing U.S. policy
and law, while also ensuring that all people are treated with the
fundamental dignity and respect they deserve.
Question. The Biden administration has repeatedly expressed
commitments to providing assistance to Lebanon, including in the
absence of any government or in the context of a government controlled
or unduly influenced by Hezbollah. If confirmed, you would have a
central role in evaluating the humanitarian situation in Lebanon and
you would have significant equities in what a response would look like.
Do you believe that it would be in America's national security
interest for resources to go to the Government of Lebanon even
if that government was controlled or unduly influenced by
Hezbollah?
Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization, and the United
States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S. assistance from
conferring benefits to Hezbollah or any other terrorist group,
including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk mitigation
practices. If confirmed, I would ensure the Department continues to
support our vital interests in Lebanon through the ongoing but
carefully allocated provision of U.S. assistance, including to Lebanese
civil society, which helps to bolster Lebanon's resiliency, stability,
and security.
Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
(SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5, the Biden
administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
sanctions. The issue of humanitarianism was central to the public
explanation of the decision: officials at the State Department have
justified the delisting of what they described as the ``broad''
designation of Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large
parts of Yemen's population live under areas controlled by the group.
Since then, the Houthis have escalated their violence across the
region, bombarding civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was
already one of the worst humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in
large part because the Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid,
steal aid, and attack civilians.
Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis in
deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.
Answer. The Houthis, with continued Iranian support, remain
intransigent and focused on their military offensive against Marib. The
offensive is the single biggest threat to peace efforts and is
exacerbating an already-dire humanitarian crisis, placing at risk the
approximately one million internally displaced persons who found refuge
in Marib after escaping fighting in other parts of the country. The
Houthis also exacerbate the humanitarian consequences of the fuel
situation at Hudaydah port by stockpiling fuel and manipulating fuel
prices, driving up the cost of fuel far beyond the reach of most
Yemenis. In addition, the Houthis continue to interfere in the delivery
of humanitarian aid.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.
Answer. The Biden administration revoked the terrorism designations
of Ansarallah, sometimes referred to as the Houthis, in recognition of
the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen. I understand the
administration listened to concerns voiced by the United Nations,
humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others,
regarding potential impacts the designations could have had on Yemenis'
access to essential basic commodities. The short time that passed
between the designations and their revocations limited the impact the
designations could have had on humanitarian assistance and commercial
imports. According to U.N. data, food and other humanitarian assistance
items are moving through Yemeni ports at normal rates.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.
Answer. The short time that passed between the designations and
their revocations limited the impact that designations could have had
on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports. The situation has
been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation of hostilities
has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. Critically,
delivery has safely continued of life-saving food, emergency shelter,
water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as essential non-
food items, such as blankets and water containers.
Question. In May 2014, you criticized the United States Government
for having done ``little to follow up'' on calls to create distance
between the U.S. and Nigerian security forces, who you described as
``barely more palatable'' than Boko Haram fighters who had kidnapped
hundreds of girls. In contrast, many in Congress and across the federal
government see the Nigerian Government as a critical national security
partner.
Do you continue to believe that the U.S. should limit security
cooperation with the Government of Nigeria?
Answer. Nigeria faces numerous security threats, including
terrorism, rural banditry, kidnapping for ransom, herder-farmer
violence, separatist attacks, maritime piracy, and rampant criminality.
I understand the U.S. Government's strategy takes a holistic approach
to help Nigeria address insecurity by harnessing a range of security,
governance, and development tools. Nigeria is an important national
security partner and has taken some steps to investigate alleged abuses
by both the police and the military, which are essential steps to
addressing longstanding impunity. A central part of U.S. security
cooperation is focused on helping Nigeria build capable, well-equipped,
professional, accountable security forces that effectively respond to
threats, protect civilians, and respect human rights. U.S. Government
also supports rule of law capacity building efforts, community-based
conflict prevention and peacebuilding programs, livelihoods programs,
and provides humanitarian assistance to build resilience among
conflict-affected populations.
If confirmed, I will support the U.S. goal of a stable and secure
Nigeria while ensuring the United States continues to use its
engagements with the Nigerian Government to prioritize respect for
human rights and accountability for past human rights violations and
abuses
Question. What specific steps do you envision pursuing in your role
as Assistance Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor, should you be confirmed, that would limit cooperation with
either the Government of Nigeria or Nigerian security forces?
Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that the United States
expects the Nigerian Government and security forces to demonstrate a
strong commitment to respect for human rights and international
humanitarian law, and to prioritize accountability for past human
rights violations and abuses. Assessing credible information of gross
violations of human rights, consistent with the Leahy Law, and
consulting with the Africa bureau would be an essential part of
assessing whether cooperation should be limited. If confirmed, I would
support the thorough vetting of Nigerian security force units,
consistent with U.S. law, to ensure that we are not providing
assistance to those units where there is credible information that the
unit has committed a gross violation of human rights.
Question. How would you characterize the professionalism of
Nigerian armed forces today?
Answer. Nigeria has an estimated 120,000 active-duty personnel in
the military with a 70,000-person army. I understand the Nigerian
Police Force lacks appropriate staffing and resources with only 375,000
police in a country of over 200 million citizens. The military is
deployed on operations in 35 of the 36 states to support Nigeria's
overstretched police force, but the reality is both are stretched.
According to the State Department's Human Rights Report, there were
reports that members of the Nigerian security forces committed human
rights abuses in 2020 and impunity remained a significant problem. If
confirmed, I will work with my counterparts across the U.S. Government
as well as international partners to convey the consistent message that
we need to see steady improvement toward more professional and
accountable Nigerian security institutions.
Question. How would you characterize the Buhari administration in
the context of counter-terrorism operations?
Answer. Defeating Boko Haram, ISIS-West Africa, and other violent
extremist organizations is essential for the security and prosperity of
Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad Basin. Violent extremist groups have
caused at least 35,000 deaths in northeast Nigeria in the last decade,
as well as displaced more than two million persons. In the Northeast,
Nigeria is fighting insurgencies against ISIS-West Africa and Boko
Haram with an increasingly overstretched and undermanned Nigerian Army.
Lacking manpower, the armed forces desperately need an increase in
resources. Additionally, support for non-military responses to
countering terrorism--including increased development, good governance,
and economic opportunities remain vital. Beyond being stretched,
limited capability and uneven local government willingness to intervene
present counter-terrorism challenges.
Question. Which countries would you advocate to be added or removed
from the State Department's Country of Particular Concern list?
Answer. The law gives the Secretary of State the responsibility of
making CPC designations, which provides important leverage to engage on
religious intolerance, a central human rights concern. The 2020
International Religious Freedom Report was released in May, and
Secretary Blinken will now have his first opportunity to undertake the
annual designations, and without prejudging Secretary Blinken's CPC
designations, I am confident the Secretary will carefully review the
religious freedom situation in all countries and make designations
based on the criteria set forth in the IRF Act.
These designations are one of a range of tools the Department has
to promote accountability for governments and non-state entities that
are religious freedom violators, and it is a very important tool. If
confirmed, I will support the implementation of the full range of these
tools, in partnership with the Ambassador at Large for International
Religious Freedom.
Question. In December 2020, the Department of State designated
Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) in response to
pervasive and egregious violations of religious freedom. Do you believe
Nigeria should remain or be removed from the State Department's Country
of Particular Concern list?
Answer. There are serious human rights issues in Nigeria. Although
I cannot forecast any decisions regarding potential designations, I
share Congressional concern about religious freedom issues in Nigeria.
Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority and I
understand the Department continues to closely monitor human rights and
the religious freedom situation in Nigeria. As with every region, the
causes of conflict in Nigeria are complex. In addition to religious
differences, ethnicity, politics, lack of accountability, access to
justice, and competition over land resources are also drivers of the
violence. Under the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998, as
amended, the Secretary takes into consideration all relevant
information available in his annual review of designations. If
confirmed, I will make Nigeria a priority and I commit to work with the
Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and Congress to
address religious freedom concerns in Nigeria.
Question. Please describe the degree to which you consider anti-
blasphemy laws to be acute threats to global or regional human rights?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Government uniformly opposes
apostasy, blasphemy, and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently
used to oppress those whose religious beliefs differ from the majority.
If confirmed, I will urge governments to eliminate such laws.
Laws against blasphemy or apostasy are too often used and abused by
governments, as a means of protecting or extending their powers, to
target political dissenters or members of religious or ethnic minority
groups. These laws are also too often used and abused by individuals as
a pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or ethnicity
differs from their own or to settle personal grievances. When
governments actively or passively support such individuals, instead of
protecting members of minority groups, those in society who want to
take the law into their own hands are empowered to use violence against
these victims.
Therefore, I consider these laws to be acute threats to human
rights, especially freedom of expression and freedom of religion or
belief.
Question. If confirmed, how would you orient the bureau to mitigate
the effects or erode the scope of blasphemy laws?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador at
Large for International Religious Freedom to urge governments to annul
these laws and to oppose the enforcement and abuse of these laws,
especially enforcement with criminal penalties.
Question. Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information
is not unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If not, why
not?
Answer. Yes. I recognize that there are times when unclassified
information from various sources, taken together, can result in
revealing classified information damaging to our national security. In
those instances, that information must be secured. If confirmed, I
commit to avoiding the over-classification of materials required by
Congress for the oversight of the Department.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:03 a.m., in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Romney, and
Young.
Also Present: Senator Graham.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We are here to consider nominations for four important
positions--Senator Jeff Flake to be Ambassador to Turkey,
Ambassador Mark Gitenstein to be the U.S. Representative to the
European Union, Ms. Cindy McCain to be the U.S. Representative
to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture, and
Governor Jack Markell to be U.S. Representative to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the
OECD.
So congratulations on all your nominations, as well as to
your families who are part of the sacrifice in this process. We
certainly appreciate them as well.
The four of you have a distinguished history of public
service and advocacy, and I appreciate your willingness to
serve the country in this capacity.
I understand that Senator Coons will be introducing Senator
Flake--in a great, grand show of bipartisanship at a time that
it is difficult to achieve it here--and Governor Markell. And
that Senator Graham, who we welcome back to the committee--he
left us precipitously--will be introducing Ms. McCain.
So, Senator Coons?
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez,
Ranking Member Risch.
Before proceeding with more detailed introductions, I ask
unanimous consent to add a statement from my predecessor,
former Senator Ted Kaufman, a detailed statement of
introduction in support of Mark Gitenstein to serve as U.S.
Ambassador to the EU.
The Chairman. Without objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to follows:]
Introduction of Hon. Mark Gitenstein by former Senator Ted Kaufman
Senator Kaufman. As a former member of this committee and as a
friend and colleague of Mark Gitenstein, I am pleased to introduce Mark
to this committee to be Ambassador to the European Union.
I have known Mark for over 40 years and have worked closely with
him as a colleague on the staff of then-Senator Biden and later in
then-Senator Biden's transition to the vice presidency. More recently,
I worked closely with Mark in setting up the Vice President's
transition to the presidency.
I know him to be a man of integrity, principle, intelligence and
drive.
He also brings exactly the right experience to the job.
From 2009 to 2012, he was the U.S. Ambassador to Romania. The U.S.-
Romanian Ballistic Missile Defense Agreement was negotiated and signed
during his tenure.
In 2012, Romanian President Traian Basescu awarded Mark with the
``Star of Romanian Grand Cross,'' the country's highest civil order.
Mark also led efforts to strengthen the rule of law and fight
corruption in Romania, doing so with considerable diplomatic skill and
success. In the midst of this struggle to preserve the rule of law in
Romania, he was honored in 2011 by Nine O'clock, the premier English
speaking journal in Romania, as the best foreign diplomat in Bucharest.
He developed deep expertise in rule of law and intelligence issues
in his 17 years working on the Senate staff. These included his tenure
as Chief Counsel for the Senate Judiciary Committee, and its
Subcommittee on Criminal Justice. He also served as counsel to the
Senate Intelligence Committee, and the Senate Subcommittee on
Constitutional Rights.
Mark has spent over 25 years in private law practice. Especially in
the last eight years, he has focused on strengthening energy
independence for Romania, a key issue he will face for all of Central
and Eastern Europe should he become Ambassador to the EU.
Mark has the core values and toughness to deal with the Russians.
He also possesses the keen ability to build consensus and enhance our
relationships with European allies. As a creature of the Senate, Mark
will also be very mindful of, and responsive to, this committee's
oversight responsibilities.
He knows well the President and the key leaders of the
administration's foreign policy and national security teams.
Having Mark in Brussels will greatly enhance the ability of this
administration to accomplish one of its critical goals: to rebuild
multilateralism by rebuilding trust between the U.S. and the EU. The
sooner we can get Mark to Brussels, the better.
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