NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION - PART III
Summary
S. Hrg. 117-288 is Part III of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations nomination hearings of the 117th Congress, First Session, covering October 5, 2021 thru December 14, 2021, with Robert Menendez as Chairman. The October 5, 2021 (a.m.) hearing took up Mallory A. Stewart, nominated to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and Compliance); Steven C. Bondy, nominated to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain; and Lisa A. Carty, nominated to be U.S. Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council. The volume's contents also list the earlier parts, starting with the January 19, 2021 hearing on Antony J. Blinken. Responses to additional questions are located at the end of each hearing transcript.
Summary drafted by a model from the document's text below and checked by script against that text before publication. It is a navigation aid, not a reading of what the document proves. Where AI is used
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[Senate Hearing 117-288]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 117-288
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART III
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
----------
Part III
October 5, 2021 thru December 14, 2021
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS,
FIRST SESSION--PART III
S. Hrg. 117-288
NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART III
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
Part III
October 5, 2021 thru December 14, 2021
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
47-863 PDF WASHINGTON : 2022
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
Damian Murphy, Staff Director
Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
other material submitted for the record are located at the end
of each hearing transcript.
PART I
January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated
to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a
separate document in two parts:
Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m
Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6
January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
bit.ly/3AsQRsH
March 3, 2021.................................................... 1
Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
Secretary of State......................................... 9
McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources).... 13
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 60
March 23, 2021................................................... 171
Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development................................................ 176
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 207
April 15, 2021................................................... 263
Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Political Affairs)..................... 269
Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of
State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights)..... 272
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 292
April 28, 2021................................................... 353
Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Arms Control and International
Security).................................................. 357
Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the
Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of
the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor
of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.... 360
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 379
(iii)
May 19, 2021..................................................... 425
Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs).. 431
Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization
Affairs)................................................... 434
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 462
June 9, 2021..................................................... 493
Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia.............. 498
Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho....................... 500
Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and
Principe................................................... 503
Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria.. 505
Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Congo...................................... 508
Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon..................... 510
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 520
June 15, 2021.................................................... 549
Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs)................................... 552
Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research)............. 555
Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific
Affairs)................................................... 558
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 583
July 13, 2021.................................................... 617
Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)................... 622
Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to
be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs)......... 625
Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental
and Scientific Affairs).................................... 628
Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............ 631
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 647
July 20, 2021.................................................... 669
Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (Management and Resources)....... 672
Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and
Eurasian Affairs).......................................... 675
Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member
of the Board of Directors of the African Development
Foundation................................................. 677
Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of
State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be
Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development............. 680
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 695
----------
PART II
July 27, 2021.................................................... 739
Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his
tenure of service.......................................... 745
Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural
Affairs)................................................... 748
Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (Policy and Programming)....................... 751
Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform,
and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of
the General Assembly of the U.N............................ 753
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 768
July 28, 2021.................................................... 789
Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be
Ambassador to the United Mexican States.................... 795
Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary
of State (Political-Military Affairs)...................... 798
Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)................... 801
Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean) 803
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 823
August 5, 2021................................................... 859
Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and
without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau.................................. 863
Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Paraguay................................ 866
Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Guinea.................................. 868
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 879
September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................ 889
Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and
Migration)................................................. 896
Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco................... 899
Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent
Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador....... 902
Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs).................. 905
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 929
September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................ 997
Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be
Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and
Nonproliferation).......................................... 1000
Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special
Representative of the President for Nuclear
Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador.............. 1002
Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey,
nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service.... 1005
Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the
U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with
the rank of Ambassador..................................... 1007
Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1010
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1028
September 22, 2021............................................... 1067
Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be
Ambassador to the State of Israel.......................... 1079
Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to Canada.................................................. 1082
Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica................... 1084
Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to
New Zealand and without additional compensation to be
Ambassador to the State of Samoa........................... 1115
Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.. 1118
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1130
September 28, 2021............................................... 1249
Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, with the rank of Ambassador............... 1256
Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the European Union, with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1259
Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey....................... 1262
McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and
Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure
of service................................................. 1265
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1285
September 29, 2021............................................... 1311
Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S.
Representative on the Council of the International Civil
Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during
his tenure of service...................................... 1318
Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development.................................. 1321
Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to Ireland...................................... 1323
Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova...................... 1336
Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of The Gambia................................. 1339
Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................ 1341
Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana..................... 1344
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1352
September 30, 2021............................................... 1411
Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency,
with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative
to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of
Ambassador................................................. 1415
McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................ 1418
Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Malawi..................................... 1420
Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros..................... 1423
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1431
----------
PART III
October 5, 2021 (a.m.)........................................... 1455
Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and
Compliance)................................................ 1458
Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Bahrain.................................. 1461
Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council,
with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate
Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly
during her tenure of service............................... 1463
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1485
October 5, 2021 (p.m.)........................................... 1525
Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo....................... 1529
Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
to Bosnia and Herzegovina.................................. 1532
Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve
concurrently and without additional compensation as
Ambassador the Principality of Andorra..................... 1535
Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Austria...................... 1538
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1558
October 20, 2021 (a.m.).......................................... 1583
Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the People's Republic of China............... 1587
Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
to Japan................................................... 1626
Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore.................... 1630
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1651
October 20, 2021 (p.m.).......................................... 1735
Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Central African Republic................. 1739
Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique................... 1741
Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the
People's Republic of Bangladesh............................ 1744
Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka............. 1747
Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Benin................................... 1756
Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........ 1759
Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia,
nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea..................................................... 1762
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1771
October 26, 2021................................................. 1837
Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the
Argentine Republic......................................... 1840
Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom.................. 1846
Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the
Rank of Ambassador......................................... 1849
Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years..... 1852
Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs)......... 1857
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1873
November 2, 2021................................................. 1941
Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................ 1947
Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia..................... 1950
Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the
Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without
additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality
of Liechtenstein........................................... 1952
Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................ 1955
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 1968
December 1, 2021................................................. 1985
Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation........................................ 1990
Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under
Secretary of State (Management)............................ 1993
Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Poland....................... 1995
Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Belgium..................................... 1998
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2024
December 14, 2021 (a.m.)......................................... 2067
Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan............. 2074
Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of India........................ 2077
Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Federal Republic of Germany......................... 2080
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2094
December 14, 2021 (p.m.)......................................... 2151
Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia....................... 2156
Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S.
Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the
rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............ 2159
Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge
Corporation................................................ 2162
Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador
to the Holy See............................................ 2164
Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five
years...................................................... 2180
Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency.......... 2182
Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank
for a term of three years.................................. 2185
Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated
to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
American Development Bank.................................. 2188
Additional Material Submitted for the Record................. 2196
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2021 (a.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:17 a.m., in
Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Young, Cruz, and
Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
We are here to consider the nominations for three important
positions: Ms. Mallory Stewart to be the Assistant Secretary of
State for Arms Control Verification and Compliance, Ms. Lisa
Carty to be the U.S. Representative on the U.N. Economic and
Social Council and an alternative representative to the U.N.
General Assembly, and Mr. Steve Bondy to be the Ambassador to
Bahrain.
Congratulations on your nominations. We appreciate your
willingness and also those of your families to serve. Your
families are, certainly, part of the sacrifice on behalf of the
nation, so we appreciate them as well.
Ms. Stewart, the AVC Bureau is critical in the State
Department and to our national security, leading U.S.
diplomatic efforts to confront our adversaries about their most
dangerous weapons.
I am pleased to see you bring a wealth of experience to
this important role, including from your current service on the
National Security Council as the Senior Director for Arms
Control and Nonproliferation and your years in the State
Department as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the AVC Bureau
working on these issues.
If confirmed, you will have to address a series of
challenges from the very start, including a weakened AVC
Bureau, the result of years of neglect under the previous
administration, at the exact moment that we are entering a more
dangerous world.
The head of our nuclear forces, Navy Admiral Charles
Richard, recently called China's explosive growth and
modernization of its nuclear and conventional forces
breathtaking.
Russia continues to modernize its shorter-range
nonstrategic weapons and has shown a willingness to use
chemical weapons against its own citizens.
Iran is moving closer to having enough material for a
nuclear weapon. I am concerned that the Bureau is unprepared
for this more dangerous world and that it lacks the resources
and staff it needs to effectively negotiate with our strategic
rivals.
I trust that, if confirmed, you will use your knowledge and
skills to prioritize strengthening AVC, and I look forward to
hearing your thoughts on how to address the challenges ahead.
Ms. Carty, congratulations on your nomination. It is
reassuring that President Biden has nominated you, a consummate
professional with decades of experience working with the United
Nations and the Department of State to this role to help
address the economic, humanitarian, and social challenges
facing the globe.
Under President Trump, the United States, largely,
abdicated a leadership role at the United Nations. From
attempting to pull out of the World Health Organization in the
middle of a global pandemic to undermining international
protections for women, girls, and LGBTI individuals, to
defunding or cutting funding to key agencies, we sent the
signal that the United States would no longer lead, I should
say, ceding space and influence to China and Russia.
If confirmed, you will join a new team committed to repair
what has been undermined, including support for human rights,
democracy, and addressing the metastasizing humanitarian crisis
around the world, including the most recent one in Afghanistan
after the rapid collapse of the Ghani Government and Taliban
takeover.
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how critical the
agency's initiatives like those promoting the equal rights of
women and girls can continue in Afghanistan. And, if confirmed,
I trust that you will draw on your decades of relevant
experience to effectively engage within and work to strengthen
the U.N. system.
Mr. Bondy, welcome to the committee. I am pleased to see
such an experienced diplomat and Livingston, New Jersey, native
nominated for a critical Gulf post.
I am not surprised that someone from the Garden State has
merited a dozen State Department awards, a Service Commendation
award from the Department of Defense, and a Presidential Rank
Award, and speaks five languages.
I would also like to note that I am not the only one to
praise your service. Retired General Votel, former commander of
CENTCOM who served with you, has noted that you are, quote,
``extraordinarily well qualified for this position,'' and
called you, quote, ``an effective collaborator who is deeply
respected across the military and within the interagency.''
I also have a statement from Ambassador Hugo Llorens
praising your service and record and, without objection, I move
to enter those statements into the record.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
The Chairman. U.S.-Bahrain ties are long-standing. As the
host of the U.S. Naval Forces Central Command and the Navy's
Fifth Fleet, Bahrain is an essential U.S. partner in our shared
efforts to maintain stability and security in the Arabian Gulf.
As the region continues to face instability of threats,
most concerning from Iran, it is critical that we have a
skilled diplomat in place to strengthen and maintain our
partnership.
Bahrain has also led the change for more regional diplomacy
as an original signatory to the Abraham Accords, and I have
full confidence you will work to further their political,
economic, and cultural normalization with Israel.
Your extensive experience in the Middle East, including
time spent as the Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs
in Bahrain and more recently as the Deputy Chief of Mission and
charge d'affaires in Abu Dhabi, will certainly serve you well
and the country well in navigating our Embassy in Manama.
I look forward to each of your testimonies. And with that,
let me turn to the ranking member for his opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good morning.
Welcome to our nominees.
On the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State for Arms
Control Verification and Compliance, I want to make clear that
a sole-purpose nuclear declaratory policy or any perceived
weakening of the U.S. nuclear deterrent will be a betrayal of
our allies and will embolden China and Russia. It will also
cause allies to lose confidence in the Biden administration's
commitment to NATO's Article 5 commitments and to Asia
security.
The position you have been nominated to is incredibly
important to not only the United States but also our allies
and, for that matter, our enemies.
For decades, U.S. administrations have embraced the long-
standing policy of strategic ambiguity regarding the use of
nuclear weapons. While administrations have thought about
changing to a no-first-use policy, they realized international
security was more important than ideology.
Indeed, the Obama administration itself studied this
closely and rejected such a policy change twice. Earlier this
year, our British allies also rejected this change.
The Biden administration says it wants to strengthen U.S.
alliances. U.S. allies have told me and have told us that they
strongly object to a change to a no-first-use or sole-purpose,
which is nothing more than a no-first-use in disguise policy.
This administration should listen to them.
On the nomination of Ambassador to the Economic and Social
Council of the United Nations, the United States remains the
largest donor to the United Nations.
In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has used its
minimal donations to leverage a large-scale malign influence
campaign affecting, in particular, the NGO committee in order
to block NGOs critical of China, and they support NGOs that are
actually run by the Chinese Communist Party. More must be done
to stop this harmful practice.
The Biden administration has also decided to run for a seat
on the Human Rights Council. The Council is known for its anti-
Israel bias and troubling countries, including the worst human
rights offenders on the planet like China, Cuba, Russia, and
Venezuela.
I strongly oppose any attempt by the United States to
rejoin this sham group until reforms have been achieved.
On the nomination of Ambassador to Bahrain, United States
and the Kingdom of Bahrain have enjoyed a close relationship
since the 1940s.
Home to the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet and the International
Maritime Security Construct, Bahrain is a lynchpin for regional
stability and serves as a critical front against Iran's
regional aggression.
I remain concerned that Iran continues its efforts to
destabilize Bahrain and arm the terrorist groups that operate
there.
On the human rights front, Bahrain has come a long way
since the Arab Spring. While there is more work to be done,
certainly, the Kingdom has made strides in effective policing,
advancing human rights, and curbing trafficking in persons. It
is vital that we continue this important work.
Finally, I applaud Bahrain's growing relationship with
Israel with its signing of the Abraham Accords. These
agreements finally offer a path forward for peace in a troubled
region, and the recent visit of the Israeli foreign minister
and Embassy opening were encouraging steps.
Should you be confirmed, it is critical that you work to
encourage Bahrain and Israel to deepen their diplomatic,
economic, and security relationship. This is a priority effort.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
All right. We will turn to our nominees. We ask you to
summarize your statements in about five minutes or so so we can
have an opportunity for robust questions.
Your full statements will be included in the record,
without objection, and we will start with Ms. Stewart and work
our way down the aisle.
STATEMENT OF MALLORY A. STEWART OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (VERIFICATION AND
COMPLIANCE)
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
Risch, and members of this committee for the opportunity to
appear before you today.
It is my distinct honor and pleasure to be President
Biden's nominee for the role of Assistant Secretary for Arms
Control, Verification and Compliance at the Department of
State.
I want to thank the President and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me and for the opportunity, if confirmed,
to help advance and protect American national security.
I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends who
have supported me throughout this process, and I would
especially like to thank my parents, my husband, and our three
children. I could not have achieved anything without their
encouragement, their guidance, their patience, and their
endless love and support.
The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance Bureau, AVC,
is at the forefront of some of the most challenging and
pressing national security priorities. I know firsthand just
how important, complex, and challenging AVC's work is because,
if confirmed, this would be a return to the Bureau in which I
proudly served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary.
I also had the privilege of working on the AVC portfolio
prior to that during my time in the State Department's Legal
Adviser's Office, and I continue to work many of these issues
in my current role at the National Security Council.
I joined the State Department's Legal Adviser's Office in
2002. I was inspired to leave my law firm job in part by the
events of 9/11 amidst the swirl of international outreach,
coordination, and concern.
Throughout my time working on arms control and treaty
issues, I have personally witnessed the value of international
cooperation, engagement, and dialogue, even and sometimes
especially with nontraditional partners and potential
competitors.
In order to most effectively achieve the Bureau's mission,
AVC must continue its work to reestablish U.S. leadership in
multilateral institutions and reengage with allies and
partners.
The Biden-Harris administration recognizes that the
challenges we face are not ours alone and cannot be solved by
any one nation. That is why it has placed a great deal of
importance on engagement and has begun the work to revitalize
and strengthen our alliances in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-
Pacific to better deter and defend against growing threats.
But engagement with allies is only one piece of the
diplomacy puzzle. We must also engage with our main
competitors, like Russia and China, and attempt to keep an open
dialogue.
It is important to be able to engage on security even at
times of bilateral tension and disagreement. That is why this
administration is engaged in a strategic stability dialogue
with Russia and why we seek to engage in meaningful dialogue on
nuclear and other strategic stability threats with China.
From an administrative perspective, I am specifically
interested in expanding AVC's capacity to work on the
challenges posed by these countries' increasingly aggressive
behaviors.
If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to lead this
important Bureau, together with the many dedicated professional
public servants that uphold the Bureau's national security
mission every day.
AVC's work to address the existential threat posed by
nuclear weapons, deter the use of all weapons of mass
destruction, and contend with emerging technology security
challenges in a rapidly evolving security environment is
critical to American security.
If confirmed, I would hope to partner with the Hill and
with other departments and agencies to make sure the Bureau has
the necessary support and resources to fulfill its important
mission.
Working together, we need to make sure AVC has the best
tools and analytical capabilities available now and in the
future to provide robust verification of arms control,
nonproliferation, and disarmament agreements and commitments,
as well as rigorous assessments of compliance with those
agreements and commitments, including in order to provide
Congress with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms
control landscape through the Annual Compliance Report.
I was personally involved with the Compliance Report when I
was a DAS in AVC, and I think it is critically important and it
needs to be thorough, clear, and credible. If confirmed, I will
make its timely delivery to Congress a priority.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of this
committee, you have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will
work in close coordination with you and deeply respect your
role in the formation of foreign policy.
There are a great number of challenges we face, but we face
them together and we must resolve them together.
Thank you again for the opportunity to be here today, and I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Stewart follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mallory A. Stewart
Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of
this committee for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is my
distinct honor and pleasure to be President Biden's nominee for the
role of Assistant Secretary for Arms Control, Verification and
Compliance (AVC) at the Department of State. I want to thank the
President and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me and for the
opportunity, if confirmed, to help advance and protect America's
national security.
I would also like to thank my colleagues and friends who have
supported me throughout this process. And I would especially like to
thank my parents, my husband, and our three children. I could not have
achieved anything without their encouragement, their guidance, their
patience, and their endless love and support.
The Arms Control, Verification and Compliance Bureau (AVC) is at
the forefront of some of the most challenging and pressing national
security priorities. I know firsthand just how important, complex, and
challenging AVC's work is because, if confirmed, this would be a return
to the Bureau in which I proudly served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary
during the Obama administration. I also had the privilege of working on
the AVC portfolio prior to that during my time in the State
Department's Legal Adviser's Office, and I continue to work many of
these issues in my current role at the National Security Council.
I joined the State Department's Legal Adviser's Office in 2002. I
was inspired to leave my law firm job in part by the events of 9/11,
amidst the swirl of international outreach, coordination, and concern.
Throughout my time working on arms control and treaty issues, I have
personally witnessed the value of international cooperation,
engagement, and dialogue, even--and sometimes especially with--non-
traditional partners and potential competitors.
In order to most effectively achieve the bureau's mission, AVC must
continue its work to re-establish U.S. leadership in multilateral
institutions and re-engage with allies and partners. The Biden-Harris
administration recognizes that the challenges we face are not ours
alone and cannot be solved by any one nation. That is why it has placed
a great deal of importance on engagement and has begun the work to
revitalize and strengthen our alliances in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-
Pacific to better deter and defend against growing threats.
But engagement with allies is only one piece of the diplomacy
puzzle. We must also engage with our main competitors, like Russia and
China, and attempt to keep an open dialogue. It is important to be able
to engage on security even at times of bilateral tension and
disagreement. That is why this administration is engaged in a strategic
stability dialogue with Russia, and why we seek to engage in meaningful
dialogue on nuclear and other strategic stability threats with China.
From an administrative perspective, I am specifically interested in
expanding AVC's capacity to work on the challenges posed by these
countries' increasingly aggressive behaviors.
If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to lead this
important Bureau together with the many dedicated professional public
servants that uphold the bureau's national security mission every day.
AVC's work to address the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons,
deter the use of all weapons of mass destruction, and contend with
emerging technology security challenges and a rapidly evolving security
environment is critical to American security. If confirmed, I would
hope to partner with the Hill and with other Departments and Agencies
to make sure the Bureau has the necessary support and resources to
fulfill its important mission.
Working together, we need to make sure AVC has the best tools and
analytical capabilities available, now and in the future, to provide
robust verification of arms control, nonproliferation, and disarmament
agreements and commitments, as well as rigorous assessments of
compliance with those agreements and commitments, including in order to
provide Congress with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms
control landscape through the annual Compliance Report. I was
personally involved with the Compliance Report when I was a DAS in AVC.
I think it is a critically important product that needs to be thorough,
clear, and credible. If confirmed, I will make its timely delivery to
Congress a priority.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of this committee. You
have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will work in close
coordination with you and respect your role in the formation of foreign
policy. There are a great number of challenges we face--but we face
them together, and we must resolve them together.
Thank you again for the opportunity to be here today, and I look
forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you. Forty-seven seconds to spare. That
is pretty good.
Mr. Bondy?
STATEMENT OF STEVEN C. BONDY OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF BAHRAIN
Mr. Bondy. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of this committee, thank you for your
warm welcome and thank you for the opportunity to appear before
you today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain.
I am extremely grateful to the President, a fellow Fightin'
Blue Hen of the University of Delaware, and to Secretary
Blinken for the confidence they have shown in me with this
nomination.
It is the thrill of a lifetime to be in this position and,
if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and the Congress on the important foreign policy
interests of the United States in Bahrain.
I would like to start by recognizing and thanking my wife,
Meghan, who has been a steadfast supporter and source of
inspiration through thick and thin, including the two years I
served in war zones.
Our daughter, Rachel, is here today and our son, Drew, is
tuning in from Brooklyn. Rachel and Drew traveled the world
with us and enrich our lives with their love and global
perspective. My parents, George and Enid Bondy, are also
watching today's proceedings from Daytona Beach. I owe them all
more than I can say.
Mr. Chairman, I am excited at the prospect, if confirmed,
of returning to a country where my family and I spent three
wonderful years. Bahrain was a key part of the recent Operation
Allies Refuge, facilitating and supporting over 7,000 Americans
and others transiting the country on their way to the United
States. Bahrain once again demonstrated it is not just a
partner or an ally, it is a real friend.
The foundation of that friendship begins with our shared
national security interests. The United States Navy has had an
enduring presence in Bahrain since the 1940s and it has been
home to the U.S. Navy Central Command and Fifth Fleet since the
Gulf War.
Bahrain is a safe, secure, and welcoming home to the 8,500
U.S. military members and their families who are in country.
The United States works collaboratively with the Bahraini
Government to address threats to the internal security of the
Kingdom and the region, particularly from Iran.
This joint security work helps keep safe American citizens,
investments, and interests in the country, and if confirmed, I
will have no higher priority than protecting the safety and
security of Americans in Bahrain.
Mr. Chairman, a year ago, Bahrain and Israel signed the
Abraham Accords agreement, shepherded by the United States.
This bold act represents a change in the strategic orientation
of the Kingdom, and it opened the door to Bahrain and Israel
developing their relationship across a wide spectrum of shared
interests.
If confirmed, I will devote my energy and creativity to
expanding and strengthening this relationship. The President
and the Secretary have been clear that human rights are at the
center of our foreign policy.
If confirmed, a primary focus of our bilateral engagement
will be to advance respect for human rights and political
participation, particularly as the 2022 parliamentary elections
approach.
We will continue to have open and honest exchanges with
Bahrain on these important matters, recognizing both where more
progress needs to be made as well as where and when Bahrain has
made meaningful progress.
Mr. Chairman, I was fortunate to be serving in Bahrain when
our bilateral free trade agreement entered into force in 2006.
That agreement established a solid basis for our commercial
relations, and American companies can play an important role as
the Bahraini economy emerges from the COVID pandemic. If
confirmed, I will advocate on behalf of American companies
pursuing opportunities in Bahrain.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have a
friendship that goes back almost 120 years when intrepid
Americans established the American Mission Hospital and related
school in Manama.
It will be my distinct honor, if confirmed, to build upon
this legacy as the United States Ambassador to Bahrain.
I welcome any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bondy follows:]
Prepared Statement for Steven C. Bondy
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of
this committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee to be the United States Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Bahrain.
I am extremely grateful to the President--a fellow Fightin' Blue
Hen of the University of Delaware--and to Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have shown in me with this nomination. It is the thrill
of a lifetime to be in this position, and if confirmed, I look forward
to working closely with this committee and the Congress on the
important foreign policy interests of the United States in Bahrain.
I would like to start by recognizing and thanking my wife Meghan,
who has been a steadfast supporter and source of inspiration through
thick and thin, including the two years I served in war zones. Our
daughter Rachel is here today, and our son Drew is tuning in from
Brooklyn. Rachel and Drew traveled the world with us and enrich our
lives with their love and global perspective. My parents George and
Enid Bondy are also watching today's proceedings from Daytona Beach. I
owe them all more than I can say.
Mr. Chairman, I am excited at the prospect, if confirmed, of
returning to a country where my family and I spent three wonderful
years. Bahrain was a key part of the recent Operation Allies Refuge,
facilitating and supporting over 7,000 Americans and others transiting
the country on their way to the United States. Bahrain once again
demonstrated it is not just a partner or an ally, it is a real friend.
The foundation of that friendship begins with our shared national
security interests. The United States Navy has had an enduring presence
in Bahrain since the 1940s, and it has been home to the U.S. Navy
Central Command and Fifth Fleet since the Gulf War. Bahrain is a safe,
secure, and welcoming home to the 8,500 U.S. military personnel in
country and their families.
The United States works collaboratively with the Bahraini
Government to address threats to the internal security of the Kingdom,
particularly from Iran. This joint security work helps keep safe
American citizens, investments, and interests in the country. If
confirmed, I will have no higher priority than protecting the safety
and security of Americans in Bahrain.
Mr. Chairman, a year ago Bahrain and Israel signed the Abraham
Accords agreement, shepherded by the United States. This bold act
represents a change in the strategic orientation of the Kingdom, and it
opened the door to Bahrain and Israel developing their relationship
across a wide spectrum of shared interests. If confirmed, I will devote
my energy and creativity to expanding and strengthening this
relationship.
The President and the Secretary have been clear that human rights
are at the center of our foreign policy. If confirmed, a primary focus
of our bilateral engagement will be to advance respect for human rights
and political participation, particularly as the 2022 parliamentary
elections approach. We will continue to have open and honest exchanges
with Bahrain on these important matters, recognizing both where more
progress needs to be made, and where and when Bahrain has made
meaningful progress.
Mr. Chairman, I was fortunate to be serving in Bahrain when our
bilateral Free Trade Agreement entered into force in 2006. That
agreement established a solid basis for our commercial relations, and
American companies can play an important role as the Bahraini economy
emerges from the Covid pandemic. If confirmed, I will advocate on
behalf of American companies pursuing opportunities in Bahrain.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Bahrain have a friendship that
goes back almost 120 years, when intrepid Americans established the
American Mission Hospital and related school in Manama. It will be my
distinct honor, if confirmed, to build upon this legacy as the United
States Ambassador to Bahrain. I welcome any questions you may have.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ms. Carty?
STATEMENT OF LISA A. CARTY OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE ECONOMIC
AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR, AND TO BE AN ALTERNATE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF
THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE AS
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ON THE ECONOMIC
AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Ms. Carty. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch,
distinguished members of the committee, it is truly an honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to become
the U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of
the United Nations.
I am grateful to the President, to Secretary Blinken, and
to Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. If
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust and to
work closely with all of you on the committee.
I would like to begin by expressing my deep appreciation to
my family, to my husband, Bill Burns, an exceptionally
dedicated public servant who has inspired and supported me
since we first met as Junior Foreign Service officers nearly 40
years ago, and to our daughters, Lizzy and Sarah, who from
infancy through college shared our Foreign Service journey and
the many moves that that entailed.
I wish that my parents and my in-laws, each models of
exemplary service, could see this moment. My father was a proud
graduate of the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and a Korean War
veteran, my mother, a public school special education teacher.
My father-in-law served in the U.S. Army for 34 years with
my mother-in-law, his full partner in all the sacrifices that
required. Their example and the love and support of my family
are a very large part of why I am here today.
I approach this new challenge with considerable humility,
with an abiding commitment to public service, with faith in the
power of clear-eyed diplomacy in the pursuit of American
interests and human rights, and with a well-grounded sense of
both the possibilities and the limitations of the United
Nations, and with few illusions about the complicated world
around us.
It is a world in which the U.N. has a crucial role,
especially in tackling the humanitarian, development, human
rights, and social issues to which I have devoted nearly four
decades as a career diplomat and then as an official of the
United Nations.
It is a world in which the COVID pandemic and a changing
climate have worsened problems of poverty, instability, and
health insecurity, especially for women and girls, and where
the U.N.'s Economic and Social Council can play a key role in
mounting a global response consistent with U.S. interests.
It is a world in which authoritarian rivals like China and
Russia and others seek advantage in the U.N. system and where
active and energetic American diplomacy is required to counter
them.
And it is a world in which the capabilities of the United
Nations matter enormously, but also require relentless U.S.
insistence on transparency, accountability, and reform as well
as unwavering resistance to anti-Israel bias.
My professional background provides a unique combination of
skills to help the United States take on these challenges. I
spent 25 years as a Foreign Service officer working extensively
on humanitarian, health, gender, and development issues, with
field experience in Asia, Russia, and the Middle East.
I served as a Pearson Congressional Fellow working for
Senator Nancy Kassebaum on the Africa Subcommittee, I worked
for USAID on health programs in Russia, and served as the State
Department's regional refugee coordinator based in Amman,
Jordan.
I have decades of experience in multilateral diplomacy and
a strong sense of how to navigate the U.N. system shaped by 10
years of work in U.N. entities, first, with the joint United
Nations program on HIV/AIDS working hand in hand with PEPFAR,
and most recently with the U.N.'s Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs where, through the combined efforts of
U.S. Government counterparts and courageous and committed U.N.
colleagues, we helped alleviate suffering in some of the
world's worst crises.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working hard
to put that background to good use in support of American
interests. I will work hard to ensure that U.N. efforts across
the responsibilities of the Economic and Social Council are
effective, well run, and consistent with U.S. goals.
I will work hard with allies and partners to mobilize
coalitions and achieve practical outcomes and I will work hard
with all of you to ensure the closest possible collaboration
with Congress.
Thank you very much again, Mr. Chairman, for your
consideration. This is truly the honor of a lifetime, and if
confirmed, I will devote the full measure of my skill and
experience to serve the best interests of the American people.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Carty follows:]
Prepared Statement of Lisa A. Carty
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, it is
truly an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
to become the U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of
the United Nations. I am grateful to the President, Secretary Blinken
and Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield for their confidence in me. If
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust and to work
closely with all of you on this committee.
I would like to begin by expressing my deep appreciation to my
family--to my husband, Bill, an exceptionally talented public servant,
and accomplished diplomat, and to our daughters, Lizzy and Sarah, who
from infancy through college, shared our Foreign Service journey and
the many moves that entailed. Serving overseas, particularly at
challenging posts, asks a lot of family members, and I will be forever
grateful that they so readily embraced the demands of Foreign Service
life. I wish that my parents, and my in-laws--each models of exemplary
service--could see this moment. My father was a proud graduate of the
U.S. Merchant Marine Academy and a veteran of the Korean War, my
mother, a public-school special education teacher, my father-in-law
served in the U.S. Army for 34 years with my mother-in-law his full
partner in all the sacrifices that entailed. Their example, and the
love and support of my family, are a very large part of why I am here
today.
I approach this new challenge with considerable humility; with an
abiding commitment to public service; with faith in the power of clear-
eyed diplomacy in the pursuit of American interests and human rights;
with a well-grounded sense of both the possibilities and limitations of
the United Nations; and with few illusions about the complicated world
around us.
It is a world in which the U.N. has a crucial role, especially in
tackling the humanitarian, development, human rights, and social issues
to which I have devoted nearly four decades as a career diplomat and
then as an official of the United Nations. It is a world in which a
changing climate and the COVID pandemic have worsened problems of
poverty, economic development, instability, and health insecurity,
especially among women and girls, and where the U.N.'s Economic and
Social Council can play a key role in boosting a global response and
recovery consistent with U.S. interests. It is a world in which
authoritarian rivals like China, Russia, and others seek advantage in
the U.N. system, demanding active and energetic American diplomacy to
counter them. And it is a world in which the capabilities of the United
Nations matter enormously--but also require relentless U.S. insistence
on transparency, accountability and reform, as well as unwavering
resistance to anti-Israel bias.
My professional background provides a unique combination of skills
to help the United States take on these challenges. I spent a quarter-
century as a Foreign Service Officer, working extensively on
humanitarian, health, gender and development issues, with field
experience in Asia, Russia and the Middle East. I served as a Pearson
Congressional Fellow working for Senator Nancy Kassebaum on the Africa
Sub-committee and with Congressman Tony Hall on the Select Committee on
Hunger. I worked for USAID on health programs in Russia; and served as
the Regional Refugee Coordinator for the State Department, based in
Amman, Jordan. I have decades of experience in multilateral diplomacy,
and a strong sense of how to navigate the U.N. system shaped by ten
years of work in U.N. entities--first with the United Nations Program
on HIV/AIDS where I served as the principal U.N. focal point for the
PEPFAR program and most recently with the U.N.'s Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, where I worked with U.S.
Government counterparts and courageous and committed U.N. colleagues to
help alleviate suffering in some the world's worst crises.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to working hard to put
that background to good use in support of American interests at the
United Nations. I will work hard to ensure that U.N. efforts across the
responsibilities of the Economic and Social Council and its subsidiary
bodies are effective, well-run, and consistent with U.S. goals. I will
work hard with allies and partners at the U.N. to mobilize coalitions
and achieve practical outcomes. And I will work hard with all of you to
ensure the closest possible cooperation with Congress.
Thank you very much again, Mr. Chairman, for your consideration.
This is the honor of a lifetime, and if confirmed, I will devote the
full measure of my skill and experience to serve the best interests of
the American people. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you all very much. We will go through a
series of five-minute rounds. But before we do that, I have a
series of questions on behalf of the committee as a whole that
I would like to ask each nominee.
They speak to the importance that this committee places on
responsiveness by all officials in the executive branch and
that we expect and will be seeking from you.
I would ask each of you to provide just a simple yes or no
answer to the following questions.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
Mr. Bondy. Yes.
The Chairman. If you can give me a verbal response, please.
Ms. Stewart. Yes.
The Chairman. Okay. I cannot hear you. Sorry. Your
microphone is not on.
Do you commit to keep the committee fully and currently
informed about the activities under your purview?
Ms. Stewart. Yes.
Mr. Bondy. Yes.
Ms. Carty. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ms. Stewart. Yes.
Mr. Bondy. Yes.
Ms. Carty. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ms. Stewart. Yes.
Mr. Bondy. Yes.
Ms. Carty. Yes.
The Chairman. Okay. All of the witnesses--I mean, the
nominees have answered yes to those questions. I will--the
chair will reserve his time and I will turn to the ranking
member.
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Stewart, I want to start, first of all, on the very
important role you have on--that you are seeking here with the
Bureau. And as I said to you in my opening statement that the
Biden administration wants to strengthen U.S. allies, and we
all do, the allegiances that we have and the agreements we
have.
The U.S. allies, however, have told us that they strongly
object to a change to a no-first-use or sole-purpose policy for
reasons I have previously stated.
Are you aware of their objections?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator, for the question. I share
your concern about allies and partners understanding U.S.
deterrence.
Senator Risch. That was not the question. The question was
are you aware that they have strenuous objections to what the
administration is proposing?
Ms. Stewart. I have seen some traffic and assessments of
engagements, and there has been numerous engagements with
allies and partners.
Senator Risch. You are aware that our partners and our
allies have strenuous objection to what is being considered
here. Is that a fair statement or not?
Ms. Stewart. I think I am not sure if I understand the term
``strenuous objection.'' I think they are concerned about what
we are----
Senator Risch. Will you go so far as to say they have an
objection?
Ms. Stewart [continuing]. I do not even know if it is an
objection. But, perhaps, the point is that I think through our
engagement we hope to explain and understand and really hear
from them further as to their----
Senator Risch. You are telling me, as you sit here today,
you do not understand that our allies have strong objections to
what the administration is considering? Is that what you are
telling me?
Ms. Stewart. I would definitely agree that there are
certain concerns about what is possibly in the consideration
process. But I think the effort that we are undergoing to
engage with them is to really understand what those concerns
are and to, hopefully, address those concerns through part of
the engagement process.
Senator Risch. You will not go to where I need you to be
and that is to get a good clear understanding. If we, on the
committee, on Republican side of the committee, have an
understanding that our allies have strong, strong objections to
what you are considering, how is it that you cannot concede
that?
I understand you are saying they have concerns. Would you
agree with me that they are stronger than concerns?
Ms. Stewart. I guess--and I definitely appreciate what you
are trying to sort of get at here. My concern to completely
satisfy your question is that we are still very much in the
process.
We do not know the result of the Nuclear Posture Review
that the Department of Defense is leading, and so it is very
hard to say that allies and partners can have objections to a
process that has not sort of played out and we have not had a
chance to engage more fulsomely with them as to where the
direction is going, and there is a lot of considerations in the
process.
If they object, it seems like they are prematurely
objecting to something that we have not established.
Senator Risch. You have already said if they object. You do
not know that they are objecting. Is that correct?
Ms. Stewart. I think the concern is what would they be
objecting to at this point, without the actual report.
Senator Risch. I am not going to get you there, so I am not
going to pursue that any further. But let us--let me say I am
disappointed in your answers.
We are acutely aware of objections. Strong objections have
been raised by our allies. If you are not, you need to get on
board before I am going to be able to vote for your
confirmation.
You were in the same Bureau in the Obama administration.
You are aware that twice they considered adopting a no-first-
use or sole-purpose policy. You are aware that you, are you
not? Once early on in their administration and then again
during the time you were there between 2015 and 2017. Is that
correct?
Ms. Stewart. Yeah.
Senator Risch. Would you tell this committee why the Obama
administration decided not to adopt the no-first-use or sole-
purpose policy?
Ms. Stewart. My understanding is that they had a lot of
effort to engage and understand partners' perceptions. And I am
sorry that you take issue with my statement. I think the
concern is that we really need to allow the process to play out
and we need to understand the best advice from the Department
of Defense leading this process and how that can be implemented
through policy, that we work with partners and allies to
explain and understand.
But to your question--sorry--the approach in the Obama
administration to get to fundamental purpose of deterrence, was
really to accommodate many of the challenges we faced with our
deterrence efforts and to understand integrated deterrence
issues within the report, and to address some of the
existential threats that we faced at that time.
Senator Risch. But you agree with me they specifically
rejected adopting a no-first-use or sole-purpose policy? Do you
agree with that?
Ms. Stewart. I was not part of the NPR process during that
time.
Senator Risch. Did not they or did not they?
Ms. Stewart. They did not have sole-purpose or no-first-use
in the Obama----
Senator Risch. And they specifically rejected it after
considering it and studying it. Is that correct?
Ms. Stewart [continuing]. I assume that they looked at it
closely, but I was not part of that process yet.
Senator Risch. And I agree with you, we need to let the
thing play out. But if we are going to let the--if we are going
to let the process play out, we need to have at least a clear
understanding of what our allies are telling us and it looks to
me like you got a long ways to go to get there.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to each of our nominees today. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with you.
I would like to begin, excuse me, with you, Ms. Carty, and
as the representative to the U.N.'s Economic and Social
Council, I wanted to assess your feeling about the Commission
on the status of women, which is the only global body dedicated
to the promotion of women and girls empowerment and equality
and aids to mainstream women's equality in U.N. activities.
[Clears throat.]
Senator Shaheen. Excuse me.
As you look at the role that you can play within ECOSOC and
with the Commission, how do you think efforts to improve
women's empowerment could be bolstered by the work of the
Commission and do you see specific changes that you can be
engaged in that will help with that?
Ms. Carty. Senator Shaheen, thank you so much for that
question. I have spent a fair part of my career working on
issues related to women and girls and gender, and it is an
issue that is very near and dear to my heart.
I see multiple opportunities, Senator, across the U.N.
system where I could help through a position in ECOSOC advance
U.S. goals regarding the well being of women and girls if I was
confirmed for this position.
I think CSW offers particular opportunities. I think the
important thing is to be very strategic and forward thinking in
how we engage there and to make sure that we approach each CSW
session with a very clear sense of what we want to try to
achieve and we work very deliberately with CSW and other
missions in New York, other governments, to try to make sure of
one mind about the objectives we will pursue during those
sessions.
Senator Shaheen. Can you give me an example of a priority
that you would have as you are looking at a first place to
focus?
Ms. Carty. One issue, Senator, I feel is terribly important
is the issue of education for women and girls. It is something,
unfortunately, where there have been huge and significant
setbacks in the context of the COVID epidemic.
We know that there are tens of thousands, millions, of
girls out of school at this point who may never get back into
school, and I think that would be a really important area,
actually, across the U.N. system for specific focus, because we
know that without that kind of access to education that it
really imperils a young girl's future.
I would encourage CSW to look at that set of issues.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. And we know that empowering
women and girls also adds to the stability in communities and
countries, the potential opportunities and prosperity and
economic opportunities in countries as well.
Ms. Stewart, I was really pleased to see the Biden
administration extend the New START treaty, something that I
worked on 10 years ago when it was before this body.
But as we think about how we continue to engage with the
Russians, where do you think we should be thinking and how can
we build on that to cover tactical weapons, emerging nuclear
technologies, other efforts that we really need to address?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator.
I share your concerns with respect to the Russian
challenges that we are facing right now. Russia's new nuclear
weapons and its diversification in dual-use delivery platforms
represent a threat to strategic stability.
The strategic stability dialogue is an interagency process
to seek risk reduction and greater understanding of the
policies and actions of the two nations.
In the plenary led by Deputy Secretary Sherman, we have
agreed to two working groups for experts. First, in principles
and objectives for the future of arms control, and second, the
capabilities and actions with strategic effect.
We have made clear that we want to address all of Russia's
nuclear weapons, including nonstrategic nuclear weapons and
novel delivery systems.
Our driving principles in this process will be increasing
U.S. and allied security, ensuring effective verification and
faithful compliance for legally binding measures, and avoiding
future miscalculation or misunderstanding.
We are only at the beginning of our conversations, and so I
agree with you we need to be careful to understand the full
range of challenges and misunderstanding potentials that we
face.
No determinations about specific approaches have been made.
But the strategic stability dialogue is a very good first step
to try to engage and understand where we have overlapping
concerns and where we can make progress towards stabilizing our
relationship.
If confirmed, I hope to consult closely with this Congress
to address this process further and to truly understand how we
can best evaluate and consider this threat.
Senator Shaheen. And so are you optimistic? You said you
think it is a good first step. Are you optimistic that we may
be able to make some progress?
Ms. Stewart. I am cautiously optimistic that, in certain
arenas, there is some progress we can make that we can
understand where our collective advantage for both the U.S. and
Russia and, hopefully, the global community can be satisfied by
taking important actions to address destabilizing behavior and
to lead to the best norms of responsible behavior.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
I understand the next colleague who is available is Senator
Van Hollen virtually.
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank all
the witnesses for your service. Congratulations on your
nominations.
Ms. Carty, a question regarding the Sustainable Development
Goals at the United Nations. We have gotten a recent report
indicating that since the onset of COVID-19 we have seen an
increase in extreme poverty, declines in educational
achievement, increased violence against women and girls, and
other trends that threaten to reverse some of the positive
development gains that we have made in recent decades.
The Economic and Social Council of the United Nations has
the main responsibility for integrating--addressing these
issues across different U.N. agencies.
What goals you think we need to be most focused on when it
comes to regaining lost ground? Where have we lost the most
ground and what role can you play and the United States play in
trying to catch up?
Ms. Carty. Senator, thank you very much for that question
and for flagging what really is an ancillary impact of the
COVID epidemic that we all need to keep very much within our
lines of sight.
The truth is the U.S. has driven so much of that global
development progress over many decades and it is now all at
risk. I do think, Senator, the SDGs present a very important
roadmap for how to bring the global community together in a
common effort to ensure that we are trying to regain ground on
all those issues that you just mentioned, whether it is food
insecurity, increasing rates of poverty, or you mentioned with
Senator Shaheen children out of school.
The list is quite long, and many of the SDGs directly
address those risk areas, Senator. There are ones focused on
health, on education, on economic well being, on the climate. I
think we actually have to be very strategic, look where the
needs are right now most acute, and then try to prioritize
action around those SDGs first.
But I would just be clear, Senator, in saying I know
Secretary Blinken has embraced the SDGs as a roadmap for
development, and I think one of the real values that they bring
is they do provide a path, a common path, and set benchmarks
for progress.
If confirmed for the position, Senator, I would very much
look forward to focusing on the SDGs as a key component of my
work. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you. Maybe you can follow up with
respect to which areas you think are in most need of focused
attention right now.
Mr. Chairman, can you still hear me?
The Chairman. I can, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen: I think--so I do not know if--Ms.
Carty, just a follow-up question for you. According to a July
report by the International Service for Human Rights, China has
repeatedly used its seat on ECOSOC to block applications from
NGOs working on human rights issues, and not only blocking NGOs
working in China but China has, essentially, acted as a shield
for other authoritarian regimes.
Are you familiar with this situation and what would you do
about it, if confirmed?
Ms. Carty. Senator, thanks very much. I am not familiar
with that specific report. But I am, certainly, familiar with
the broad issue at stake here. And just I would say to start
that we have to be very clear we can leave no space for China
to try to undermine the fundamental values and principles of
the U.N. system.
We have seen this play out very specifically in the NGO
committee, which is the committee that accredits NGOs for U.N.
representation.
I have worked at many points over my career, Senator, with
nongovernmental organizations and I fully understand the
importance of the perspective they can bring to the table. They
must be there, but it must be legitimate credible NGOs that are
there.
If confirmed for this position, I would work across the NGO
committee to ensure that entities that should be at the table
are, particularly those that China might seek to deny a place
to, perhaps NGOs working on human rights or press freedoms or
other broad democracy and governance issues, and I would ensure
that those that do not belong at the table do not have a place.
Thanks, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I
thank all of you. I have some questions to submit for the
record, but congratulations to all.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
all the witnesses.
Mr. Bondy, I think I will spend my five minutes with you.
You have significant experience in a really important region of
the world and I want to ask you about a couple of issues
dealing with the U.S.-Bahrain relationship.
First, Bahrain has been a good partner in the United States
in our evacuation of Afghans. They have been very helpful in
being the home of our Fifth Fleet.
Bahrain has also had some serious concerns about human
rights issues, mass arrests in 2011, and it is a country where
the leadership is kind of a minority Sunni population that is
in leadership, but about 70 percent of the population is Shi'a.
Talk about what you could do, should you be confirmed, to
promote more attention to human rights in Bahrain.
Mr. Bondy. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
Indeed, as you say, there has been traditionally a fair bit
of friction and tension within the Kingdom of Bahrain between
the various communities. If we were to rewind 10 years ago, as
you said, when there was quite a bit of strife in the country,
we would have to say that the trend lines since then have been
exceedingly positive.
Indeed, the Government of Bahrain has used a new
legislative mechanism called the alternative sentencing law to
release over 3,500 convicts who were in prison and they have
now been able to depart the prison and find other ways to sort
of get on with their lives.
Additionally, Senator, there is a new juvenile justice law
which elevates the age from 15 to 18 of who can be tried as a
majority age individual and that has resulted, in fact, in some
people between the ages of 15 and 18 really serving kind of
very shortened sentences in juvenile detention centers rather
than as full-blown prisoners.
But, Senator, you absolutely have hit the nail on the head.
Promoting human rights is absolutely an essential tenet of the
administration's foreign policy, and if confirmed, I will seek
to use several fora that we already have established either
through the strategic dialogue or in regular quarterly meetings
between the Embassy and an inter-ministerial grouping in Manama
to continue to promote the values and the interests that we
have with regard to human rights.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Bondy, thank you for that.
Switching to another topic, in the last couple days
something positive happened. Foreign Minister Lapid of Israel
visited Bahrain to open the Israeli Embassy there. Very, very
positive.
I was a supporter of the Abraham Accords when they were
announced for a couple of reasons. I feel like the
normalization of relations between nations in the region and
Israel was actually a public expression of what was already
sort of going on sub rosa, and rather than have it be sub rosa
why not put it on the table that we are now going to work
together on issues of common cause?
A normalized diplomatic relationship is not a Good
Housekeeping seal of approval but it is just a way of having
channels of dialogue and communication and normal relations,
which are beneficial.
But the other reason I strongly support the Abraham Accords
is I have been just so discouraged about the absence of
progress toward a two-state solution in Israel. I visited
Israel for the first time in 1998. I went to the West Bank as
well.
And, frankly, in the 23 years since then the situation has
moved farther away from the peace between an Israel and
Palestine living side by side that we contemplated when we
recognized the State of Israel at its foundation during the
Truman presidency.
I view the Abraham Accords as giving nations in the region
kind of skin in the game. Their populations want them to do
things to promote a successful resolution and a Palestinian
nation that lives peacefully side by side with Israel.
You were the charge at the UAE. The UAE was one of the
other nations that normalized relations with Israel in this
way. What do you see as prospects of building upon the Abraham
Accords to break the stalemate that has existed for so long and
find a path forward to the peace that we have longed for for
decades?
Mr. Bondy. Thank you, Senator, for that very important
question and for your comments on the situation.
Indeed, the Abraham Accords are--they represent a strategic
change for the region and, in fact, in my career I also served
in Jordan when Jordan made peace with Israel. I view
strengthening and expanding the relationship of two very good
friends and allies, Bahrain and Israel, as a very important
book end to my own career with the Foreign Service.
But I believe there is great potential for those two
friends to build their relationship all the way across the
spectrum, and I will devote my energy and creativity, if
confirmed, to helping them to do exactly that, Senator.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, I yield back.
Senator Cardin. [Presiding.] Thank you, Senator Kaine.
I understand we have next by WebEx Senator Young.
[No response.]
Senator Cardin. Senator Young, are you there?
[No response.]
Senator Cardin. I will pursue my questioning and then we
will come back to Senator Young if he is available.
First off, let me thank all of our nominees for their
public service and they are willing to continue in public
service. These are difficult times.
We thank you and your families. Each of the positions that
you have been nominated to are extremely important to our
national security and to America's interests.
Ms. Carty, I am going to follow up on the Sustainable
Development Goals. I was listening to your response to Senator
Van Hollen. But I want to concentrate on one that was not
mentioned during that exchange and that is Sustainable Goal
Number 16.
It is the one that the United States was the initiator of
to include it among the SDGs. It is a new one so, therefore, it
is going to be more challenging to implement accountability
standards.
And it is a little bit more difficult to establish
accountability standards for SDG 16 as compared to others that
we have established ways of evaluating how well we are doing in
meeting the SDG goals.
Will you tell me your strategy on dealing with SDG 16,
which deals with good governance, so that I can have your
assurances that this will be a very high priority if you are
confirmed to this position?
Ms. Carty. Thank you very much, Senator.
And I think it is so important that the U.S. did insist on
adding that as one of the core SDGs because it is fundamental
to everything else that needs to happen. It is fundamental to
how the U.N. system needs to work.
If confirmed, Senator, I would work very aggressively with
other like-minded governments to ensure that we did have the
clearest possible benchmarks and indicators, meaningful
benchmarks and indicators, practical benchmarks and indicators,
to track progress on SDG 16 and also to ensure that where we
saw backtracking we had effective means of calling that out.
I think it comports very well, Senator, with broader U.S.
development policy and, if confirmed, I look forward to paying
sustained attention and working with you and your staff on
that.
Senator Cardin. I appreciate that. We are going to try to
help you by establishing a rating system for how well countries
are doing on fighting corruption, which is one of the key
ingredients--anti-corruption--to have good governance.
We are going to try to help you, but I can assure you I
will be sending you information and expecting responses in
regards to carrying out President Biden's acknowledgement that
corruption is a national security core concern so you have a
chance to do something about that with the SDG 16.
And speaking about backtracking on good governance, Mr.
Bondy, Senator Kaine already covered this point but I just want
to cover it from a little bit different angle, and that is
that, yes, Bahrain is an important ally of the United States in
so many different areas, including our strategies against Iran
as well as the Abraham Accords and moving forward with
normalization with relations with Israel.
During Arab Spring, Bahrain was one of the most aggressive
countries in dealing with removing the rights of the citizens
of their own country and abuses that occurred. We saw some
reforms, but it appears now they have backtracked on many of
those issues.
I appreciate your comments about some of the issues
concerning youthful offenders. But my information shows they
are still using the arrest powers indiscriminately to crack
down on any opposition to the Government at all, including
peaceful demonstrations.
I just really want to stress the point that with a country
that we have a strategic partnership with that is backtracking
on their commitments on human rights, we have to be very clear
that that is a major concern to us and it affects our ability
to strengthen the ties between our two countries.
Mr. Bondy. Senator, I am very grateful for your comments on
this important matter. It is difficult for me to comment on
whether there is backtracking or forward movement as you know,
obviously, I am not serving in the capacity.
However, I can assure you, Senator that raising the broad
swath of human rights issues would be something that I would
eagerly do if confirmed as ambassador, and we do have several
mechanisms where we can raise kind of the broad policy issues
as well as specific cases.
And I will say that my understanding is that our Bahraini
partners have been very open to having that free and frank
dialogue and, if confirmed, I would welcome the role of this
committee and the Congress to play in this extremely important
set of human rights issues.
Senator Cardin. And let me mention one other part that our
missions play in countries where NGOs or advocates have a
challenging time in exercising their rights, their basic human
rights, where the U.S. mission becomes a safe place for them to
be able to get support for being heard.
Do you commit, if confirmed, that our mission in country
will always be a safe haven for those trying to exercise their
basic human rights?
Mr. Bondy. Yes, Senator, I do. Those activities go on
already where we have a broad swath of outreach to human rights
defenders and human rights organizations, and if confirmed, I
absolutely want to continue that outreach.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. I believe Senator Young is now
available vis-a-vis WebEx.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Thank you so much, Mr. Cardin.
Mr. Bondy, very good to see you, sir. Congratulations to
you on your nomination and to all the other panelists on your
nominations.
Mr. Bondy, Bahrain recently committed to partner with Task
Force 59 and will be the first nation to partner with that
group. According to NAVCENT, they agreed to collaborate in
October on manned/unmanned teaming exercise to evaluate
advanced unmanned surface vessels.
Will you commit to support Bahrain's partnership with the
Fifth Fleet's recently created unmanned systems task force,
Task Force 59, and will you work to promote other Gulf States
joining this important initiative?
Mr. Bondy. Senator, I absolutely can support that. I think
it is a very important initiative in order to continue to
promote freedom of navigation and safe transport in the--on the
high seas.
Senator Young. Very good.
Sir, in light of the Abraham Accords and Israel's entry
into CENTCOM, will you commit to push as hard as possible to
get the Israeli military as integrated as possible in the
multilateral activities at CENTCOM and the Fifth Fleet lead out
of Bahrain, including maritime security efforts in the Gulf and
Red Sea and regional efforts on missile defense and counter
drone efforts?
Mr. Bondy. Senator, I believe that moving forward on
building the relationship between Israel and Bahrain in a broad
spectrum of areas all the way, starting with military and
security as you are describing and then moving all the way
across to economy, trade, education, technology, and people-to-
people ties, is incredibly important.
And certainly, if confirmed, I would like to find a way to
use the convening power of the United States in order to
involve Israel more closely in planning and discussions related
to preserving security in Bahrain and the Gulf region.
Senator Young. Thank you.
And lastly, sir, will you commit to work with CENTCOM and
the Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison officer
assigned to NAVCENT in Manama?
Mr. Bondy. Senator, I admit that I am unaware of that
specific initiative. But, if confirmed, I absolutely would want
to consult with the Department of Defense, with NAVCENT, assist
in any way that I could play a useful role.
Senator Young. That makes sense, Mr. Bondy. I will look
forward to, should you be confirmed, following up with you and
your consultation with DOD, and if there is any way I could be
of assistance in furtherance of that effort I will be happy to
do so.
Ms. Stewart, congratulations to you as well. We continue to
see the foundation of strategic arms control crumble away.
Years ago, I spent a brief stint of time working on the staff
of former Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Dick Lugar. I feel especially responsible to ensure the legacy
of arms control is protected and renewed.
To do that, we must have partners and processes that we can
trust. At the same time, we want to ensure that we do not erode
our defensive capabilities by entering into an agreement that
is one sided.
What are the core areas of New START, Ms. Stewart, that
need to be updated in order for the U.S. and Russia to have
confidence in the agreement?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator, for that question. I
definitely appreciate your background in this issue and I am
very glad to hear that you are concerned about the future in
this arena, as I am as well.
Because of the downturn in relations with the Russian
Federation, effective arms control is more valuable now than it
was in 2010, and it is important to maintain the boundaries on
nuclear competition even as we hold the Russian Federation to
account for its reckless and aggressive actions.
I think the verifiable limits on Russian intercontinental
range nuclear forces allow us to make better informed judgments
about the sufficiency of U.S. nuclear forces and help diminish
the possibility of a costly and dangerous nuclear arms race.
As you know, New START also provides a forum for ongoing
dialogue on strategic stability in nuclear weapons at a time
when tensions between our countries are elevated and bilateral
relations are increasingly challenged.
As to your specific question, it would be useful in the
next steps beyond the New START treaty to address the
nonstrategic nuclear weapons of the Russian Federation to
understand their limitations, numbers, and parameters in a way
that could comprehensively address our concerns with respect to
a lack of strategic stability by their increasing presence.
As for the specifics of a next step agreement beyond New
START, I think we definitely have to consider, as many
administrations have, how to bring in the nonstrategic nuclear
weapons and the novel delivery systems, including the unmanned
delivery platforms, to address their concerns from a strategic
stability vantage.
Senator Young. Thank you. I think my time is about to end.
I am curious whether there is any interest in Russia for a
revised INF after the Trump administration pulled out on
account of the fact that it had essentially become a unilateral
agreement.
Unless you have a yes or no answer on that, which I would
welcome, maybe we can talk about that later.
Ms. Stewart. Thank you. I look forward to discussing this
with you, if confirmed.
Senator Young. Thank you.
The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome to the nominees.
Ms. Stewart, the post that you would hold, if you are
confirmed, is one that is critically important to the national
security of the United States. Among other things, the bureau
you would be heading is responsible for the annual report
mandated by Congress on international adherence to arms control
treaties.
This report serves both as a proxy and a litmus test for
the seriousness with which presidential administrations
approach dangerous proliferation.
During the Trump administration, I repeatedly urged the
president to untangle the United States from Cold War style
treaties that only constrained us, both because Russia cheated
on them and China was not even bound by them.
President Trump rightly extracted us from treaties like the
INF and Open Skies. The annual compliance report, which
documented Russian and Chinese proliferation, was a crucial
part of the case I made and the decisions that President Trump
took.
I want to discuss with you how you would approach these
issues, if confirmed. Let us start with China. China is engaged
right now in a nuclear buildup that likely puts them in
violation of their obligations under Article 6 of the NPT. The
U.S. has limited leverage to stop this buildup, though.
I have previously introduced legislation that would impose
sanctions on parts of the Chinese military sector unless they
come into compliance with their already existing NPT Article 6
obligations for good faith negotiations.
Do you agree that China is in violation of its Article 6
obligations?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator. I share your concern about
China's growing nuclear arsenal, and it does pose a security
threat to the United States and our allies.
That said, I intend to, if confirmed, work closely with the
lawyers and the experts in the Arms Control Bureau to
understand more fully the exact development and capacity
enhancement that China is engaging in and to understand how
that implicates their Article 6 obligations under the NPT.
Senator Cruz. Does that mean you do not have an opinion
right now about whether China is in violation of their Article
6 obligations?
Ms. Stewart. I think I need to understand better exactly
the parameters of their development and what they intend to do.
I understand there is future plans and, certainly, rapid
expansion in the future, and I need to understand exactly where
that is going to be implicated with respect to their nuclear
capacities.
Senator Cruz. All right. Let us turn to Russia.
You have been a noted advocate of the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty. As you know, the United States Senate has pointedly
refused to ratify the CTBT, in part because of Russian
behavior.
In its 2021 Compliance Report, the Trump administration
rightly called out this behavior. I would like to quote from
that report.
Quote, ``The United States finds that since declaring its
testing moratorium Russia has conducted nuclear weapons
experiments that have created nuclear yield and are not
consistent with the U.S. zero yield standard.''
Do you agree with that assessment?
Ms. Stewart. I agree with the assessment in the Compliance
Report, yes.
Senator Cruz. Do you commit to ensuring, if you are
confirmed, that you would continue to document such
noncompliance?
Ms. Stewart. Absolutely.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Let us shift then to Iran.
Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the
United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within
the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT.
We know the Iranian regime kept nuclear weapons blueprints
on the shelf even while they were still pretending to comply
with the Iran deal.
In April 2019, then nominee to be Special Representative
for Nuclear Nonproliferation, Jeffrey Eberhardt, confirmed in
writing to this committee that, quote, ``Iran's standing as a
nonnuclear weapons state party to the NPT cannot be described
as good.''
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you for the question. I do.
Senator Cruz. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the
nuclear archives seized by Israel, including materials in the
archives relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to
constitute noncompliance by Iran of its obligation under the
NPT?
Ms. Stewart. We, certainly, share the concern that this is
a serious issue we need to look into. But I think we need more
understanding and information regarding that background file to
assess whether that constitutes a violation of the NPT.
Senator Cruz. Okay. And final question. I am concerned
about the possibility of the Biden administration adopting a,
quote, ``no-first-use'' nuclear policy. China has formally
declared a no-first-use policy, but the Chinese Communist Party
has proven itself willing to break such promises after we agree
to them.
Do you personally support a no-first-use policy for the
United States?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you.
With respect to that question I would, certainly, defer to
the Department of Defense process that is presently undergoing
to understand what exact policy is being included in a
statement of no-first-use.
That said, I appreciate that we need to ensure our extended
deterrence commitments to our allies and partners remain strong
and credible, as the President has stated that we would do in
our Interim National Security Strategic guidance.
And it is important to make sure allies and partners
understand that whatever steps we take our commitment to their
defense is unshakable.
Senator Cruz. You do not have any personal views on this
topic, though?
Ms. Stewart. I have a lot of personal views with respect to
the underlying policies being considered in the Nuclear Posture
Review. But I am certainly--I am certainly welcoming the----
Senator Cruz. What are those views? That is the question is
what are those views?
Ms. Stewart. I think we have to--we have to really consider
how we can take steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in
our deterrence. But we have to do so in a way that ensures our
extended deterrence commitments to our allies and partners
remain strong and credible.
And I think, regardless of the policy language, the words
will be informed by the concerns that the Senator raised
earlier. They will be informed by our engagement with the
allies and partners to ensure them of our unshakeable
commitment.
And so if the policy is no-first-use, if it is sole-
purpose, if it is fundamental purpose or if it goes back to the
2018 Nuclear Posture Review, it has to be done with a good
sense of understanding of our commitments.
And we need to make sure that our commitments to our allies
are strong and unshakable, and we need to understand their
concerns and address them.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
The Chairman. There are no other members before the
committee, as I understand it. I will ask questions myself.
Before I do, I want to wish Senator Cardin a very happy,
joyous, and healthy birthday and many more, one of our key
members of the committee.
[Singing.]
Senator Cardin. We now understand that Senator Menendez's
Senate career is his second career. His first career is as a
singer and a performer. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I am not giving up my day job. I like to eat.
But happy birthday. This is what happens when you sing--I sang
to Jeanne Shaheen. Now he wants to be sung to. I made that
mistake of doing that in public. In any event, happy birthday,
Ben.
And I understand--I do not know if he is here anymore, but
a former member of the staff, John Ryan, who is at the State
Department, shares an illustrious birthday with Senator Cardin.
Happy birthday to him as well.
Let me, on a serious note, turn to our nominees.
Ms. Stewart, you may have heard my opening comments and I
am wondering, do you believe that the department as it is
presently configured, as it is presently staffed, is up to the
challenge ahead?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator.
I share your concerns that the Bureau of Arms Control has
been challenged through the previous administration--losing
resources, losing supporting staff--and I agree that bringing
on a new generation of experts and enabling the good transfer
of institutional knowledge will be a priority as will expanding
our ability to confront and contend with an increasingly
aggressive China and new and emerging technological challenges.
I agree with you we also need to expand and enhance our
work to create a new generation of tools and technologies that
will enhance verification and allow us to better monitor
compliance.
We need to position ourselves to work closely with the
intelligence community and the U.S. interagency to explain the
basis for the U.S. Government's compliance concerns to the
international community in an effort to shine a light and,
hopefully, resolve those concerns.
And finally, we need to work to rebuild an understanding of
the importance of arms control measures in coordination with
deterrence to achieve a lasting and sustainable strategic
stability.
If confirmed, all of these are issues that I hope to work
on in close cooperation with you to expand and enhance the
capacity of the Bureau to address the numerous challenges that
face us.
The Chairman. We have an extraordinary array of issues that
your department would have responsibility for and for which I
think we face some major challenges.
Let me ask you specifically, it appears that we have
reached a critical juncture in our diplomatic efforts to
contain Iran's nuclear program. It continues to stonewall the
IAEA's investigation into undeclared nuclear materials and
activities that were uncovered in 2018 and is refusing to allow
the IAEA to assess critical monitoring equipment.
I do not even understand quite the much ballyhooed
agreement that was reached by the IAEA. All they did is they
took out the components that were previously being used for
monitoring but which they cannot see and put in the new chips
to continue to monitoring but which they cannot see.
We do not have any eyes on site during this period of time
to understand how far they have advanced, and Tehran is
pressing forward with their nuclear program with a current
breakout time to produce the necessary material for a weapon
near where it was before the JCPOA was signed.
What impact is Iran's refusal to cooperate with the IAEA
having on compliance with the nuclear nonproliferation treaty
and do you think that Iran has really walked away without very
much consequence, that other states will follow Iran's lead and
refuse to fully cooperate with the IAEA?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you, Senator. I completely share your
concerns on this issue. This administration remains committed
to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon and we
continue to believe diplomacy, in coordination with our allies
and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal.
We, clearly, have a series of fundamental disagreements on
a wide range of issues. Iran's lack of cooperation on
safeguards in the JCPOA, its support for terrorism, its
ballistic missile programs, destabilizing actions throughout
the region, and its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully
detained U.S. citizens and foreign nationals as political tools
are all issues of grave concern.
But with respect to your specific point, if we do not
address the numerous challenges that Iran poses, we will risk
other countries following Iran's lead and we will risk the
diminishment of the IAEA and the NPT itself.
This administration is very focused on understanding what
we can do to address all of these challenges while supporting
the IAEA.
AVC's sister bureau, the ISN Bureau, is the lead in the T
family on this issue. If confirmed, I will work to make sure
AVC is ably assisting the department in its efforts to prevent
Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon and to ensure support for
the IAEA in all of its efforts.
The Chairman. All right. I have questions for you on China
but I will submit them for the record. I would like a full
answer when you receive them.
Let me turn to Mr. Bondy. We, obviously, you, obviously,
support the continued partnership with Bahrain to address
counterterrorism needs in the region. Is that correct?
Mr. Bondy. Yes, I do.
The Chairman. And as well as maintaining the close security
partnership that we have between the United States and Bahrain?
Mr. Bondy. Yes, I do, Senator.
The Chairman. We applaud that Bahrain and the UAE became
countries that normalized relations with Israel. But, if
confirmed, what steps can you take as ambassador to preserve
the space for a continued dialogue on normalization, how we
could help foster Israel's growing ties with Bahrain?
Mr. Bondy. Yes, Senator. Thank you very much for the
question.
This is an issue set that, if confirmed, I would want to
devote all of my creativity and energy in order to expand the
relationship between two of our close friends and allies in the
Middle East region.
Indeed, I believe there is quite a bit of progress that can
be made. At least at this stage both sides have taken the
fundamentally important step to complete and sign and promote
the Abraham Accords, and now comes the time where it needs to
be operationalized.
As we heard earlier, the Israeli Foreign Minister did visit
Bahrain just a few days ago. Bahrain does have an ambassador
now in Israel and my understanding is Israel shortly will have
an ambassador in Bahrain.
I would, certainly, want to, if confirmed, consult with the
Israeli Embassy, the Israeli ambassador. But I do believe,
Senator, that there is a great amount of room for joint
cooperation be it in the military and security realm, all the
way across to people-to-people contact, and I would want to
look for opportunities in order to enhance that relationship.
The Chairman. I have said to several of our nominees going
to some of these countries is that it is great that the Abraham
Accords were signed. It is great that there is normalizing.
But normalizing has to go a step beyond. If you are allies
you are allies. That means you stand up for Israel at
institutions like the United Nations. It means you engage
within the region to engage other countries within the region.
As you say, it has to become operational. Otherwise, it is
just a piece of paper for which there is a recognition of a
relationship. But what that relationship is is really,
ultimately, embodied by the actions of both countries,
bilaterally, in each case. I hope to see that in the case of
Bahrain.
I do have questions about our--the human rights, and I will
submit those for the record that I would like to see you
respond to.
Finally, Ms. Carty, I look at what some people say about
ECOSOC and there are some who say that ECOSOC lacks any real
authority and that it works--overlaps with the activities of
the U.N. General Assembly.
It has been suggested that the Council could play a greater
role in global economic and development policy. The U.N. has
passed several reforms over the years, including as recently as
this year, to strengthen ECOSOC's policy guidance role and to
improve collaboration between ECOSOC, its subsidiary councils,
and other U.N. entities.
What is your assessment of the most recent ECOSOC reforms?
Do you believe that ECOSOC should have a greater policy-setting
role?
Ms. Carty. Senator, thanks for the question.
I think it is still a work in motion, Senator, as best I
understand the situation. ECOSOC does play an important role in
framing the conversation that then goes on to the General
Assembly in creating reports, resolutions, documents. It can
set the context for how key issues are discussed, key issues
that matter substantially to the United States.
If confirmed for this position, Senator, I would always
keep that in mind, how do we work effectively across the ECOSOC
body to ensure that their operations are effectively supporting
important U.S. goals that are within the purview of the
committee.
I am a firm believer, Senator that the U.N. functions best
when the U.S. is in a leadership role and is, clearly, at the
table and I would hope, if confirmed, to bring that to the
ECOSOC discussion.
The Chairman. One last question for you. I am concerned
about China's increasing influence and role in U.N. bodies.
ECOSOC consults with more than 5,100 registered nongovernmental
organizations to inform its work.
I am deeply concerned that within ECOSOC China has used its
seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications
from NGOs working on human rights issues.
I know you are not there yet but you have been involved in
this field in general. How do you assess China's efforts to use
its increased influence at ECOSOC and elsewhere in the U.N.
system to undermine civil society and silence the voices of
those who champion human rights?
Ms. Carty. Senator, I think this absolutely is a problem
and it needs to be a top priority. We know that there is a
broader effort undertaken by China across the U.N. system to
try to insert its authoritarian values in place of core U.N.
principles.
We cannot allow that to happen. There are particular risks
in the ECOSOC space and, in particular, in the NGO committee
where I understand China has acted to ensure that NGOs that
represent Tibet or the Uighurs are not allowed to participate.
If confirmed for this position, Senator, I share fully with
you the view that NGOs and civil society provide an absolute
critical perspective. Credible organizations need to be at the
table and I would devote the full measure of my energies to
ensure that was, in fact, the case.
The Chairman. We look forward to that. This committee as
well as the Senate has spoken with one voice on China and,
therefore, whether it be on arms control issues or whether it
be about its nefarious activities at the U.N. that I have just
described, we look forward to a forceful response.
Senator Hagerty has made it under the wire. He is now
recognized.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Menendez. It was my
honor to follow you in the Banking Committee meeting just a few
minutes ago and thank you for your comments there and your
leadership there.
Ms. Stewart, I would like to turn a question to you. The
United States has a long history of using nuclear deterrent to
prevent not only nuclear aggression but nonnuclear forms of
aggression that either threaten us or our allies.
Jim Baker, who served as President George H. W. Bush's
Secretary of State, wrote about the use of calculated
ambiguity. Using calculated ambiguity in America's policy to
deter and prevent Saddam Hussein, I think, had a real effect,
looking at the possible use of chemical and biological weapons
of mass destruction during the 1991 Gulf War.
We use calculated ambiguity to make an enemy think really
hard about the possible consequences before they might launch
chemical or biological weapons against the United States,
knowing that the response could include a full range of
options, including nuclear.
In 2020, presidential candidate Biden argued that, and I am
going to quote, ``The sole purpose of the U.S. nuclear arsenal
should be deterring and, if necessary, retaliating against a
nuclear attack,'' the end of his quote.
From my perspective as a businessman, I always think it is
a bad option to take tools and options off the table,
particularly with dealing in situations where the United States
or our allies might be in danger.
I want to ask you, Ms. Stewart, do you support adopting a
sole-purpose policy?
Ms. Stewart. Thank you so much for that question. I agree,
this is a really difficult area and it is a very complicated
analysis that, right now is being led by the Department of
Defense to really have a whole-of-government review of our
deterrence posture, our Missile Defense Review, our nuclear
policy, and our broader national defense guidance. I think this
is a hard issue.
With respect to sole-purpose, with respect to no-first-use,
with respect to sort of the policy formulations, ultimately,
United States declaratory nuclear policy will be a decision for
the President, and the particular language chosen for this
policy will be fully informed by the perspectives of our allies
and partners.
And as I mentioned before, we will engage allies and
partners. We will continue--and we have been engaging with
them--to assure them that the United States commitment to their
defense is unshakable and to explain how our rationale for the
declaratory policy is chosen by the President in the best
national security interests and how we intend to assure our
allies' and partners' security consistent with that policy.
To your specific question, the policy formulations that the
Department of Defense right now is coming up with will fully
take into account the strategic threat environment we face and
will certainly lay out the concerns and the challenges with
respect to any option on the table.
I do not want to get ahead of where the department is on
this. But I understand that all different formulations of what
that policy could be are on the table. The concern I have is
when we say sole-purpose, what sort of formulation of that are
we discussing? Or if we say no-first-use, what formulation?
There are several different, I guess, semantic
conversations we could have about what you are looking at and
what you are considering in the NPR process and what the
Department of Defense is putting on the table, again, fully
informed by their threat assessment.
There are certain sole-purpose formulations that may make
more or less sense, depending on what we are trying to address
throughout the NPR, and looking at the integrated deterrence
considerations.
But I think these will all be very carefully observed and
studied and presented to the President.
Senator Hagerty. I can confidently say this, that anything
we do in an environment like we have right now where the threat
is escalating, anything that we might do that would limit our
options would weaken the United States. It would embolden our
adversaries and it will cause our allies to question us.
I encourage you strongly as you look at this policy, as you
contemplate the responsibilities that you are facing, that you
take every effort to broaden our options and not restrict them
in any manner.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you. That concludes our hearing.
The record for this hearing will remain open until the
close of business on Wednesday, October 6th, 2021. I ask
colleagues to ensure that questions for the record are
submitted no later than tomorrow, on Wednesday.
I would say to the nominees inevitably there will be
questions that will be directed to you. I would urge you to
answer them fully as well as expeditiously as possible so that
your nominations can be considered before the committee at a
business hearing.
And with thanks to the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Photos from commercial satellites have revealed three new
fields of intercontinental ballistic missiles. The size and scope of
these missile fields indicate China is abandoning its previous nuclear
strategy based upon minimal deterrence and instead is moving toward a
strategy of assured retaliation against the United States, which is
similar to Russia's nuclear strategy. This committee began to address
this issue in the bipartisan ``Strategic Competition Act,'' which lays
out the need for effective arms control in the face of China's military
modernization and expansion. What are your thoughts about when and how
the United States should approach China to begin talks on strategic
stability or arms control?
Answer. I believe the United States must pursue arms control
measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
(PRC) growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will go together with ones
designed to bolster deterrence in the region. The administration hopes
that Beijing will come to see that arms control is in its own security
interest and is a mechanism to reduce the risk of military crises and
manage the threat of destabilizing arms races. U.S. allies and partners
will be key to success here and the administration will work with them
to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the United States
on arms control. If confirmed, I commit to consult Congress at an
appropriate time on potential measures to be pursued with China.
Question. What issues do you believe the United States should focus
on?
Answer. The best way to address emerging nuclear threats to the
United States and our allies and partners is to ensure our strategic
deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and pursue arms control
that enhances U.S., allied, and partner security. The People's Republic
of China's (PRC) growing nuclear arsenal represents one such threat
that the United States must address over the coming years. If
confirmed, one of my focus areas will be on how best the State
Department can expand the expertise and resources needed to contend
with arms control challenges posed by the PRC.
Question. Do you believe the AVC Bureau has the resources and staff
necessary to effectively negotiate with China?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my top priorities is ensuring the
Bureau has the appropriate resources to pursue the administration's
arms control objectives, including potential engagement with the
People's Republic of China. I would be grateful for Congressional
support in this effort.
Question. I supported the extension of the New START Treaty for a
full five years. I agreed with the Biden administration that a full
extension would allow the United States to retain the benefits of New
START while we address the many, many areas of concern we have with
Russia. The United States and Russia just completed their second
Strategic Stability Dialogue but it is still unclear to me what exactly
we are seeking to accomplish in our discussions with Russia. Should the
United States and Russia seek to build on New START with a new treaty
that imposes deeper reductions in both sides' strategic nuclear forces?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will use the five-year
extension of the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in
consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control
that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons. It would be premature to
speculate about U.S. nuclear force levels and potential limits in
future arms control before the Nuclear Posture Review is complete and
President Biden sets U.S. nuclear strategy.
Question. Should we seek a new type of agreement that incorporates
shorter-range nuclear weapons, not currently covered by New START?
Answer. The United States will use the time provided by the five-
year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in
consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control
that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic
systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons. Incorporating Russian non-
strategic nuclear weapons into arms control is a longstanding and
bipartisan U.S. objective.
Question. What impact will China's nuclear buildup have on our
ability to reach future arms control agreements with Russia?
Answer. The United States should pursue arms control measures with
Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) that advance the
security of the United States, U.S. allies, and partners. The PRC's
rapid expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages a more dangerous
future, with a considerably larger number of sophisticated nuclear
delivery systems capable of targeting a multitude of actors in the
Indo-Pacific and beyond. This larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a
broader PRC military build-up and contribute to arms racing dynamics
that will complicate how we approach arms control challenges in the
future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator James E. Risch
Duties and Qualifications
Question. What background and experience do you possess that
qualify you to perform the duties of Assistant Secretary of State for
Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance (AVC)?
Answer. In 2004, I joined the Office of Treaty Affairs in the
Department of State's Legal Adviser's office and focused on the Arms
Control and Nonproliferation treaties portfolio. I have been working on
these issues ever since, as a lawyer for the AVC Bureau and as a policy
maker in the Bureau. I was a principal member of the technical staff
and senior manager at Sandia National Laboratories, where I worked on
arms control and nonproliferation policy support. Most recently, I have
served as Senior Director at the National Security Council for Arms
Control, Disarmament, and Nonproliferation. Before I started as a
Deputy Assistant Secretary in AVC, I was closely involved with many of
the significant issues confronting the Bureau. For example, I was the
lead lawyer for the delegations that negotiated our missile defense
agreements with Poland and Romania. I also provided legal support for
the New START negotiations and effort to develop rules of responsible
behavior in emerging technology domains. I was also involved in the
negotiations of the 2013 U.S.-Russian Framework for the Elimination of
Syrian Chemical Weapons and the subsequent international architecture
erected at the United Nations and in the Organization for the
Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to implement that Framework.
After becoming the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Emerging Security
Challenges and Defense Policy in the AVC bureau, I led numerous space
security dialogues with partners and allies, and I was able to support
Assistant Secretary Frank Rose in the Space Security Dialogue with
China. In that role, I also led the Bureau's efforts to produce the
Annual Compliance Report, and then was responsible for briefing that
report to the Hill, as well as foreign governments interested in its
conclusions. During my time at Sandia National Labs, I learned more
about the technical side of verification and compliance. I supported
numerous projects on behalf of the State Department or the Department
of Defense to further our arms control and nonproliferation policies
and objectives, and gained a much deeper understanding of the crucial
role of the national labs in so many of our deterrence, strategic
stability, and arms control and verification capacities. Finally, as a
Special Assistant to the President and the Senior Director for Arms
Control, Disarmament, and Nonproliferation, I have been leading the
interagency policy processes on these issues for over 8 months. This
has provided me with a clear view of how the entire nuclear policy
arena operates and interacts (both domestically and internationally)
and the challenges, stovepipes, and perspectives that exist. If
confirmed, my experience and interagency connections in this field will
serve me well in the role of AVC Assistant Secretary.
Question. If confirmed, do you believe that there are any steps
that you need to take to enhance your expertise to perform the duties
of Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and
Compliance?
Answer. Given the numerous challenges posed by weapons of mass
destruction and emerging technologies, it is important that everyone
working to mitigate these challenges continually enhance and expand our
personal knowledge and understanding. If confirmed, I will continue my
own efforts to understand the scope of both the challenges facing the
Bureau and the varying perspectives--both international and domestic--
on how to address them. This includes listening to and working with
Congress, the interagency, as well as international allies and partners
to maximize our collective efforts to improve international security.
Major Challenges and Priorities
Question. In your view, what are the major challenges confronting
the next Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification,
and Compliance?
Answer. There are numerous challenges facing AVC as a whole, some
of which I outlined in my opening statement. If confirmed, I look
forward to tackling all of them with the help of the experts in the
Bureau, at State and around the Government. A top priority would be to
enable and empower the Bureau to bring in and retain the necessary
expertise to effectively address the growing threats to strategic
stability, including China, emerging technologies, and attribution and
accountability challenges in the face of mis- and disinformation.
Impending retirements and staff attrition must also be addressed. The
institutional transfer of knowledge from key experts and opportunities
for growth and career development would also be a major focus of mine.
Question. If confirmed, how would you address these challenges?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make it a priority to enhance
bipartisan focus on the Bureau's crucial work on global strategic
stability. I would also work to expand AVC's ability to work hand in
hand with the U.S. interagency focused on nuclear policy, through more
dialogues, detail opportunities, and other exchanges, so that the
Bureau's tool set can be used to continue to strengthen national
security and reduce risks internationally. In particular, I would want
to focus on working with the interagency to better integrate deterrence
and arms control policies, so they can be mutually reinforcing. Working
together with the Hill, I would make the case that AVC needs the best
tools and analytical capabilities available, now and in the future, to
provide accurate, credible, and robust verification of arms control,
nonproliferation, and disarmament agreements and commitments, as well
as rigorous assessments of compliance with those agreements and
commitments, including in order to provide Congress and our partners
and allies with a complete and accurate accounting of the arms control
landscape through the annual Compliance Report.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your main priorities?
Answer. Longstanding top priorities for the AVC Bureau continue to
include reducing the risk of nuclear and conventional war through
effective arms control mechanisms such as: risk reduction,
transparency, prevention of unintended escalation, negotiation of
effectively verifiable international agreements, and bilateral and
multilateral diplomacy to prevent miscalculation and misunderstanding.
The Bureau has also long sought to limit vertical nuclear
proliferation, and to pursue accountability for and deter the use of
chemical, biological, and all weapons of mass destruction. Rapid
advances in science and technology require that the Bureau continue its
work to tackle new challenges: from creating norms of responsible
behavior in space, to addressing security challenges underseas and in
the Polar regions, to grappling with advancements in cyber capabilities
and other emerging technologies that can threaten strategic stability.
Finally reinvigorating and reemphasizing the mission of the Bureau, and
supporting the international organizations who support attribution and
accountability in our arena, needs to be at the forefront of our
efforts. Our ability to hold bad actors accountable under the arms
control architectures requires unassailable credibility on our part.
That means AVC must be at the forefront of fulfilling U.S. commitments
to that architecture.
Question. The Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance
includes a diverse set of portfolios and issues. What criteria would
you apply and what processes would you follow to establish priorities
and evaluate tradeoffs in time and resources between the various AVC
commitments?
Answer. If confirmed, I would strive to align the use of AVC's
staff, time, funding, and other resources with priorities identified by
the President and Secretary of State and articulated in the Interim
National Security Strategic Guidance and other relevant administration
documents, as well as by Congressional mandate. In general, and in
conformity with these aforementioned sources of strategic guidance, I
would also seek to devote resources to issues based on the magnitude of
their potential impact on national security and potential benefit for
U.S. efforts to enhance arms control, disarmament, and international
security cooperation. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that AVC's
Bureau Strategic Plan and Bureau Resource Request reflect full
alignment with these criteria for prioritizing the use of resources to
fulfill the Bureau's critical national security mission.
Question. What resources does AVC have to call upon within its own
bureau, and that it has contracted, to verify, and make compliance
determinations with respect to other nations' adherence to their NPT
obligations, U.S. nuclear cooperative agreements, and the military
diversion of civilian nuclear facilities in violations of existing IAEA
safeguards agreements?
Answer. It is my understanding that AVC employs 1.25 FTEs engaged
in assessing compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which
includes compliance with required IAEA safeguards agreements, but does
not assess compliance with U.S. nuclear cooperative agreements. There
are no contracts supporting verification of compliance with the NPT at
present. The U.S. Government conducts its own analysis of Iran's
compliance with the NPT and makes its own findings, drawing on the
IAEA's reports, and extensive reporting by the U.S. Intelligence
Community. The principal analysis for the annual Compliance Report is
drafted by AVC and coordinated within the Department of State. This
draft analysis and findings are then sent to the interagency and a
thorough, government-wide vetting and clearance process takes place.
When the interagency review is completed, State finalizes the analysis
and findings as part of the annual Compliance Report.
Question. How do these resources compare with those AVC has on tap
to make determinations regarding possible violations of the Outer Space
Treaty, the CTBT, the BWC, and CWC? Please give specific staffing
numbers in full-time staffer equivalents and in dollars contracted out
for relevant outside analysis.
Answer. I understand that AVC's full-time staff equivalents devoted
to verifying compliance with the specified treaties at present are as
follows: zero FTEs for the Outer Space Treaty, zero FTEs for the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), 3.5 FTEs for the
Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), and 10.5 FTEs for the Chemical
Weapons Convention (CWC). Should compliance issues arise related to the
Outer Space Treaty, AVC staff who cover Outer Space security issues
could be allocated to assess such concerns. As the CTBT is not in force
yet, no FTEs are dedicated to assessing compliance with it; however,
two FTEs work on issues related to CTBT and work to assess compliance
with the LTBT and TTBT, as well as states' adherence to their
respective voluntary testing moratoria. There are no contracts
supporting verification of compliance with the Outer Space Treaty at
present. There are no contracts for monitoring compliance with the
CTBT, since it is not in force, but ongoing projects relevant to
monitoring compliance with the LTBT, TTBT, and states' adherence to
voluntary nuclear explosive testing moratoria amount to $1,310,324 at
present. Currently, there are three projects supporting BWC compliance
and strengthening attribution measures for biological weapons
investigations totaling $976,000. AVC also has two current projects
related to supporting CWC compliance verification totaling $350,075 at
present.
Question. What percentage of verification and compliance analysis
does AVC simply delegate to the Intelligence Community and State's
Intelligence and Research Bureau?
Answer. As required by statute, the Department of State, led by
AVC, prepares compliance analysis as part of the annual Compliance
Report, in consultation with the Departments of Defense and Energy and
the Joint Chiefs of Staff. As also required by statute, the report is
submitted with the concurrence of the Director of National
Intelligence. Thus, the Intelligence Community, including the
Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, reviews and
concurs with the annual Reports. The AVC Bureau is uniquely positioned
to employ a cadre of WMD technical and arms control policy experts who
are involved in the rigorous compliance assessment process. Compliance
assessments are informed by all-source intelligence products,
comprising both finished analysis and raw reporting, relevant to
verification of foreign states' compliance with their obligations. For
nearly all agreements, AVC convenes Verification and Compliance
Analysis Working Groups at which interagency partners, especially those
identified by statute as participants in the annual compliance report
process, participate in reviewing activities of concern and making
recommendations on a compliance determination for respective Compliance
Reports.
Question. What are your views on the relationship between the
Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and
Compliance and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in particular,
and with Congress in general?
Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Congress have an
important role in the formation of foreign policy. You have my
commitment that, if confirmed, I will work in close coordination with
the committee and Congress.
Question. If confirmed, what actions would you take to sustain a
productive and mutually beneficial relationship between Congress and
the Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and
Compliance?
Answer. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Congress have an
important role in the formation of foreign policy. My goal, if
confirmed, is to work with Congress on resolving a number of challenges
that we face as a nation. You have my commitment that, if confirmed, I
will work in close coordination with the committee and Congress to
achieve our shared objectives.
Question. U.S. Strategic Command leader Admiral Richard says
China's ``breathtaking'' nuclear buildup is the final piece of
capability to build a military able to coerce and confront the U.S. and
our allies to change the world order. Do you agree with this
assessment? Why or why not? What are your views on the causes of
China's nuclear expansion? What are the implications?
Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) ongoing rapid
expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages a more dangerous future, with
a considerably larger number of sophisticated nuclear delivery systems
able to reach the United States and our allies and partners than in the
past. This larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a broader PRC military
build-up and its increasingly assertive and threatening behavior to
U.S. allies and partners. Precisely because Beijing is the least
transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapon states, accurate
assessments of its nuclear trajectory and intentions are difficult.
China's behavior, in addition to the concerns expressed by Admiral
Richard and others, highlights why the United States must pursue arms
control to reduce the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal.
Question. Air Force Secretary Kendall recently referred to a
potential Chinese fractional orbit bombardment system (FOBS). What can
you share about a possible Chinese FOBS capability? How would such a
capability affect the credibility of China's no first use policy?
Answer. I defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific
assessment. Overall, China's ongoing advances to its nuclear arsenal
raise questions regarding its intent and undermine its claims to seek a
minimum nuclear deterrent backed by a no-first use policy.
Question. Would an operational FOBS violate the Outer Space Treaty?
Answer. Consistent with longstanding U.S. policy, an object
carrying nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction that
completes only a fraction of an orbit is not a violation of Article IV
of the Outer Space Treaty. Longstanding U.S. and international views
are that while the Outer Space Treaty prohibits the placement of WMD in
orbit, it does not prohibit nuclear weapons or other WMD transiting
through space for part of their trajectory.
Question. We understand the prior administration AVC had found
cause to find China in violation of the NPT Article VI. What is your
view of Chinese refusal to engage in good faith negotiations as
required by the NPT? Are they in compliance with article VI?
Answer. The PRC's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining
decades of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. The State
Department's most recent Compliance Report did not find the PRC to be
in violation of its obligations under Article VI of the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and
policy experts at the Department of State on a variety of matters
related to the PRC's behavior in the nuclear weapon arena, including
its compliance with Article VI.
Question. China has resisted numerous attempts to engage in
bilateral or multilateral engagement regarding arms control, and has
instead embarked on a major expansion and improvement of its nuclear
forces. How do we get China to the arms control table?
Answer. The administration will pursue arms control measures to
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing
nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with actions to bolster
deterrence in the region. The administration is developing and
evaluating specific proposals, and, if confirmed, I commit to
consulting Congress at an appropriate time on potential measures to be
pursued with the PRC and how best the State Department can develop and
retain government expertise regarding arms control with the PRC.
Question. The New START Treaty excludes Russia's tactical nuclear
weapons and so-called ``exotic'' strategic delivery systems. If Russia
fields some of these exotic systems before the expiration of New START,
how should the U.S. respond?
Answer. The New START Treaty limits Russia's Avangard hypersonic
glide vehicle and will limit the Sarmat heavy ICBM at the appropriate
point in its development cycle. Whether the two nuclear-powered novel
systems announced by President Putin in March 2018 will be operational
by New START's scheduled expiration in February 2026 remains to be
seen. The United States will use the time provided by the extension of
New START to pursue with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S.
allies and partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear
weapons, including novel strategic systems not subject to New START and
non-strategic nuclear weapons.
Question. Which of Russia's so-called ``exotic'' systems do you
believe are most concerning for U.S. security? Please explain the
reasoning behind your answer.
Answer. Each of the novel systems poses unique challenges. Based on
the unclassified information that is available, the nuclear-powered,
nuclear-armed cruise missile appears to be volatile, unreliable, and
dangerous, posing a threat to the entire world, including Russia. If
confirmed, I will consult with the U.S. Intelligence Community on
Russia's ``exotic'' weapon systems, and I will engage with the
Department of Defense on the military implications of these systems.
Question. What do you believe the Russian reaction will be, if any,
to the recent U.S. declassification of nuclear stockpile numbers?
Answer. Declassifying U.S. nuclear stockpile numbers demonstrates
the serious U.S. commitment to transparency and confidence-building
measures that can enable further progress on reducing nuclear risks. We
encourage Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to do the
same and act in a more transparent manner. The declassification of U.S.
stockpile numbers has shown U.S. leadership in nuclear nonproliferation
and disarmament efforts. Others have welcomed our transparency and
joined us in calling on Russia or the PRC to declassify their nuclear
stockpile numbers.
Question. What is your understanding of Russia's nuclear doctrine
and how it views nuclear deterrence?
Answer. Russia publicly states it would only use nuclear weapons in
two scenarios: in response to the use of weapons of mass destruction
against it and/or its allies, or if the existence of the Russian state
is threatened. Yet Russia conducts exercises with scenarios simulating
limited nuclear first use and maintains an arsenal of 1,000 to 2,000
non-strategic nuclear weapons, which is projected to grow. Russia has
developed a wide range of new dual-capable ground-, sea-, and air-based
short- and intermediate-range missile systems. Such weapons range U.S.
allies and partners in Europe and East Asia--as well as U.S. forces
stationed there--and both our deterrence strategy and our approach to
arms control must address these threats. If confirmed, I will consult
with the U.S. Intelligence Community on Russian nuclear policy,
strategy, doctrine, and forces.
Question. What are your views on what objectives the U.S. should
have for the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogues?
Answer. President Biden and President Putin agreed in June 2021 to
pursue an integrated, robust, and deliberate Strategic Stability
Dialogue. Through this dialogue, the Biden administration seeks to lay
the groundwork for future arms control and risk reduction measures,
while maintaining a consistent and iterative discussion on threats to
strategic stability. While the administration seeks a more stable and
predictable relationship with Russia through constructive engagement
and aims to lessen the potential for miscalculations and
misunderstandings, it will also hold Russia accountable when it
disregards its international obligations and commitments. I agree with
this approach.
Question. What is your understanding of Russia's objectives for the
U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogues?
Answer. President Biden and President Putin agreed in June 2021 to
pursue an integrated, robust, and deliberate Strategic Stability
Dialogue. Through this dialogue, Russia has publicly stated it wants to
raise U.S. capabilities and actions that it perceives as undermining
strategic stability, such as U.S. missile defenses, U.S. precision-
guided weapons, U.S.-NATO capabilities and exercises near Russian
borders, and U.S. forward-deployed nuclear weapons in Europe.
Question. In a response to Congressional questioning in April 2021,
the head of U.S. Strategic Command, Admiral Richard, stated that
``Limited U.S. response options.are intended to provide a more credible
deterrent to limited attack against the U.S., Allies and partners
rather than relying primarily on the threat of large-scale nuclear
responses. Without this capability, Russia may perceive an advantage at
lower levels of conflict that may encourage limited nuclear use.'' Do
you agree with Admiral Richard's assessment? Does this capability
enhance U.S. leverage in diplomatic engagement with the Russians over
their own non-strategic nuclear arsenal?
Answer. I agree that limited U.S. response options are intended to
provide a more credible deterrent to limited attack against the United
States and our Allies and partners rather than relying primarily on the
threat of large-scale nuclear responses. I believe the United States
should have modern, credible, and effective nuclear forces that deter
adversaries from nuclear use, no matter how limited. The ongoing
Nuclear Posture Review process is analyzing how to accomplish this, and
Admiral Richard's expertise and views will factor into that analysis.
Question. Russia has violated previous arms control agreements like
the INF Treaty and the BWC. It has repeatedly used banned chemical
weapons against its own citizens and tolerated their use by its allies
like the Assad regime. Since the fear of violating global norms and
commitments does not appear to be a major constraint on Russia's
actions, what other strategies can we employ to actually enforce these
norms and ensure Russian behavior does not deteriorate further?
Answer. The 2021 Compliance Report and the Condition 10(C) Report
detail Russia's violations of both the BWC and CWC. If confirmed, I
intend to work closely with the interagency, Allies, and partners to
identify options to hold Russia accountable for its use of chemical
weapons (CW) and identify measures to bring Russia back into compliance
with its treaty obligations. The United States uses the full range of
tools in its toolkit to respond to Russia's CWC and BWC violations. For
example, the United States added key Russian Ministry of Defense
institutes to the Department of Commerce's Entity List because the U.S.
Government has reasonable cause to believe these facilities are
associated with Russian biological weapons program. The United States
also led efforts at the OPCW that resulted in the addition of two
families of Novichoks to the CWC Annex on Chemicals. Further, the
United States imposed sanctions under the Chemical and Biological
Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (``CBW Act'') on
Russia for the use of a Novichok chemical weapon in the poisoning of
Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny that included restrictions on
exports and purchases of Russian sovereign debt to send a clear signal
that Russia's use of CW has severe consequences.
Most recently, the United States, along with 44 other countries,
posed a series of questions to Russia regarding the poisoning of Mr.
Navalny under Article IX at the OPCW Executive Council meeting that
took place October 5-8, 2021.
The United States will continue to take steps to deter Russia's use
of chemical weapons. This will include engaging Russia bilaterally and
multilaterally, as well working with allies and partners at the OPCW
Executive Council and Conference of the States Parties and in U.N.
fora, including the Security Council, and using public messaging to
express our concerns. If confirmed, I will explore further measures to
address Russian non-compliance with the CWC. There can be no impunity
for the use of chemical weapons.
Question. It is our understanding that Russia has withdrawn its
offer to freeze its warhead production that was offered under the Trump
administration. What is the administration's strategy to constrain
Russian non-strategic nuclear forces? What technology does the United
States possess that would allow it to verify a potential Russian
declaration? Has the State Department/AVC invested any funds in
developing technologies that could assist in the verification of
Russian NSNW? If so, what is the status of those programs and how far
along in the TRL process is the technology?
Answer. Russia never proposed to freeze nuclear warhead production.
It said in October 2020 that it could accept a U.S. proposal to freeze
the size of each side's nuclear arsenal, in conjunction with a one-year
extension of New START. An arrangement on these terms was not
finalized, in part, because Russia deemed U.S. efforts to define
``warheads'' and discuss verification of the freeze as unacceptable
extra demands.
The Biden-Harris administration will use the five-year extension of
the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with
Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all
Russian nuclear weapons, including non-strategic nuclear weapons.
Identifying and analyzing appropriate verification technologies,
ranging from National Technical Means to on-site inspections, will be
an important component of those efforts. If confirmed, this would be a
priority for me and an issue on which I would consult with Congress,
including ensuring sufficient funding to explore and develop new
verification technologies.
Question. What do you view as the purpose of Iran's nuclear
program?
Answer. The United States has made clear its longstanding concerns
with Iran's nuclear program, in particular Iran's pre-2004 efforts to
develop nuclear weapons. As a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran is obligated not to manufacture
or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons. Under the Joint Comprehensive
Plan of Action, Iran reaffirmed this commitment. If confirmed, I will
strongly support the administration's efforts to ensure that Iran never
obtains a nuclear weapon.
Question. In your assessment, do Iran's nuclear program and
ballistic missile program indicate a desire by the Iranian Government
to have a nuclear weapons capability?
Answer. The United States has assessed that Iran pursued nuclear
weapons until late 2003. Iran's long history of denial and concealment
regarding its past nuclear weapons program, its continued escalation of
nuclear activities beyond the limits in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action, and its ballistic missile development and proliferation all
remain serious concerns today. Like President Biden, I am committed to
ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. Given Iranian advances in space-based delivery systems
and ballistic missiles, does the Iranian regime remain in compliance
with the NPT? Why or why not? Please provide a detailed answer.
Answer. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is solely
focused on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and does not
address missiles or any other potential delivery platform. Nonetheless,
I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the NPT
independent of Iran's ballistic-missile-related activities. If
confirmed, I will work with legal and policy experts to monitor and
assess Iran's NPT compliance. President Biden has made clear he is
committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. Does the United States conduct its own analysis of
Iranian compliance with its safeguards and other NPT commitments or
does it rely strictly on the IAEA process? If the former, please
describe in detail who makes that determination and what process it
entails.
Answer. The U.S. Government conducts its own analysis of Iran's
compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and makes its own
findings. The IAEA's reports inform that analysis. After consultations
with the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC), the principal analysis for
the annual Compliance Report is drafted by the State Department. The
Department's draft analysis and findings are then sent to the
interagency and a thorough, government-wide vetting and clearance
process takes place. When the interagency review is completed, State
finalizes the analysis and findings as part of the annual Compliance
Report.
Question. Under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
(JCPOA), the limitations on Iran's uranium enrichment expire between
2026 and 2031. If the U.S. rejoins the JCPOA, do you assess that Iran
will be legally able to increase its uranium enrichment after 2031?
Answer. As reported by the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran
is currently pursuing a uranium enrichment program far in excess of the
limits under the JCPOA. A mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA
would restore important restrictions on the size and scope of Iran's
nuclear activities, and its uranium enrichment-related activities in
particular, as well as the strongest verification and monitoring
measures ever negotiated. While Iran would be permitted to expand key
uranium enrichment activities again in 2031 under the JCPOA, the Biden
administration has made clear that a mutual return to compliance with
the deal remains the best available option to restrict Iran's nuclear
program and provide a platform to address Iran's destabilizing conduct
moving forward.
Question. In 2018, Israel's Mossad released a series of Iranian
nuclear files, which included information about at least three uranium
enrichment facilities that Iran had hidden from the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Do you agree that providing the IAEA
access to those sites is essential to ensuring oversight of Iran's
nuclear program?
Answer. The administration takes Iran's full implementation of its
legally binding obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its
safeguards agreement with the IAEA very seriously. Iran must provide
the IAEA with requested information and access in response to any
question or concern related to potential undeclared nuclear materials
and activities in Iran. If confirmed, I will strongly support the
IAEA's monitoring and verification mandate in Iran.
Question. In 2018, Israel's Mossad released a series of Iranian
nuclear files, which included information about at least three uranium
enrichment facilities that Iran had hidden from the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
Answer. My understanding is that the Biden administration will not
take Iran at its word regarding assertions about its nuclear program.
The JCPOA provided the strongest verification and monitoring measures
ever negotiated to help ensure Iran's nuclear activities are
exclusively peaceful. Resumption of mutual compliance with the deal
would ensure the renewed implementation of these important measures, as
well as restrictions on the size and scope of Iran's nuclear
activities. Like President Biden, I am committed to ensuring that Iran
never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. What are your views on how to define ``integrated
deterrence''?
Answer. I defer to the Department of Defense for a specific
definition of integrated deterrence. The administration believes the
security challenges faced by the United States and our allies and
partners require a reliance on all elements of national power, not just
military tools. As such, there is a strong role for diplomacy to play
in strengthening the alliances, institutions, agreements, and norms
that underwrite international security. If confirmed, I will engage
with the Department of Defense and Congress on how arms control can be
used to strengthen deterrence.
Question. How would unilateral U.S. reductions in the nuclear triad
and the nuclear weapons complex enable the United States to negotiate
with Russia and China from a position of strength?
Answer. Whether unilateral or reciprocal, any potential reductions
would need to be carried out in a manner consistent with the objective
of ensuring the United States sustains a modern, credible, and
effective deterrent so long as nuclear weapons exist. I would never
support unilateral reductions that endanger U.S. security or weaken
U.S. negotiating leverage.
Question. Which emerging technologies most threaten strategic
stability, and why? How can we best address these technologies through
existing structures?
Answer. Emerging technologies offer challenges and opportunities to
strategic stability. Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Quantum
technologies have the potential to provide significant benefits to U.S.
national security. AI, for example, could enhance deterrent
capabilities and provide tools that improve situational awareness and
decision-making capabilities, therefore, avoiding an unintended
escalation during a crisis. However, it is important to consider the
potential risks from such systems as well. If confirmed, we need to
determine whether there are norms of responsible behavior that can be
developed around the use of these systems. If confirmed, I look forward
to addressing these challenges with Russia and the People's Republic of
China.
Question. In your view, would allowing Russian or Chinese
inspectors to visit U.S. missile defense sites be an acceptable measure
to build trust and transparency? If so, should we insist on reciprocal
inspection rights? How would such measures comply with the prohibitions
of 10 USC Sec. 130h?
Answer. No decision has been made on whether to seek agreement with
Russia or China on transparency measures related to U.S. missile
defense programs, including missile defense site inspections. The
United States would condition any agreement on receiving reciprocal
rights from the Russian Federation and/or the People's Republic of
China (PRC). Also, to the extent any agreement would include
inspections at U.S. missile defense sites on the territory of allied or
partner nations, the United States has committed to approach each Host
Nation, prior to any discussion with Russia, to obtain Host Nation
approval and conditions for permitting such inspections, and their
conduct, on their sovereign territory. I fully recognize that any
agreement with the Russian Federation must comply with the prohibitions
of 10 USC Sec. 130h.
Question. Does the Biden administration support the development and
deployment of INF non-compliant systems such as GLCM to Eastern Europe
and Asia?
Answer. The U.S. withdrawal from the INF Treaty due to Russia's
material breach and failure to return to compliance resulted in that
treaty's termination. As such, there are no longer ``INF non-
compliant'' missiles. The Department of Defense (DoD) continues work on
capabilities that would previously have been prohibited under the INF
Treaty. I defer to DoD for further program details, but the United
States would consult with allies, partners, and Congress prior to any
foreign deployments.
Question. What is the difference between a ``no first use,'' ``sole
purpose,'' or ``fundamental purpose'' policy?
Answer. Various declaratory policy options will be reviewed as part
of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. That ongoing
analysis and the continuing allied and partner consultations will
inform my own view on declaratory policy. It would be premature to
define these terms before the NPR process has begun a detailed
discussion on the matter. At the same time, I understand the concerns
expressed among some allies and partners, members of Congress, and
experts regarding U.S. adoption of a ``no-first-use'' or ``sole
purpose'' policy. Those concerns will inform the review process.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Among ``no first use,'' ``sole
purpose,'' and ``fundamental purpose,'' most commentators assess ``no
first use'' to be more restrictive than the other two. More exacting
distinctions will vary depending on how each is defined. The DoD-led
Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) is developing and evaluating different
declaratory policy options and their implications. The NPR process will
seek to clarify exactly what the formulations mean and avoid potential
misunderstandings regarding the implications of the various policies.
It would be inappropriate to speculate on specific definitions or
differences with the NPR work still ongoing.
Question. What are your views on the United Kingdom's declaratory
policy? Was the UK wrong to maintain its long-standing policy of
ambiguity in its latest integrated review?
Answer. The administration supports the UK's efforts to ensure its
defense and commend the UK for its openness on its nuclear policy and
posture. Such transparency reduces the risks of misunderstanding and
promotes stability. We call on Russia and the People's Republic of
China to adopt a similar level of transparency about their nuclear
policies.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. I agree with the
administration's view of UK declaratory policy, and the United States
commends the UK for its openness on its nuclear policy and posture. The
administration further supports the United Kingdom's efforts to
maintain a credible nuclear deterrent. The United States calls on
Russia and the People's Republic of China to adopt a similar level of
transparency.
Question. We understand our allies have messaged strongly to the
Biden administration against weakening the U.S. nuclear deterrent
through adoption of a No First Use/Sole Purpose policy. The
administration has previously ignored allied concerns on NordStream2,
Afghanistan, and AUKUS. Given widespread allied concerns over a shift
in declaratory policy, how would a major shift in this policy be
consistent with the President's pledge to ``rebuild,'' U.S. alliances?
What can concrete steps are you prepared to take to assure allies that
the Biden Admin ensure their security?
Answer. The Biden administration is working to reinvigorate and
modernize our alliances and partnerships around the world. They are a
tremendous source of strength and a unique American advantage. We are
working to reaffirm, invest in, and modernize NATO and our alliances
with Australia, Japan, and the Republic of Korea--which, along with our
other global alliances and partnerships, are America's greatest
strategic assist. I understand the concerns expressed among some allies
and partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding potential U.S.
adoption of a no-first-use or sole purpose declaratory policy. These
two options do not reflect a binary choice. They are among various
declaratory policy options being reviewed as part of the Department of
Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. That ongoing analysis and the
continuing allied and partner consultations will inform my own view. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure the President is aware of allied and
partner views to inform his decisions on U.S. nuclear posture and
policies.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Under the Biden-Harris
administration, the United States is working to modernize its military
capabilities and ensure the U.S. armed forces are equipped to deter
adversaries, defend the U.S. people, interests, and allies, and defeat
a variety of threats that emerge. As part of our overarching integrated
deterrence, the United States will retain a strategic deterrent that
remains safe, secure, and effective so that U.S. extended deterrence
commitments to its allies remain strong and credible for the purposes
of assurance.
Question. We understand the State Department recently surveyed over
30 countries asking for their views on U.S. nuclear policy and any
potential shifts in our declaratory policy. In addition to the
responses to this outreach, we also understand there is at least one
cable from this summer that codifies this feedback from a meeting
between administration officials and their counterparts in the United
Kingdom, France, and Germany in a cable. Do you commit to providing the
committee with the details of allied feedback to the State Department,
including the cable referenced previously?
Answer. As announced, the administration is implementing a robust
engagement plan with allies and partners as part of the ongoing Nuclear
Posture Review (NPR). Those consultations are classified diplomatic
exchanges and part of a current and ongoing process. I will note that
allies and partners have provided a broad range of views that are being
fed into the NPR process. If confirmed, I commit to work with Congress,
through the Department's Bureau of Legislative affairs, to accommodate
the vital oversight needs of this committee.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. Congressional oversight is a
recognized and critical authority of Congress and of this committee.
Taking into account the possible need for use of secure facilities and
secure means of communication for classified information, and the
potential for damage to diplomatic relations with our allies if
confidential diplomatic communications are unduly disclosed publicly, I
commit, if confirmed, to work with the Department to accommodate the
oversight needs of this committee, including as to the matters you
reference.
Question. In your testimony, you reference varying definitions of
``Sole Purpose''. How is this not an obfuscation and how would such a
nuanced approach be a legitimate diplomatic response to our allies' and
partners' grave concerns?
Answer. Allies and partners have provided a broad range of views
that are informing the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). The administration
continues to factor those views into its deliberations, including of
various declaratory policies. My point was that as the NPR evaluates
various policies, how they affect allied and partner perceptions of the
strength and credibility of U.S. extended deterrence commitments needs
to both be understood within the U.S. Government and explainable to
foreign governments.
Question. The Obama administration twice considered changing
declaratory policy, and decided against changes both times. Why?
Answer. The Obama administration explained in its 2010 Nuclear
Posture Review that it did not adopt a sole purpose declaratory policy
because ``there remains a narrow range of contingencies in which U.S.
nuclear weapons may still play a role in deterring a conventional or
chemical and biological weapon attack against the United States or its
allies and partners.''
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. I was not part of the 2010 NPR
process and have no firsthand knowledge into the decision-making
process from 2010. Whether nuclear weapons may still play a role in
deterring a conventional or chemical and biological weapon attack
against the United States or its allies and partners is among the
contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led Nuclear
Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that analysis
being completed.
Question. In what ways do you see the United States exercising its
global leadership on arms control issues, and if confirmed, what would
you do to advance and balance both U.S. interests and arms control
efforts?
Answer. Some examples of current efforts that demonstrate U.S.
leadership on arms control include the Strategic Stability Dialogue
with Russia, support for disarmament and nonproliferation progress at
the U.N. First Committee and in other multilateral institutions,
efforts to modernize the Vienna Document and consider proposals for
future conventional arms control architecture that enhances
international security, continued efforts to marshal international
support for holding countries like Russia and Syria accountable for
their use of chemical weapons, and dialogue with our allies and
partners to support action in concert toward these ends. We also strive
to lead by example by ensuring that U.S. nuclear policy and doctrine
are consistent with the President's guidance to find ways to reduce the
role that nuclear weapons play in our national security posture while
taking into account security conditions and ensuring that our
deterrence capabilities, and extended deterrence for our allies, remain
safe, secure, strong, and credible. If confirmed, I intend to continue
these efforts to protect our national security and ensure that the
United States remains a leader in arms control by pursuing arms control
dialogues, risk reduction best practices, and transparency and
confidence-building measures that enhance strategic stability and
reduce the risks of conflict escalation and miscalculation.
Question. The USG has once again released numbers on the U.S.
nuclear weapons stockpile, and called on other states with nuclear
weapons to do the same. Russia and China refused to reciprocate when
the Obama administration first tried this. Do you believe they will
reciprocate this time?
Answer. Declassifying U.S. nuclear stockpile numbers demonstrates
the serious U.S. commitment to transparency and confidence building
measures that can enable further progress on reducing nuclear risks.
While we would encourage Russia and the PRC to be more transparent, the
declassification of U.S. stockpile numbers has not harmed U.S. national
security and has shown U.S. leadership in nuclear nonproliferation
fora. Others have welcomed our transparency and joined us in calling on
Russia and the PRC to do the same.
Question. Should the State Department present data on its own
estimates for China and Russia record of progress toward the
achievement of the goals of the NPT?
Answer. We assess a variety of information in evaluating progress
toward the achievement of the goals of the NPT. I defer to the
Intelligence Community on sharing sensitive information publicly. We
are concerned about Russian and PRC weapons development and
modernization. The Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia, part of
which will discuss next steps in nuclear arms control, is designed to
address such concerns. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and
policy experts at the Department of State on matters related to the
PRC's behavior in the nuclear weapon arena, including its progress
toward the achievement of NPT goals.
Question. What are your views with respect to the Treaty for the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)?
Answer. The TPNW risks undermining U.S. deterrence relationships
that are still necessary for international peace and security and may
reinforce divisions that hinder our ability to work together to address
pressing proliferation and security challenges. All NATO Allies remain
opposed to the TPNW, as repeatedly stated by the North Atlantic
Council, most recently in June of 2021. Any disarmament effort must
take into account the international security environment, and legally-
binding measures must include effective verification.
Question. Should the United States actively dissuade other States
from joining the TPNW, or from participating in TPNW-related events and
initiatives?
Answer. The United States has expressed, and will continue to
express, our views on what we believe to be the significant defects of
the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and discouraged
other states from becoming Parties to the TPNW. We have also shared our
intentions not to participate in the first meeting of TPNW States
Parties in March of 2022 in any capacity as such participation could be
seen as giving the treaty unwarranted credibility. We also have
encouraged our allies and partners not to participate.
Question. Should the United States deny assistance to allies or
partners who join the TPNW?
Answer. Allies that benefit from extended nuclear deterrence have
declined to join the TPNW. The United States continues to share our
views on what we believe to be the significant defects of this treaty
with our Allies and partners. We also have encouraged Allies and
partners to conduct their own independent analysis of the potential
impacts of the TPNW on national interests, legal commitments, and
policy. It remains to be seen how TPNW states parties will interpret
and implement many of the treaty's provisions, how this might impact
their security relationships, and how the United States would react to
specific situations.
Question. Do you believe that membership in the TPNW would preclude
a country from being a member of NATO, a nuclear alliance? Would TPNW
membership preclude a nation from partaking in NATO or U.S.-led
exercises?
Answer. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is
incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence relationships that are still
necessary for international peace and security and may reinforce
divisions that hinder the international community's ability to work
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges.
U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence (which includes all
NATO Allies, plus Australia, Japan, and South Korea) share our view
that the TPNW is incompatible with our extended nuclear deterrence
arrangements.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. The Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence
relationships that are still necessary for international peace and
security, and U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence share
this view. While it remains to be seen how TPNW States Parties will
interpret and implement the treaty's provisions, the text of the TPNW
could have significant negative consequences for States Parties'
ability to cooperate with nuclear-weapon States such as the United
States, including in the context of a nuclear alliance like NATO. In
particular, the TPNW's prohibition on assisting, encouraging, or
inducing conduct otherwise prohibited by the treaty, which includes the
possession of nuclear weapons, is vague and, depending on how broadly
the treaty's obligations are interpreted, could have potentially
sweeping implications for a TPNW State Party's ability to participate
in NATO, as well as its ability to join in U.S.-led military exercises.
Question. What do you see as your role, if confirmed, in
strengthening support for the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the nuclear nonproliferation regime, as
compared to the tenets of the TPNW?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with the Bureau of
International Security and Nonproliferation (ISN) to strengthen
political support for the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and to achieve
a positive outcome at the upcoming NPT Review Conference. I would
support and contribute to efforts, led by the President's nominee for
Special Representative for Nuclear Nonproliferation, Adam Scheinman, to
explain the U.S. record on arms control and our demonstrated commitment
to the ultimate goal of nuclear disarmament in accordance with NPT
Article VI. I would continue to oppose the Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons, which ignores the security environment, undercuts
deterrence, and does not offer a practical path toward that goal.
Question. What are your views on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
(CTBT)?
Answer. A global, legally-binding ban on nuclear explosive testing
in all environments is in the national security interest of the United
States. Entry into force of the CTBT would enhance our efforts to
prevent the further proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Question. What do you think the United States' role should be in
continuing to work with the CTBTO?
Answer. I believe it is important for the United States to display
leadership and remain fully engaged with the work of the CTBTO
Preparatory Commission to ensure its capabilities are as robust as
possible.
Question. Does U.S. annual support to CTBTO require any metric or
reporting on how the funds are spent? How does the United Stated ensure
the funds are strictly for the IMS not operations of the CTBTO or
general expenses?
Answer. Through exchanges of letters in 2018 and again in 2021, the
United States has conveyed all applicable U.S. funding restrictions on
the funds it provides to the CTBTO Preparatory Commission. In response,
the Preparatory Commission's Executive Secretary has acknowledged those
restrictions and confirmed that U.S. funds will be used consistent with
them.
Expenditures on the International Monitoring System (IMS) and
International Data Centre (IDC) comprise more than 80 percent of the
CTBTO Preparatory Commission's annual budget, while the U.S. assessed
contribution provides 22.5 percent of the funds available to the
Commission for all its activities.
Question. What are your views on the zero yield standard to which
the United States adheres, as compared to the interpretation by other
CTBT signatories such as Russia and China?
Answer. Once in force, the CTBT would ban nuclear explosive tests
of any yield. The treaty's negotiating record and public statements by
leaders and/or senior officials from every P5 state at the time the
treaty was negotiated, signed, and presented for domestic approval make
clear that the CTBT is a ``zero-yield'' treaty. Russian and PRC
officials have since stated that their respective countries continue to
have the same understanding of the CTBT scope that was discussed when
the treaty was negotiated.
Question. For the past several years, the Intelligence Community
and the Department of State have highlighted U.S. concerns that Russia,
and especially China, are conducting nuclear tests that may be
inconsistent with this standard. In your view, should countries that
conduct tests producing nuclear yield face repercussions? If so, what
actions would you recommend the international community take in
response to these alleged activities on the part of China and Russia?
Answer. The State Department's most recent Compliance Report
outlines the findings and concerns the U.S. Government has regarding
Russian and Chinese activities related to nuclear testing.
Specifically, the Compliance Report analyzes adherence to each
country's unilaterally declared nuclear explosive testing moratorium.
Nuclear testing is a threat to international security and highlights
the need for an in-force ban that the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty and its associated verification mechanisms can help provide. In
the meantime, if confirmed, I pledge to work with allies and partners
to highlight and confront nuclear testing wherever it occurs.
Question. The Obama administration considered supporting
ratification of the CTBT through a resolution in the U.N. Security
Council and a ``political statement expressing the view that a nuclear
test would defeat the object and purpose of the CTBT'' that would be
referenced in the U.N. resolution. Regardless of one's view about the
necessity of nuclear testing, do you agree that seeking U.S.
ratification of CTBT through customary international law mechanisms or
any method outside Senate's advice and consent role is
unconstitutional?
Answer. As I understand it, the Obama administration never sought
to ratify the CTBT other than through the normal constitutional
process. There is no mechanism for U.S. ratification of a treaty
outside of such a process. The P5 statement in 2016 indicated that a
nuclear explosive test would defeat the object and purpose of the CTBT,
and a U.N. Security Council resolution then took note of that
statement. This did not constitute U.S. ratification of the CTBT. The
United States has not ratified the treaty and would require Senate
advice and consent or statutory authorization under our domestic law
before it could do so.
Question. To be clear, do you believe the President can circumvent
the Senate's constitutional role regarding the ratification of treaties
in any way?
Answer. No. Senate advice and consent or statutory authorization
would be required in order for the United States to ratify the CTBT.
Neither may be achieved without the Senate's approval.
Question. Please describe the main challenges you believe the
United States faces when it comes to biological threats.
Answer. The biological threat landscape is broad, encompassing
naturally occurring, accidental, and intentional incidents with
potential impacts to humans, animals, agriculture, materiel, and the
environment. Pathogenic biological threats do not respect national
borders and create unique challenges to fully assessing, preventing,
protecting against, responding to, and recovering from biological
incidents. If confirmed, I would work to strengthen the Biological
Weapons Convention so it is an improved resource for the international
community to protect against the threat landscape, dissuade and deter
BW development, and raise the costs of starting or maintaining a BW
program, especially including State or non-state actor biological
threats.
Question. Please describe your understanding of how advancements in
biotechnology, including the emergence of synthetic biology, change the
biological threat picture and create new challenges in assessing
compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention. Is the Biological
Weapons Convention fit for purpose in contending with emerging
biotechnology that pose dual-use concerns?
Answer. The BWC prohibits the development, production, stockpiling,
or transfer of biological weapons. It underscores the overarching
global norm that the weaponization of disease is repulsive and
unacceptable. Even as advancements in biotechnology broaden the
spectrum of threats, this ban applies to all biological weapons--
regardless of any new technological advances. The BWC also provides a
unique international forum where States Parties can come together to
share information and agree to take certain actions--like developing
relevant national oversight or participating in transparency
activities. There is an ongoing administration effort to strengthen the
BWC. The BWC Review Conference planned for August 2022 will be a key
opportunity. One of the United States' priorities will be to set up a
systematic process to inform States Parties about science and
technological advances, including synthetic biology, in part to support
effective biological risk assessment and management.
Question. What is the United States doing to strengthen the BWC? Is
the BWC verifiable? If not what are we doing to address U.S.
understanding and knowledge of Chinese BW programs?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic underscores the need to prevent
future outbreaks--whether natural, accidental, or deliberate in origin.
To that end, there is more that BWC States Parties can do. If
confirmed, I will work to break the two-decade deadlock over
strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention and bring the
Convention into the 21st century. In particular, I would lead the AVC
Bureau's portion of efforts to strengthen the BWC at the upcoming
Review Conference and take steps to intensively explore measures to
strengthen implementation and promote compliance and transparency.
As noted in the 2021 Compliance Report, the People's Republic of
China engaged in dual-use applications, which raises concerns regarding
its compliance with Article I of the BWC. In addition, the United
States does not have sufficient information to determine whether China
eliminated its assessed historical biological weapons (BW) program, as
required under Article II of the Convention. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Intelligence Community and interagency partners to
improve the United States' understanding of Chinese efforts in this
field and to clarify our concerns related to Chinese compliance with
the BWC.
Question. Please describe your views on China's national strategy
of military-civil fusion and the challenges it poses to the United
States. How should military-civil fusion inform U.S. cooperation with
China on biotechnology and other related sectors?
Answer. Through its Military-Civil Fusion (MCF) strategy, the PRC
pursues collaboration with foreign research institutions, academia, and
private firms to acquire the key technologies needed for the People's
Liberation Army's future war fighting capabilities, often without those
institutions' knowledge of the intended end-use/user or in
contravention of existing export license conditions. As a result, its
MCF strategy threatens the trust, transparency, reciprocity, and shared
values that underpin international science and technology
collaboration. It undercuts fair global business practices and is a
direct challenge to the international rules-based order and the end-use
assurance mechanisms by which we traditionally safeguard technology
from military diversion.
Across all sectors, the U.S. continues to strengthen our investment
review process, bolster export controls, secure supply chains, and
prioritize cases involving the PRC's intellectual property theft. The
administration is encouraging our allies and partners in government and
industry to implement similar measures. As the PRC has explicitly
highlighted the importance of international collaboration at the
university level to drive this strategy, the United States issued
Presidential Proclamation 10043 to restrict visas for some Ph.D. and
post-doctoral researchers seeking to undertake studies in the United
States. The United States should continue to raise awareness within the
academic and business communities about the risks of collaborating with
PRC-based and state-linked entities to protect intellectual property
and prevent the misuse of technology--including biotechnology--to drive
PRC military modernization. We should also encourage adoption of
appropriate risk mitigation measures that include technology transfer
and data protection controls, transparency of beneficial ownership, and
ability to screen foreign investments against national security risks.
Question. Do you think the United States should cooperate with
countries where we have concerns about compliance with the Biological
Weapons Convention on biotechnology, pathogen research, and other
categories of biological research that could be weaponized or serve a
dual-use function?
Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate
with countries of compliance concern on specific research where we
believe there is significant potential that information, technology, or
material we provide could be used for nefarious purposes. In this vein,
I strongly support oversight of Life Sciences Dual Use Research of
Concern. It is important, however, to continue dialogue with those
countries to clarify and resolve compliance concerns and to promote
strong biosafety and biosecurity practices and governance. Further, if
some countries have the only access to certain pathogens, the United
States must find a way to ensure that public health experts can
continue their necessary collaborative work to be able to protect us
from naturally occurring outbreaks, while minimizing our national
security risks.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing engagement with industry,
academia, the health research community, and other stakeholders outside
traditional national security circles on the United States' compliance
concerns with respect to the Biological Weapons Convention? If so, what
three steps will you take to make good on this commitment, should you
be confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit that the AVC Bureau will engage
those outside traditional national security circles (e.g., industry,
academia, the health research community) and with international
counterparts about the United States' compliance concerns with respect
to the Biological Weapons Convention. The AVC Bureau plans to engage
those outside (and inside) traditional national security circles in the
run-up to the BWC Review Conference and during the BWC Review
Conference itself through bilateral engagements and briefings, NGO
roundtables, and public outreach events.
Question. Is there currently a review process within the United
States Government for approving or disapproving life sciences or
biological research collaboration with other countries that could pose
dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses, and
toxins? What role, if any, does the Department of State play in this
review process? Within the Department of State, what role does AVC play
in this process? If such a process exists, what type of evidentiary
information must be included to determine whether such research
collaboration is appropriate?
Answer. When researchers apply for federal funds to be used in a
collaborative research project, a number of oversight mechanisms or
other review processes may be triggered. For example, research projects
funded by Federal agencies are subject to a variety of oversight
policies implemented by the respective funding agency, including
policies regarding Dual Use Research of Concern (DURC) and high-risk
experiments involving pathogens of pandemic potential. Where
collaborations involve the transfer of U.S.-origin materials,
equipment, or intangible technology, such transfers may be subject to
license requirements under relevant export laws and regulations. If
such collaborations involve individuals from certain countries
travelling to the U.S. for research-related purposes, those individuals
may be subject to visa vetting procedures. The AVC Bureau would be
consulted if the proposed cooperation raised any potential issues
related to compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention.
Question. What role does the Department of State play in
formulating and implementing the following guidance?
United States Government Policy for Oversight of Life Sciences Dual
Use Research of Concern, available at https://www.phe.gov/s3/
dualuse/documents/us-policy-durc-032812.pdf;
National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Proposed Framework
for the Oversight of Dual Use Life Sciences Research:
Strategies For Minimizing The Potential Misuse Of Research
Information (2007), available at https://osp.od.nih.gov/wp-
content/uploads/Proposed-Oversight-Framework-for-Dual-Use-
Research.pdf
National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Recommendations
for the Evaluation and Oversight of Proposed Gain-of-Function
Research (2016), https://osp.od.nih.gov/wp-content/uploads/
2016/06/NSABB--Final--Report--Recommendations--Evaluation--
Oversight--Proposed--Gain--of--Function--Research.pdf
Report on Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control,
Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreement and Commitments
(Compliance Report)
Answer. The Department of State participates in formulating U.S.
Government policy guidance through interagency processes coordinated by
the National Security Council, including the U.S. Government Policy for
Oversight of Life Science Dual Use Research of Concern (the other two
documents are not policies but reports that informed U.S. Government
policy deliberations). As such, if confirmed, I would take part in the
review of implementation of such U.S. Government policies. The
Department of State is not involved in review processes that are
established internal to other government agencies, unless that
Department or Agency identifies a concern that would affect a
Department of State equity, such as treaty compliance. If confirmed, I
would strive to improve collaboration and transparency amongst
interagency members on these issues.
Question. If confirmed, what standard will you use in deciding how
much unclassified information is required to make an unclassified
finding in the Compliance Report?
Answer. If confirmed, I will apply the same rigorous standard the
United States has used since the report's inception to determine how
much unclassified information is required to make an unclassified
finding in the Compliance Report. It is important to be able to
corroborate unclassified findings with supporting information, so the
public and country in question understands what led the United States
to make the determination. The Department works closely with the
Intelligence Community and interagency to determine what information
can be included in the unclassified report. The classified annex
provides additional substantiating information for Congress.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit not to conceal or obfuscate
evidence of violations of arms control treaties or agreements just
because they cannot be entirely proven in the unclassified domain?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to safeguard classified information
in accordance with law, regulation, and policy. At every level of
classification, I would seek to substantiate conclusions with material
evidence at the appropriate level of classification and would consider
advocating for declassification and public release of information where
it is in the U.S. national security interest to do so.
Question. Do you disagree with any of the findings of the 2021
Compliance Report?
Answer. No, I do not disagree with any of the findings in the 2021
Compliance Report.
Question. Would you have disclosed the fact of Russia's violation
of the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 2014, even though
this violation could not be conclusively proven in the unclassified
domain?
Answer. U.S. compliance determinations are made stronger by how
much evidence can be publicly shared. Sometimes there are legitimate
reasons for limiting publicly available information. In 2014, the
United States made public its determination of Russia's INF Treaty
violation. That action was justified by years of accumulating and
evaluating information, compliance analysis, and diplomacy with Russia.
Question. What role should concerns about Russian or Chinese
diplomatic blowback play in determining whether to include an
unclassified finding in the report?
Answer. It is my view that the report should provide as much detail
as can be included in the unclassified Compliance Report regarding
questions and concerns with countries' compliance with and adherence to
arms control agreements and commitments to which they are party. If
there is sufficient information to support making an unclassified
finding in the Compliance Report, concerns regarding diplomatic
blowback from Russia and China should not affect the inclusion of that
finding. The AVC Bureau engages in bilateral dialogues with countries
identified as having compliance concerns and that includes Russia and
China. Including unclassified supporting information to corroborate the
report's findings helps facilitate such bilateral dialogue.
Question. Do you believe that you, if confirmed as Assistant
Secretary of State for the AVC Bureau, would need the approval of State
Legal to offer policy assessments regarding any country's possible
violation of existing arms control agreements, including, but not
limited to the NPT?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to offer Secretary Blinken,
President Biden, and all other senior U.S. Government officials my best
possible policy advice, seeking legal advice, including from the
Department's Office of the Legal Adviser, as appropriate. Any
assessment of a country's compliance with its legal obligations under
an international agreement will necessarily entail legal analysis as to
the parameters of those obligations, as well as intelligence and other
reporting furnishing the best available evidence of states parties'
compliance or non-compliance with their binding obligations as the
United States understands them.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, and on
request, to appear and testify before this committee, its
subcommittees, and other appropriate committees of Congress? Please
answer with a simple yes or no.
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to
provide this committee, its subcommittees, other appropriate committees
of Congress, and their respective staffs such witnesses and briefers,
briefings, reports, records--including documents and electronic
communications, and other information, as may be requested of you, and
to do so in a timely manner? Please answer with a simple yes or no.
Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the vital oversight needs
of Congress.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to
consult with this committee, its subcommittees, other appropriate
committees of Congress, and their respective staffs, regarding your
basis for delay or denial in providing testimony, briefings, reports,
records--including documents and electronic communications, and other
information, as may be requested of you? Please answer with a simple
yes or no.
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to
keep this committee, its subcommittees, and other appropriate
committees of Congress, and their respective staff apprised of new
information that materially impacts the accuracy of testimony,
briefings, reports, records--including documents and electronic
communications, and other information you or your organization
previously provided? Please answer with a simple yes or no.
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, and on
request, to provide this committee with records and other information
within their oversight jurisdiction, even absent a formal committee
request? Please answer with a simple yes or no.
Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the vital oversight needs
of the committee.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to
respond timely to letters to, and/or inquiries and other requests of
you or your organization from individual Senators who are members of
this committee? Please answer with a simple yes or no.
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you agree, without qualification, if confirmed, to
ensure that you and other members of your organization protect from
retaliation any AVC employee, federal employee, or contractor employee
who testifies before, or communicates with this committee and any other
appropriate committee of Congress? Please answer with a simple yes or
no.
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you agree to provide to this committee
relevant information within the jurisdictional oversight of the
committee when requested by the committee, even in the absence of the
formality of a letter from the Chairman?
Answer. I commit to work to accommodate the important oversight
needs of the committee in coordination with the Bureau of Legislative
Affairs.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The number of full time equivalents (FTEs) decreased for
the Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance Bureau (AVC) during the
Trump administration, which compounded a demographic problem where
approximately half of the Bureau is eligible to retire. What is the
current number of FTEs in the Bureau? And what additional hiring
authorities from Congress would help recapitalize the AVC workforce to
aid it in the robust bilateral strategic dialogue with Russia, efforts
to engage China on meaningful arms control measures, and the host of
other challenges that the Bureau is responsible for addressing?
Answer. If confirmed, rebuilding the workforce of the Bureau of
Arms Control, Verification and Compliance (AVC) would be my top
management priority. The total number of Washington, DC-based full-time
equivalent staff in AVC as of October 2021 is 87, which is 23 percent
lower than the total as of January 2017. AVC needs a reinvigorated
workforce that can help address the dangers posed by chemical,
biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons, and their delivery
systems, as well as the emerging threats of the 21st century. It is my
understanding that the Department would appreciate Congressional
support to increase its capacity to address these critical issues of
national security. If confirmed, I will support the Under Secretary's
intention to recruit a diverse cadre of additional arms control
experts. I also commit to uphold and fully implement the Department's
leadership and management tenets, including support for diversity and
inclusion, to strengthen the Bureau.
Question. Is the State Department concerned that the addition of
two new nuclear weapon capabilities in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review,
the deployed low-yield W76(2) warhead and the planned sea-launched
nuclear cruise missile, risk leading to inadvertent escalation in a
conflict with an adversary? Would continuing to field these new roles
for U.S. nuclear weapons be consistent with the President's Interim
National Security Guidance to ``take steps to reduce the role of
nuclear weapons in [U.S.] national security strategy?''
Answer. The W76-2 and the nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missile
were directed in the 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. The ongoing NPR
process is reviewing U.S. nuclear weapons capabilities, including the
W76-2 and the nuclear-armed sea-launched cruise missile, to assess
whether and how they fit into the administration's overarching
objectives of reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our national
security strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent remains safe,
secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence commitments to
our allies remain strong and credible.
Question. How has the United States recently worked through the
Extended Deterrence Dialogues with Japan and South Korea, as well as
other bilateral consultations related to the Nuclear Posture Review
process, to reaffirm our commitment to our allies' defense irrespective
of any possible changes to U.S. nuclear weapons declaratory policy or
force structure?
Answer. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in advancing
U.S. national security objectives. In the Nuclear Posture Review
process, the administration is consulting with U.S. allies and
partners, including those in the Indo-Pacific, through a variety of
standing deterrence dialogues and ad-hoc consultations. The
Administration has conveyed to allies and partners the United States'
commitment to ensuring U.S. extended deterrence remains strong and
credible.
Question. China has reportedly recently constructed over 250
intercontinental ballistic missile silos as part of a plan to possibly
expand its strategic forces in addition to plans to construct fast
breeder reactors that could expand its stockpile of plutonium for
nuclear weapons. At what level has the Department (or the White House)
conveyed its concerns about any future effort to fill those newly
discovered silos? In order to better understand the intent behind these
developments, does the United States intend to invite China to a
bilateral strategic dialogue or make it an agenda item of the P5
process?
Answer. Many U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Blinken
at the ASEAN Regional Forum in August, have noted deep concern with the
rapid growth of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) nuclear arsenal.
Beijing has clearly and sharply deviated from its decades-old nuclear
strategy based on minimum deterrence. In consultation with U.S. allies
and partners, the administration will pursue arms control measures to
address the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. The administration is
developing and evaluating specific proposals, and, if confirmed, I
commit to consulting Congress at an appropriate time on potential
measures and how best the State Department can develop and retain
government expertise regarding arms control with the PRC.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Todd Young
Question. We have multiple open-source reports about China's
increased nuclear posture. This clearly indicates that China must be
incorporated into strategic arms discussions, and the longer they
refuse the harder that conversation will be. I also recognize that
China is coming from a different place than the United States and
Russia which will require a different approach. If confirmed, how would
you seek to contain China's growing nuclear weapons arsenal?
Answer. We must pursue arms control measures to reduce the dangers
from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing nuclear arsenal.
These efforts will be pursued in coordination with actions to bolster
deterrence in the region. The Administration will work with allies and
partners to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully on arms
control. The Administration is developing and evaluating specific
proposals, and, if confirmed, I commit to consulting Congress at an
appropriate time on potential measures to be pursued with China.
Question. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has
publicly confirmed that it found particles of processed uranium at
three undeclared facilities in Iran. Are you aware of that?
Answer. As reported by the IAEA Director General, the IAEA
continues to investigate questions related to four undeclared locations
in Iran, including three where the IAEA has detected the presence of
nuclear material. Iran's failure to provide the IAEA with the necessary
information and cooperation to resolve these questions is deeply
troubling. The administration takes Iran's full implementation of its
legally binding obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its
comprehensive safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) very seriously. Iran must provide the required
cooperation with the IAEA without delay. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation
to ensure that the IAEA has our continued full support in urgently
resolving safeguards problems with Iran.
Question. Commercial satellite imagery analyzed by independent
researchers at the Institute for Science and International Security
demonstrated that at one facility in Iran, there was a steady
progression of containers being removed followed by sanitization work.
The IAEA found uranium at that site. Do you agree with that assessment?
Answer. In a September report to the IAEA Board, the Director
General reiterated his deep concern that the IAEA had found indications
that nuclear material had been present at three locations in Iran, that
Iran had yet to provide the necessary explanation for the presence of
such nuclear material at those locations, and that the current
locations of the nuclear material were not known to the IAEA. We have
made clear our serious concerns that Iran has failed to respond to the
IAEA on these matters. It is essential that Iran fully comply with its
legally binding obligations under its comprehensive safeguards
agreement with the IAEA without further delay, and if confirmed, I will
work closely with the Bureau of International Security and
Nonproliferation to ensure that the IAEA has our continued full support
in urgently resolving these safeguards problems with Iran.
Question. Do you agree that it is an obligation under Article III
of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to declare all nuclear
material to the IAEA?
Answer. Article III requires each non-nuclear-weapon State Party to
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to accept
safeguards on all of its source or special fissionable material in all
peaceful nuclear activities, as set forth in an agreement to be
negotiated and concluded with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
The IAEA's comprehensive safeguards agreement enables NPT non-nuclear-
weapon States Parties to implement this obligation and requires those
states to declare to the IAEA all nuclear material that is required to
be safeguarded under the NPT.
Question. Is Iran a party to the NPT with a signed Comprehensive
Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA?
Answer. Yes. Iran ratified the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) in 1970 and remains a State Party to the Treaty. Iran's NPT-
required Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA came into
force in 1974 and remains in force.
Question. Do you agree that Iran is in non-compliance with the NPT?
Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will help
implement U.S. policy to support the IAEA's work to monitor and assess
Iran's compliance with its NPT-required safeguards agreement. Iran must
cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the serious, outstanding
issues related to potential undeclared nuclear material in Iran. As a
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran is obligated not to
manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Mallory A. Stewart by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. Since 2007, it has nearly always been the position of the
United States that Iran is not a member in good standing within the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Even pursuant
to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran would not have
returned to being a member in good standing until the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reached a ``Broader Conclusion'' verifying
the exclusively peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear program. In April
2019, then-nominee to be Special Representative for Nuclear
Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed in writing to this
committee that ``given Iran's past noncompliance with both its
safeguards agreement and its NPT obligations, its failure to fully
address IAEA questions related to past activities relevant to the
development of a nuclear explosive device, and the emergence of new
questions surrounding Iran's motives for retaining and concealing
documents, equipment, and personnel related to its past nuclear weapons
program, Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT
cannot be described as 'good.' ''
Do you agree with Mr. Eberhardt's assessment?
Answer. Yes. Given Iran's past non-compliance with its obligations
under the NPT and Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement and its
present failure to fully address the IAEA's current questions related
to implementation of that safeguards agreement, Iran's standing as a
non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT cannot be described as
``good.'' The United States has thoroughly detailed the concern with
Iran's compliance with Article III of the NPT, including in the 2021
Compliance Report.
Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)?
Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will work
with legal and policy experts to monitor and assess Iran's NPT
compliance. Iran must cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the
serious, outstanding issues related to potential undeclared nuclear
material in Iran. As a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the NPT, Iran
is obligated not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT?
Answer. Iran's long history of denial and concealment regarding its
past nuclear weapons program is of serious concern. The Biden-Harris
administration will not take Iran at its word regarding assertions
about its nuclear program and fully supports the IAEA as it uses its
safeguards authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared
nuclear material or activities in Iran. Like President Biden, I am
committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Question. Do you believe that Iran should be entitled to the use of
civilian nuclear technology even if they are not a member in good
standing of the NPT?
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
Atomic Energy Agency.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT?
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be specifically entitled to
benefit from nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT?
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
Question. Do you assess that China is in violation of its Article
VI obligations?
Answer. China's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining decades
of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. If confirmed, I
will consult with legal and policy experts at the Department of State
on a variety of matters related to China's behavior in the nuclear
weapon arena, including its compliance with Article VI.
Question. What leverage does the United States currently possess to
dampen China's nuclear buildup?
Answer. U.S. allies and partners in Asia will be key to success in
the administration's efforts to bring the People's Republic of China
(PRC) into any arms control measures, and the administration will work
with them to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the
United States on arms control. The administration will pursue arms
control measures to reduce the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear
arsenal and will make the case to Beijing that arms control is in its
security interest. Arms control is not a trap designed to weaken
China's defenses, but a mechanism to reduce the risk of military crises
and manage the threat of destabilizing arms races, something that is in
the interest of all countries.
Question. For decades, China claimed that all it needed was a
``minimum deterrent,'' but the CCP seems to be pursuing a capability
far beyond that threshold. Why now? And how should the U.S. respond to
China's nuclear modernization?
Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) apparent build-up of
nuclear capabilities is cause for concern and may signal a departure
from its decades-long nuclear strategy based on minimum deterrence. I
defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific assessment on the
timing of this build-up. In parallel to the PRC's nuclear build-up, its
broader geopolitical goals appear to be shifting as well. The PRC's
military activities highlight Beijing's increasing comfort with the
employment of military forces to achieve its foreign policy objectives.
As the administration pursues arms control measures to reduce the
dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal, the administration will
simultaneously maintain the capabilities to defend against a range of
PRC military threats to the United States and our allies and partners.
Question. Turning now to Russia. You have been a noted advocate of
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. As you know, the United States
Senate has pointedly refused to ratify the CTBT, in part because of
Russian behavior. In its 2021 compliance report, the Trump
administration rightly called out this behavior. I'd like to quote from
that report: ``The United States finds that, since declaring its
testing moratorium, Russia has conducted nuclear weapons experiments
that have created nuclear yield and are not consistent with the U.S.
`zero-yield' standard.'' Do you agree with that assessment?
Answer. Yes. I agree that since declaring its testing moratorium,
Russia has at times conducted nuclear weapons tests or experiments that
have created nuclear yield, which is not consistent with the zero-yield
standard.
Question. Do you commit to ensuring, if you are confirmed, that you
would continue to document such non-compliance?
Answer. Yes. I commit that, if confirmed, I will continue to
document non-compliance and inconsistencies with arms control
obligations and commitments in the annual Compliance Report.
Question. I am concerned about the possibility of the Biden
administration adopting a misguided ``no-first-use'' nuclear policy.
Russia used to have a no-first-use policy, but formally scrapped it
years ago when the Kremlin feared its conventional forces were
insufficient. Our principal adversary, China, has formally declared a
no first-use policy, but the Chinese Communist Party has proven itself
willing to break any promise that suits its ambitions.
Do you believe China's commitment to not use nuclear weapons first
in a conflict?
Answer. I doubt the People's Republic of China's (PRC) commitment
to a no-first-use policy. There is ambiguity over the conditions under
which Beijing would act outside of its professed no-first-use policy.
Some People's Liberation Army (PLA) officers have written publicly of
the need to spell out conditions under which China might need to use
nuclear weapons first. There has been no indication that national
leaders are willing to address such nuances and caveats publicly.
However, ongoing PRC advances in its nuclear arsenal, such as an
exploration of low-yield warheads, raise questions regarding PRC intent
and undermine its claims to maintain a minimum nuclear deterrent backed
by a no-first-use policy.
Question. Do you personally support a no-first-use policy for the
United States?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you believe we have transparency into Iran's nuclear
program?
Answer. While the IAEA maintains near daily access at key nuclear
facilities in Iran under Iran's IAEA Safeguards Agreement, the IAEA has
reported that its verification and monitoring activities have been
seriously undermined as a result of Iran's decision to stop the
implementation of its nuclear-related commitments under the JCPOA,
including the Additional Protocol. A return to mutual implementation of
the JCPOA would restore the JCPOA's transparency measures, which are
the strongest verification and monitoring provisions ever negotiated.
Question. Given we do not have a comprehensive accounting of Iran's
PMD program, and taking into consideration Iran's decades of deception
to the IAEA on its nuclear program, how is it possible to have an
accurate appraisal of Iran's activities as they evolve, when the
international community lacks a baseline for verification efforts?
Answer. The IAEA has reported significant concerns regarding
potential undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran, and we
have full confidence in the Agency to pursue its critical verification
and monitoring responsibilities there. It is essential that Iran fully
comply with its legally binding obligations under the NPT and its
Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA to resolve these
important matters without further delay. The JCPOA provided the
strongest verification and monitoring measures ever negotiated.
Resumption of mutual compliance with the deal would ensure the renewed
implementation of these measures, as well as its restrictions on the
size and scope of Iran's nuclear activities.
Question. Despite the Board of Governor's December 2015 Final
Assessment, which closed the chapter on PMDs in order to move forward
with implementation of the JCPOA, the issue of Iran's possible military
dimension remains outstanding. If confirmed, do you plan to reopen the
PMD file? If not, why not?
Answer. President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring
that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will
strongly support the Department's efforts, as they relate to my
position as AVC Assistant Secretary, to bolster the IAEA's monitoring
and verification activities in Iran so that the IAEA can provide the
strongest possible assurance that Iran is not undertaking any
undeclared nuclear activities. A return to mutual implementation of the
JCPOA would restore the JCPOA's transparency measures, which are the
strongest verification and monitoring provisions ever negotiated.
Question. On April, 1, 2018, Tiangong-1, China's prototype space
station, re-entered the earth's atmosphere after an uncontrolled re-
entry. On May 11, 2020, the Chinese Long March 5B rocket, re-entered
the earth's atmosphere after an uncontrolled re-entry. On May 8, 2021,
another Chinese Long March 5B core stage re-entered the earth's
atmosphere after making an uncontrolled re-entry. In response to the
most recent uncontrolled entry, NASA Administrator, Bill Nelson, said
that ``It is clear that China is failing to meet responsible standards
regarding their space debris.''
Do you agree with the assessment that China is currently violating
the spirit of the Outer Space Treaty?
Answer. Along with the United States and over 90 other members of
the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, the PRC joined
consensus in June 2019 on 21 voluntary, non-legally binding guidelines
for the long-term sustainability of outer space activities. One of
these guidelines calls for states to ``[t]ake measures to address risks
associated with the uncontrolled re-entry of space objects.'' We urge
all nations, including the PRC, to abide by their commitments and
implement these guidelines, encouraging transparency and information
sharing with other nations. If confirmed, I will work with my
colleagues within State and at NASA to highlight the long-standing U.S.
space policy principle that responsible space actors operate with
openness, transparency, and predictability to maintain the benefits of
space for all humanity.
Question. Do you agree that in the case that space debris causes
damage in the United States or in other nations party to the Outer
Space Treaty from a Chinese Government launched space vehicle, that
China would accept liability for damages under Section VII of the Outer
Space Treaty? If not, please list what specific actions the Peoples
Republic of China has taken to assure the United States that it would
comply with Section VII of the Outer Space Treaty?
Answer. In addition to its obligations under the 1967 Outer Space
Treaty, the PRC is a party to the 1972 Convention on International
Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects. The Liability Convention
provides that a launching State shall be absolutely liable to pay
compensation for damage caused by its space objects on the surface of
the Earth or to aircraft in flight and has fault-based liability for
damage caused to objects in space. The Liability Convention also
provides for procedures for the settlement of claims for damages. These
two treaties, along with 1968 Astronaut Rescue and Return Agreement and
the 1976 Registration Convention, provide a basic legal framework
within which interested States can work to protect their interests. The
PRC has also stated in the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Use of Outer
Space that ``wide adherence to the United Nations treaties contributes
to creating a safe, secure and sustainable atmosphere for the
development of outer space activities.''
Question. Do you agree that China's continued use of uncontrolled
re-entries constitute a national security threat? If not, then why?
Answer. As NASA Administrator Nelson noted in May 2021, spacefaring
nations must minimize the risks to people and property on Earth of re-
entries of space objects and maximize transparency regarding those
operations. The PRC has yet to implement responsible standards
regarding some of their space debris, which results in uncontrolled re-
entries. It is critical that the PRC act responsibly and transparently
in space to ensure the safety, stability, security, and long-term
sustainability of outer space activities as well as human life.
Question. On July 31, 2019[,] at a Brookings Institution event
titled ``Assessing Space Security: threat and response,'' you stated
that ``the legal framework for both the commercial side and the
military engagements and the evolution of the players in space has to
catch up and it hasn't caught up.'' Please elaborate on your statement.
Please list all aspects of the legal framework for ``military
engagements'' that need to be updated and how would you, in
your potential role at the Department of State, update them?
Answer. As the Biden-Harris administration's Space Priorities
Framework notes, ``[as] space activities evolve, the norms, rules, and
principles that guide outer space activities also must evolve.'' In
this regard, I believe that it is essential for the United States to
continue to lead in strengthening global governance of space activities
to uphold and strengthen a rules-based international order for space.
The principles of 1967 Outer Space Treaty remain the indispensable
foundation for these efforts. In this regard, I fully support the
Biden-Harris administration's focus on developing legally non-binding
approaches to reduce threats to space systems through the further
development and implementation of norms, rules and principles of
responsible behaviors. There are advantages to focusing on voluntary,
legally non-binding norms of responsible behavior, such as the ability
to adapt quickly to changing circumstances or technologies, allowing
new and novel uses of space to be explored rather than restricted, and
to allow civil and commercial operators to have more of a voice in
their development.
Question. Please list all aspects of the legal framework for
``commercial side'' need to be updated and how would you, in your
potential role at the Department of State, update them?
Answer. It is essential for the United States Government to work
closely and collaboratively with U.S. commercial industry and allies to
promote the implementation of existing measures and lead in the
development of new measures that contribute to the safety, stability,
security, and long-term sustainability of space activities. The United
States also must demonstrate how the full range of its governmental and
private sector space activities can be conducted in a responsible,
peaceful, and sustainable manner.
Question. Will updating the legal frameworks for military or
commercial engagements require updating or amending the Outer Space
Treaty, if so how, if not, why not? Please describe any risks or
potential disadvantages to updating or amending the Outer Space Treaty?
Answer. As the Biden-Harris administration's Space Priorities
Framework notes, ``[as] space activities evolve, the norms, rules, and
principles that guide outer space activities also must evolve.'' In
this regard, I believe that it is essential for the United States to
continue to lead in strengthening global governance of space activities
to uphold and strengthen a rules-based international order for space.
The principles of 1967 Outer Space Treaty remain the indispensable
foundation for these efforts. In addition to the Outer Space Treaty, I
fully support the Biden-Harris administration's focus on developing
legally non-binding approaches to reduce threats to space systems
through the further development and implementation of norms, rules and
principles of responsible behaviors. There are advantages to focusing
on voluntary, legally non-binding norms of responsible behavior, such
as the ability to adapt quickly to changing circumstances or
technologies, allowing new and novel uses of space to be explored
rather than restricted, and to allow civil and commercial operators to
have more of a voice in their development.
Question. Please describe how updating ``legal frameworks'' would
impact the commercialization of space and why?
Answer. U.S. commercial space activities are on the cutting edge of
space technology, space applications, and space-enabled services. As a
result, I believe that the existing international legal framework
provides a solid foundation upon which commercial space activities and
interests of the U.S. private sectors can thrive. Based upon this
framework, domestic U.S. law and regulations must provide clarity and
certainty for the authorization and continuing supervision of non-
governmental space activities, including for novel activities such as
on-orbit servicing and orbital debris removal.
Question. On January 11, 2007, China launched a ballistic missile
from Xichang Space Launch Center that aimed at a nonoperative Chinese
weather satellite, the Fengyun 1C, completely destroying the satellite.
The destruction of the satellite created more than 3,000 pieces of
space debris, the largest ever tracked, and much of it is expected to
remain in orbit for decades.
Please describe how China's actions, as described above, violate
the Article IV and Article IX of the Outer Space Treaty? If not
then, why not?
Answer. It is my understanding that the administration of President
George W. Bush did not make a determination of Chinese compliance with
the Outer Space treaty following China's 2007 ASAT test. If confirmed,
I commit to working with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on
enhancing countries' compliance with their Outer Space Treaty
commitments.
Following Russia's reckless November 2021 destructive anti-
satellite weapon test, Secretary Blinken stated, ``We call upon all
responsible spacefaring nations to join us in efforts to develop norms
of responsible behavior and to refrain from conducting dangerous and
irresponsible destructive tests like those carried out by Russia.'' In
addition, Deputy Secretary of Defense Hicks called on all nations to
refrain from recklessly conducting destructive anti-satellite testing,
which significantly increases the risk to human spaceflight and other
satellites, and to foster a safe, sustainable space environment.
China's ASAT test in January 2007 was inconsistent with the Space
Debris Mitigation Guidelines of the Inter-Agency Space Debris
Coordination Committee, which was endorsed by the China National Space
Administration.
Question. Please describe the threat on space exploration and the
commercialization of space from space debris, and further specifically
describe the threat from space debris created as a result of Chinese,
Russian, and North Korean actions.
Answer. Both China's ASAT test in January 2007 and Russia's in
November 2021 were inconsistent with the Space Debris Mitigation
Guidelines of the Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination Committee,
which were endorsed by Roscosmos and the China National Space
Administration. Russia's November 2021 test also was inconsistent with
the [voluntary, legally non-binding] Space Debris Mitigation Guidelines
of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space in June 2007,
which were endorsed by the U.N. General Assembly in December 2007. As
NASA Administrator Nelson noted in May 2021, spacefaring nations must
minimize the risks to people and property on Earth of re-entries of
space objects and maximize transparency regarding those operations.
Question. Do you agree that China's actions threaten the United
States' national security? If not, then why?
Answer. I am very concerned that the PRC has developed counterspace
weapons capabilities intended to target U.S. and allied satellites and
that both China and Russia believe that counterspace operations will be
integral to potential military campaigns against the U.S. and its
allies. If confirmed, I plan to work with the Department of Defense and
the Intelligence Community to use those tools available to the
Department of State to address these threats as part of a whole of
government response.
Question. On December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush announced
the United States' withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM)
Treaty, which took effect on June 13, 2002.
Do you agree that the United States should attempt to re-enter the
ABM treaty? If so, please describe why?
Answer. The ABM Treaty terminated upon the United States'
withdrawal, and thus cannot be rejoined.
Question. On December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush announced
the United States' withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM)
Treaty, which took effect on June 13, 2002.
Please list what potential national security implications rejoining
the ABM treaty would have on the United States?
Answer. The ABM Treaty terminated upon the United States'
withdrawal, and thus cannot be rejoined. If the United States were
still a party to the 1972 ABM Treaty, it would prohibit or constrain
the United States from continuing to develop and deploy strategic and
theater ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems in terms of, for
example, capability, geographic location, numbers, and basing modes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Steven C. Bondy by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bahrain was
identified as Tier 1 but still has room for improvement, especially on
adequately identifying trafficking victims as compared to labor law
violations.
How will you work with Bahrain to address these issues if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Human trafficking is an issue of serious concern to the
U.S. Government. While Bahrain has made strides to reform its labor
sponsorship system in recent years, even as many of those reforms were
politically sensitive within the country, I agree there is more that
needs to be done. Bahrain is a regional leader on labor issues, and
Bahrain's engagement with its neighbors on the subject has led to
important reforms elsewhere. The annual State Department TIP report
documents areas of concern and recommendations for further improvement.
If confirmed, I intend to work with Bahraini officials to further
improve efforts to address forced labor vulnerabilities inherent in the
sponsorship system and safeguard workers against abuses.
Question. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Bahrain has been a regional leader in religious freedom for
minority religious groups represented by Bahraini citizens as well as
expatriates resident in the country. In that regard, following the
signing of the 2020 Abraham Accords, Jewish life is reviving in Bahrain
with a historical synagogue now being operational. Bahrain is the only
Gulf Arab country that recognizes Ashura, the most significant time of
the Shia religious calendar, as an official holiday. However, the
International Religious Freedom Report documents continued
discrimination against and marginalization of its Shia citizen
population. If confirmed, I will urge Bahrain to continue to expand
respect for freedom of religion or belief and to promote an inclusive
society that upholds religious freedom for the members of all religions
and religious sects. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
State Department's Ambassador at Large for Religious Freedom on this
issue.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. Human rights are at the forefront of the administration's
foreign policy, as they have been for me throughout my career. If
confirmed, I intend to lead several established channels for human
rights dialogue with Bahrain, including through our annual Strategic
Dialogue and other high-level engagements, as well as to engage on
specific cases as needed. Our partnership with Bahrain is strongest
when based on shared values and frank and honest engagement. I
appreciate Congress's focus and engagement on this important topic, and
if confirmed, I look forward to working with members to continue to
advance human rights in Bahrain.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Embassy in Manama
continues to engage a wide range of civil society, including activists
both inside and outside of Bahrain and those associated with Bahraini
citizens imprisoned for exercising their rights. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing this important work and will look for
opportunities to build upon it.
Question. If confirmed, what steps do you plan on taking to further
implementation of the Abraham Accords?
Answer. The Abraham Accords agreement between Israel and Bahrain
represents a change in the strategic orientation of the Kingdom, and it
has already made an important contribution to regional security and
economic development. While the two countries have already opened
embassies in each other's countries, launched direct air connections,
and signed a number of MOUs, if confirmed, I would work to strengthen
relations between these two important friends and allies across a wide
spectrum of areas, from military to economic to trade to education.
Building people-to-people ties is a particular area of interest that
would yield long-term dividends. I would want to consult with the
Bahraini Government and the Israeli Embassy in Bahrain to see where
they felt the greatest opportunities lie.
Question. How would you propose strengthening the Bahraini public's
support for normalization between Bahrain and Israel?
Answer. It is essential for both U.S. and regional security
interests that Israel is further integrated into the region. To further
demonstrate for the Bahraini public the benefits of normalization,
relations and linkages must grow organically, particularly between the
peoples of the two countries. Direct Gulf Air flights servicing
travelers between Bahrain and Israel represent a big step in this
regard and facilitate ties in a number of areas such as commerce,
technology, medicine, education, and tourism. If confirmed, I would
support building economic and trade partnerships between the two
countries, or in a trilateral forum involving the United States, so
that the Bahraini public can see and feel the benefits of
normalization.
Question. In light of the Abraham Accords and Israel's entry into
CENTCOM, if confirmed, will you commit to advocating for Israel's full
integration into the multilateral activities that CENTCOM and the Fifth
Fleet lead out of Bahrain, including maritime security efforts in the
Gulf and Red Sea, and regional efforts on missile defense and counter-
drone efforts?
Answer. Integrating Israel into Gulf security planning and
operations represents one of the most significant potential benefits of
the Abraham Accords. If confirmed, I will engage Bahraini and United
States military leaders to promote integrating Israel into regional
operations, including maritime and other security efforts commanded
from Bahrain.
Question. In your view, what benefits would this have for regional
stability?
Answer. Bahrain's leaders have been clear that their relationship
with Israel and decision to normalize is in the country's strategic
interest. Indeed, the two countries have many common security
interests. Further cooperation and interoperability between the two
countries can only strengthen their ties and security and improve
regional and United States security.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to work with CENTCOM and
the Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison officer assigned to
NAVCENT in Manama? Please provide your assessment of the obstacles and
challenges to doing so.
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to work with CENTCOM and the
Fifth Fleet to get an Israeli naval liaison assigned to NAVCENT in
Manama. Enhanced Israeli participation in Gulf security planning and
operations will improve regional and United States national security.
Question. What role should Bahrain play in efforts to counter
Iranian regional aggression?
Answer. Bahrain is a steadfast U.S. ally and, as such, has
consistently supported U.S. efforts to counter Iran's regional
aggression. The threat posed by Iran and its proxies is very real to
Bahrain and U.S. interests in Bahrain. If confirmed, I plan to work
closely with our Bahraini partners to help bolster their security while
supporting a comprehensive approach towards addressing Iran's
destabilizing behavior.
Question. If confirmed, what steps do you plan on taking to build
upon, and expand, the International Maritime Security Construct (IMSC)
established in 2019 in response to growing Iranian threats to freedom
of navigation in the Gulf?
Answer. Bahrain's hosting of the IMSC to ensure safe transit in the
Gulf is an important example of its commitment to maritime security and
freedom of navigation at a time when Iran continues to threaten
commercial shipping in the Gulf. If confirmed, I will work with
CENTCOM, NAVCENT, and the Bahrain Defense Force to ensure that their
response to Iran in the region remains robust and forceful and
facilitates the smooth flow of transport through open sea lanes.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to support Bahrain's
partnership with the Fifth Fleet's Task Force 59?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with CENTCOM, NAVCENT, and
Bahrain Defense Force leaders on Bahrain joining the Fifth Fleet's Task
Force 59.
Question. How can the US leverage this partnership with Bahrain to
encourage other Gulf states to join Task Force 59?
Answer. Task Force 59 is an innovative and unique initiative in the
Gulf. If confirmed, I would work with CENTCOM and United States
diplomatic missions in the region to encourage other Gulf states to
join. Success in its mission would be the best advertisement for others
to join.
Question. What is your assessment of Iranian efforts to destabilize
Bahrain politically and militarily?
Answer. Iran directs, trains, supplies, and funds militia groups
across the region to advance its interests, undermine regional
stability, and threaten U.S. partners, including Bahrain. Iran has a
long history of cultivating, advising, and training armed Shia militant
groups in Bahrain. The threat from Iranian-backed militants and other
destabilizing actors is real; Bahraini and U.S. authorities have worked
closely together to counter it for years and continue to do so on an
ongoing basis. If confirmed, I intend to coordinate closely with the
Bahraini Government to ensure our joint interests are adequately
protected from threats of all kinds. We will continue to use a
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools to counter the full
range of Iran's destabilizing behavior. Working with Bahrain to promote
internal security protects American citizens, investments, and
interests in the Kingdom.
Question. How can the United States, Bahrain, and potentially other
regional partners strengthen cooperation to counter these efforts by
Tehran?
Answer. The United States and Bahrain can continue to strengthen
cooperation to counter Iran's destabilizing behavior through exercises
and increased interoperability. Task Force 59 is a great example of a
new initiative to counter evolving threats. Targeted United States
training of vetted Bahraini internal security units and enhancing
counter-terrorism financing/anti-money laundering activities all
contribute to safety and security inside Bahrain. If confirmed, I would
work to continue these efforts.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to work to ensure Bahrain's
concerns are addressed in a future agreement with Iran?
Answer. The administration continues to consult closely with
Bahrain and all of its regional partners on U.S. engagement with Iran.
commitment to Bahrain, a Major Non-NATO Ally, is strong and will remain
so. If confirmed, I would work with the Government of Bahrain to keep
them apprised of developments in U.S. engagement with Iran to further
strengthen our partnership.
Question. Where should Iran's malign proxy activity fall in terms
of the priories in the context of negotiations with Tehran?
Answer. The President and the Secretary have been clear that the
administration has fundamental problems with Iran's actions across a
series of issues, including its support for terrorism, its ballistic
missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and
its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and
foreign nationals as political tools. An Iran with a nuclear weapon
would be likely to act even more provocatively when it comes to these
issues, so the Biden-Harris administration has been clear that Iran
will not be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. If confirmed, I will
ensure continued support to a comprehensive approach using a variety of
tools to counter the full range of Iran's destabilizing behavior, which
includes its proxy activity in Bahrain.
Question. If nuclear talks between the U.S. and Iran fail to yield
results, what steps should the U.S. be prepared to take to address
Iran's malign proxy activity which pose a serious threat to partners
like Bahrain?
Answer. The U.S. Government will continue to rely on a
comprehensive approach using a variety of tools to counter the full
range of Iran's destabilizing behavior and stand steadfast with our
partners in the region in support of their security. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Bahraini partners on ways and means to counter
malign Iranian activity in the Kingdom.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Steven C. Bondy by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. How, if at all, do you expect U.S.-Bahrain relations to
change in light of Bahrain's 2020 normalization agreement with Israel?
Answer. Bahrain signing the 2020 Abraham Accords agreement with
Israel represents a historic opportunity to deepen our relationship
with Bahrain, which was already strong, and to assist our two regional
friends and allies to broaden and strengthen their bilateral
relationship. Bahrain's leaders have been clear that their relationship
with Israel and decision to normalize is in their country's strategic
interest. If confirmed, I intend to work to deepen not only the U.S.-
Bahrain bilateral relationship and the Bahrain-Israel bilateral
relationship, but also explore opportunities to promote the Bahrain-
Israel-U.S. trilateral relationship.
Question. What can the U.S. Embassy in Bahrain do to elevate and
enhance Bahrain's relationship with Israel?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to devoting my time and energy
to operationalizing the Bahrain-Israel Abraham Accords agreement. While
a number of MOUs have already been signed, I would work to broaden and
strengthen relations between these two important friends and allies
across the broad spectrum of topics, from military to economic to trade
to education, and particularly on people-to-people ties, which provide
benefits for the long term. I would also want to consult with the
Bahraini Government and the Israeli Embassy in Bahrain to see where
they felt the greatest opportunities lie.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Steven C. Bondy by Senator Christopher Murphy
Question. Can you please clarify your answer as to the status of
human rights in Bahrain and how you will promote human rights if
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The United States is encouraged by steps the Bahraini
Government has taken in recent years to improve its human rights record
in the past decade. If confirmed, I will work to promote continued
positive momentum. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear that
there are continued concerns about the human rights situation in
Bahrain, as detailed in the State Department's annual Human Rights
Report and discussed often with Bahraini interlocutors. If confirmed,
human rights will be a priority for me, and I intend to lead engagement
in several established channels for human rights dialogue with Bahrain,
including our annual Strategic Dialogue and other high-level
engagements. I will engage on specific cases as these arise, including
regarding those individuals imprisoned for exercising their rights. I
appreciate Congress's focus and engagement on this important topic, and
if confirmed, I look forward to working with members to continue to
advance human rights in Bahrain.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How can the United States work within ECOSOC to
effectively push for consistent and high level U.N. engagement to
address the undermining of humanitarian assistance and access? Does
ECOSOC have a strong role to play here? How has ECOSOC's Humanitarian
Affairs Segment (HAS) improved the U.N. response to the humanitarian
crises and how can it be improved?
Answer. The U.N. Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) provides a
multilateral platform for Member States to discuss ways to meet growing
humanitarian needs and improve the humanitarian system to reach the
most vulnerable communities. In 2021, the United States' ECOSOC
engagement prioritized the coordination and provision of humanitarian
assistance to vulnerable populations impacted by conflict, COVID-19,
and natural disasters, as well as the importance of humanitarian access
and the protection and safety of United Nations and humanitarian
personnel. If confirmed, I will ensure the United States continues
working within ECOSOC to act ambitiously in addressing the compounded
risks of conflict, climate and the COVID-19 pandemic while protecting
and advancing principled humanitarian assistance.
The HAS provides an important platform for the international
community to strategically engage on the most pressing humanitarian
issues. If confirmed, I will seek to further improve the HAS by
ensuring that its discussions are focused on the most urgent priorities
aligned to U.S. humanitarian concerns, as well as issues related to
advancing inclusion, including with respect to sex and gender,
innovation and partnership, greater respect for international law, and
accountability for those actors who obstruct humanitarian assistance.
ECOSOC Reform
Question. There are some who say ECOSOC lacks any real authority
and that its work overlaps with the activities of the U.N. General
Assembly. It has been suggested that the Council could play a greater
role in global economic and development policy. The U.N. has passed
several reforms over the years, including as recently as this year, to
strengthen ECOSOC's policy guidance role and to improve collaboration
between ECOSOC, its subsidiary councils, and other U.N. entities
What is your assessment of the most recent ECOSOC reforms? Do you
believe that ECOSOC should have a greater policy-setting role?
Answer. The reform of ECOSOC is an ongoing process. Sustained
efforts by the United States have successfully influenced ECOSOC to
implement reforms to improve its efficiency and effectiveness. For
example, ECOSOC's ongoing revitalization work has reduced the number of
days of ECOSOC activities by eliminating and/or shortening duplicative
and lengthy segments and meetings, restructured the ECOSOC calendar
into more streamlined groups, and required subsidiary bodies to assess
whether they need annual negotiated outcomes. There has also been
progress aligning the agendas of the General Assembly, ECOSOC, and
ECOSOC's subsidiary bodies to eliminate duplicative segments. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge ECOSOC to eliminate duplicative
sessions, segments, and activities to allow ECOSOC and its subsidiary
bodies to focus on core tasks.
Question. How, if at all, will these ECOSOC reforms contribute to
U.N. efforts to more effectively respond to the COVID-19 pandemic and
related humanitarian crises?
Answer. ECOSOC plays a pivotal role in addressing the COVID-19
pandemic, economic recovery, and humanitarian crises. If confirmed, I
will work with ECOSOC and likeminded partners to press to make ECOSOC
more relevant, effective, and accountable to its Member States. ECOSOC
reforms will allow the organization to better rationalize and
prioritize its work to successfully address the impact of the COVID-19
pandemic and make progress towards achieving the 2030 agenda.
Question. China's Role in ECOSOC, Targeting NGOs: I am concerned
about China's increasing influence and role in U.N. bodies. ECOSOC
consults with more than 5,100 registered non-governmental organizations
to inform its work. I am deeply concerned that within ECOSOC, China has
used its seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications
from NGOs working on human rights issues.
How do you asses China's efforts to use its increased influence at
ECOSOC and elsewhere in the U.N. system to undermine civil
society and silence the voices of those who champion human
rights? Are we doing enough to push back against this?
Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. Chinese influence in
ECOSOC has been a particular issue. Preserving space for credible NGO
voices, on human rights or other key issues, must be a top priority.
The United States has serious concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee
member insisting NGOs align with particular political positions as a
condition for the committee to grant U.N. consultative status. The
United States has had success, including at ECOSOC, coordinating with
allies and partners to push back against PRC attempts to undermine core
U.N. principles. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to
continue to object to the PRC's practice of demanding NGOs use so-
called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their applications, websites,
and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, or Tibet,
which has the effect of censoring organizations' online presence,
unduly restricting freedom of expression of their members, and stifling
dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work diligently to counter
unhelpful Chinese actions, in particular with NGO committee members,
and to ensure representation of credible civil society groups.
Question. The rapid collapse of the Ghani Government and Taliban
takeover exacerbated a large-scale humanitarian and forced migration
crisis. Fragile financial conditions and the Taliban's sidelining of
women and girls are among the broader challenges facing the country. I
am concerned about the hundreds of U.N. Afghan staff, many women and
ethnic minorities, whose lives are at great risk right now. The U.N.
has reported dozens of incidences of looting of U.N. offices, threats
and beatings of U.N. staff throughout the country. What more can be
done to assist U.N. Afghan staff who are in great peril right now?
Answer. The United States, along with our partners, continues to
engage diplomatically to press the Taliban to allow safe, unfettered
access for all humanitarian actors, including female aid workers. We
also strongly support the efforts of the U.N. security system,
including the U.N. Department of Safety and Security, to advise U.N.
personnel and NGO aid providers in the field on security risks and
security measures. If confirmed, I will continue to press for the
safety of all humanitarian workers and U.N. personnel and their
unfettered access to deliver needed services to the Afghan people.
Question. What role should the Humanitarian Affairs Segment of
ECOSOC play in bringing together actors from the U.N., private sector,
and populations in need to meet the dire humanitarian needs within
Afghanistan, particularly in light of the complex-and evolving-
sanctions regime in place against the Taliban?
Answer. The ECOSOC Humanitarian Affairs Segment (HAS) has furthered
efforts by the United States and our partners to ensure that
humanitarian aid in Afghanistan adheres to humanitarian principles,
reaches those most in need, is robustly funded, and leverages
partnerships, including with the private sector, to maximize innovation
and effectiveness in humanitarian response. If confirmed, I will seek
to ensure the United States and our partners continue to support the
HAS's important and growing role in bringing together stakeholders to
address humanitarian needs and ensure unfettered access by and safety
of U.N. and humanitarian partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Are you familiar with S. 2297, the International Pandemic
Preparedness and COVID-19 response Act?
Answer. I have read the legislation you reference and agree that
sustained attention to the question of World Health Organization (WHO)
reform is an urgent priority. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-
Harris administration's active engagement in the WHO's Member State
Working Group on Strengthening WHO Preparedness for and Response to
Health Emergencies (WGPR). Through this mechanism, the United States is
advancing its interests and demonstrating its commitment to
strengthening and reforming the WHO to ensure it can deliver on its
vital global mission to advance health, health security, and the
prevention of and response to future biological catastrophes.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advancing the core
principles of this Act through ECOSOC, including by elevating the
importance of SDG #3 targets 3C and 3D?
Answer. I understand that the United States is already working to
advance multi-pronged efforts that are consistent with the core
principles of the draft International Pandemic Preparedness and COVID-
19 Response Act.
The Biden-Harris administration is fully committed to supporting
equity in global health emergencies in ways that are consistent with
the Act and Targets 3C and 3D of the Sustainable Development Goals.
This means ensuring that developing countries have access to vaccines,
oxygen, and therapeutics, and investing in capacity building to equip
developing and developed countries with tools for early warning and
risk reduction as pandemic and other health threats emerge. If
confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to advance these
priorities, which were also reflected in the President's Global COVID-
19 Summit on September 22.
Sustainable Development Goal #5
Question. Through its various bodies, specialized agencies,
programs, funds, resolutions, and summits, the United Nations seeks to
advance the status of women internationally, including through
Sustainable Development Goal #5, relating to gender equality. Often
times, this has included advocacy for ``the reproductive health rights
of women.''
In your view, does the term ``reproductive health'' include access
to abortion?
Answer. My understanding is that the United States has a long
history of joining consensus on the use of the term ``reproductive
health'' in global multilateral forums as part of its commitment to
gender equality and the empowerment and protection of women and girls.
Since the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development
(ICPD) defined the term in its Programme of Action as adopted by 187
governments, references to reproductive health have been included in
scores of U.N. resolutions and included in the Sustainable Development
Goals. The ICPD defined reproductive health as ``a state of complete
physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of
disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive
system and to its functions and processes.'' The ICPD Declaration
definition does not include a direct reference to abortion. If
confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to promote women's
physical, mental and social well-being and their comprehensive
inclusion in all appropriate U.N. agencies, programs, funds, and
resolutions.
Question. Is a woman's access to abortion a ``right'' protected
under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, an indicator of gender
equality under SDG #5, or a target under SDG #3.7 (ensure universal
access to sexual and reproductive health-care services)?
Answer. My understanding is that the term `abortion' is not in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The SDG 5.6 indicators are:
``proportion of women aged 15-19 years who make their own informed
decisions regarding sexual relations, contraceptive use and
reproductive health care'' and ``number of countries with laws and
regulations that guarantee full and equal access to women and men aged
15 years and older to sexual and reproductive health care, information,
and education.'' Target 3.7 is ``By 2030, ensure universal access to
sexual and reproductive health care services, including for family
planning, information and education, and the integration of
reproductive health into national strategies and programmes.'' If
confirmed, I will continue to support efforts to promote women's
physical, mental and social well-being.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to fully complying with
current laws prohibiting the use of U.S. foreign assistance to perform
or promote abortion as a method of family planning, to support
involuntary sterilizations, or to lobby for or against the legalization
of abortion overseas?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to upholding the law, including all
laws related to our foreign assistance.
Question. If confirmed, will you also commit to ensuring full
compliance with the U.N.'s ``zero tolerance'' policy with regard to
sexual exploitation and abuse, whether such acts are committed by U.N.
personnel themselves or partners implementing U.N. humanitarian and
development assistance programs?
Answer. The United States will absolutely not tolerate sexual
misconduct, including sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), in any of
its forms and at any level across the multilateral system. Such acts
are a scourge that undermines the very foundation of foreign
assistance. The United States has been a leader, including through
pushing through a landmark U.N. Security Council resolution in 2016 and
urging the U.N. system at the highest levels and throughout the
organization to adopt detailed and robust policies to prevent and
respond to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), including to ensure
that the U.N. takes a survivor-centered response to any such
allegation, strengthens and improves its reporting and response
mechanisms, and holds all perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I
will support the administration's push to fully enforce Secretary-
General Guterres's ``zero tolerance'' policy, including through the
Office of the Special Coordinator on Improving the United Nations
Response to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and the Office of the
Victims' Rights Advocate for the United Nations.
Sustainable Development Goal #16
Question. While the Sustainable Development Goals failed to
prioritize democracy and good governance as the foundation upon which
all stable, healthy, and prosperous societies are built, SDG #16 may
serve as a building block for future negotiations. Targets relating to
the rule of law, government transparency and accountability, and
combatting corruption are particularly relevant in the wake of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
If confirmed, how will you advance the principles of democracy and
good governance as foundational to advancement to each of the
SDGs?
Answer. The United States has consistently stressed that the
fundamental values articulated in SDG 16 must form the basis for the
achievement of the 2030 Agenda as a whole, and it has noted the
importance of the cross-cutting and foundational values that drive
progress on sustainable development, including transparency, good
governance and the rule of law, and promoting equality and human
rights. It is critically important for the United States to push for
the recognition of the Agenda's underlying values across the U.N.
system. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these values feature
prominently in U.N. resolutions and other negotiated documents and work
closely with U.N. organizations to ensure that their policies and
practices reflect those values.
Energy Security and Climate Action
Question. Expanding access to reliable and affordable energy will
be key to the advancement of nearly all of the SDGs, particularly for
SDG #1 (to end poverty in all its forms everywhere). Yet, many of the
proposals coming out of the Biden administration appear to be
prioritizing green energy options that are impractical and out of reach
for the poorest of the poor and may exacerbate, rather than eliminate,
energy poverty.
Moreover, there are serious concerns about the potential for China
to manipulate commitments under the SDGs and the upcoming U.N. Climate
Change Conference (COP26), such that the Chinese Government and its
state-owned enterprises profit through the sale of ``green''
technologies to low carbon emitters in the developing world in order to
meet U.N.-imposed policies and requirements while failing to take
meaningful action to reduce its own consumption.
If confirmed, how will you balance SDGs #7 (clean energy) and #13
(climate action) against each of the other SDGs?
Answer. It should be possible to advance progress on energy
security and climate action without compromising progress across other
SDGs. Renewables--specifically wind and solar--are the cheapest form of
new electricity in most of the world today. The cost for many key clean
energy technologies has continued to decline, additionally, they can be
deployed cost-effectively at varying scales, making them increasingly
essential to expanding energy access. Importantly, developing countries
and major emitters, such as India, recognize these complementarities
and have incorporated massive renewables deployment in their economic
development agendas. It will be important as climate negotiations
continue to ensure that China is not seeking unfair advantage or
exploiting international agreements for its own gain. If confirmed, I
would work to guard against unfair Chinese actions and develop
complementarities across the energy, climate and other SDGs.
Question. How will you ensure that low carbon emitters in the
developing world are not penalized by energy development and
consumption policies and requirements imposed by the U.N.?
Answer. The Paris Agreement does not impose any ``energy
development and consumption policies or requirements'' on emerging
economies, and instead allows all parties to set nationally determined
climate goals that reflect their unique national circumstances. The
United States understands that every country, from high carbon emitters
to low carbon emitters, faces a unique set of climate and energy-
related challenges. As such, each country will follow a different path
to successfully transition to a clean energy future. If confirmed, I
would work to aim to encourage and support those transitions through
both bilateral and multilateral engagements.
Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) Government is
actively trying to reshape international institutions to advance its
malign development model, including the United Nations.
If confirmed, how will you work with our democratic allies and
partners to build resiliency to attempts by the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) to undermine the integrity of
multilateral institutions and longstanding, widely held
democratic values, including with regard to the important work
of ECOSOC to advance the Sustainable Development Goals?
Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. If confirmed, I would
make this a top priority. The United States has had success
coordinating with allies to push back against PRC attempts to undermine
core U.N. principles, including at ECOSOC. The committee's report, The
United States and Europe: A Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic
Cooperation on China, provides an important roadmap to help pursue this
goal. The United States shares many priorities with countries around
the world, including developing countries, yet too often in
multilateral fora, and particularly at ECOSOC, votes do not align. If
confirmed, I will work with colleagues across the Department to
strengthen current alliances and partnerships as well as improve
outreach to a broader group of countries based on shared priorities,
both in New York and through bilateral channels.
Question. Will you commit to monitoring such attempts and taking
appropriate actions?
Answer. The United States is best able to address these attempts
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N., the General Assembly, and
its subsidiary bodies including ECOSOC. If confirmed, I will use our
re-engagement with the U.N. system to reassert U.S. leadership and work
with our partners and allies to push back against the PRC's attempts to
reshape the U.N. and international rules, standards, and values. If
confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness,
transparency, and impartiality, support qualified and independent
candidates for key positions, and ensure that we advance our priorities
on issues ranging from human rights to emerging technologies to the
implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
Question. China has focused intensely on securing leadership roles
in various U.N. agencies, particularly those overseeing technical
standards that will shape the future. In many cases, these leaders have
overtly advanced CCP goals, instead of acting independently to advance
the global good. It is clear the United States has had mixed success
with elections for heads of International Organizations in the past,
and is taking more robust and coordinated steps to advocate for
qualified and independent candidates in U.N. bodies.
If confirmed, will you prioritize robust strategies to secure the
election of qualified and independent candidates to lead
ECOSOC?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my highest priorities will be the
appointment and election of qualified, independent candidates to
leadership positions in the U.N. system. I would hope to draw on my
extensive experience in the U.N. system to help advance this goal. Such
personnel are critical to ensuring the U.N. operates effectively and in
line with its foundational principles and values, and they bring strong
technical and policy skills that enhance the performance and outcomes
within the U.N. system, which, in turn, bolster our efforts on U.N.
reform and good governance. The Bureau of International Organization
Affairs has established a new office focused in part on managing,
supporting, and coordinating elections and appointments for qualified
U.S. and likeminded candidates for leadership roles in the U.N. system.
That office works closely with our multilateral missions, including in
New York and Geneva, to ensure the United States identifies and
advocates on behalf of interested candidates for key positions across
U.N. organizations and agencies
Question. My report last year on U.S.-Europe cooperation on China
notes that China abuses its seat on the U.N.'s NGO committee to block
legitimate NGOs who would be critical of China's horrible human rights
record, particularly against the Uyghurs and Tibetans.
If confirmed, how would you ensure that China does not block
legitimate NGOs from joining the committee?
Answer. PRC efforts to block legitimate NGOs from participating in
the U.N. prevent the valuable contributions of civil society and other
important non-state stakeholders. The United States has serious
concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee member insisting NGOs align
with particular political positions as a condition for the committee to
grant U.N. consultative status. The United States has had success,
including at ECOSOC, coordinating with allies to push back against PRC
attempts to undermine core U.N. principles. We will work with our
allies and partners to continue to object to the PRC's practice of
demanding NGOs use so-called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their
applications, websites, and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong
Kong, Macau, or Tibet, which has the effect of censoring organizations'
online presence, unduly restricting freedom of expression of their
members, and stifling dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work with
NGO committee members and allies to continue to push back against these
efforts and ensure the committee's work is open, transparent, and
accessible to civil society around the globe.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
SDG
Question. As Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee
on State Department and USAID Management, International Operations, and
Bilateral Development, my subcommittee has responsibility for reviewing
the budget and operations of the State Department and USAID. SDG 16, in
my view is the key to achieving all the other sustainable development
goals, as it seeks to develop ``peaceful and inclusive societies . . .
provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and
inclusive institutions at all levels.''
Should you be confirmed, how do you plan on ensuring that SDG16
will remain central to the UN's approach to implementing the
SDGs and keep adversaries from advancing an alternative view on
democracy and human rights?
Answer. The United States has consistently stressed that the
fundamental values articulated in SDG 16 must form the basis for the
achievement of the 2030 Agenda as a whole, and it has noted the
importance of the cross-cutting and foundational values that drive
progress on sustainable development, including transparency, good
governance and the rule of law, and promoting equality and human
rights. It is critically important for the United States to push for
the recognition of the Agenda's underlying values across the U.N.
system. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that these values feature
prominently in U.N. resolutions and other negotiated documents and work
closely with U.N. organizations to ensure that their policies and
practices reflect those values.
Question. Unfortunately, the President's budget omitted specific
support for the U.N. Joint SDG Fund. In your capacity, will you
recommend that the U.S. become a lead donor that will attract
additional investment from like-minded countries, multiplying the
Fund's impact? How do you plan on engaging partners to encourage them
to prioritize the Joint SDG Fund?
Answer. A key aspect of the 2030 Agenda was the recognition that
countries are primarily responsible for their own achievement of the
SDGs, using funding from all sources, including domestic resource
mobilization, domestic and international public finance, private sector
investment, and civil society. Initiatives like the Joint SDG Fund,
which seeks to leverage contributions to catalyze larger financial
flows, are an important U.N. contribution to that funding. If
confirmed, I will carefully consider how U.S. assistance can best
support U.S. policy goals and whether the U.S. should contribute to the
Joint SDG Fund.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lisa A. Carty by Senator Todd Young
Question. The biggest issue that I, and many others have with the
U.N. is that it allows any nation to participate as an equal member no
matter what the nation's current practices are.
ECOSOC is responsible for many committees' councils and commissions
including the Commission on the Status of Women. If ECOSOC is to be
taken as a serious organization that promotes human dignity, then it
can't allow nations to make a mockery of basic principles at home while
purporting to investigate similar abuses elsewhere.
If confirmed, would you oppose the Taliban from occupying the
Afghanistan seat on the Commission on the Status of Women?
Answer. Per longstanding practice, the United States will only
support countries with a commitment to the full equality of women in
law and practice for election to the Commission on the Status of Women.
If confirmed, I will continue this practice.
Question. If confirmed, can you commit to opposing the Taliban from
serving on any council or committee that is under ECOSOC?
Answer. As a general practice, U.N. subsidiary bodies such as those
under ECOSOC defer questions on credentialing to the U.N. General
Assembly and its Credentials committee. I understand the administration
is working closely with like-minded governments and others in the
international community to hold the Taliban to account for the
statements and commitments it has made to responsible governance,
including respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The
Taliban's actions will matter more than its words. If confirmed, I will
closely coordinate with colleagues across the U.S. Government and U.N.
system to support the administration's objectives to hold the Taliban
to account.
Question. Across a variety of international organizations, China
is attempting to place its candidates as leaders or manipulate
international standards and avoid shining the spotlight on its
country's authoritarian practices. Within ECOSOC, China has reportedly
used its seat on the Council's committee on NGOs to block applications
from NGOs working on human rights issues. What is your assessment of
China's efforts to increase its influence in U.N. bodies, particularly
ECOSOC?
Answer. There is no doubt that China is seeking to advance its
interests across the U.N. system. Countering malign Chinese action
requires vigilant and energetic U.S. engagement. Chinese influence in
ECOSOC has been a particular issue. The United States has serious
concerns about any ECOSOC NGO committee member insisting NGOs align
with particular political positions as a condition for the committee to
grant U.N. consultative status. The United States has had success,
including at ECOSOC, coordinating with allies and partners to push back
against PRC attempts to undermine core U.N. principles. The United
States works with our allies to object to the PRC's practice of
demanding NGOs use so-called ``correct U.N. terminology'' in their
applications, websites, and documents when referring to Taiwan, Hong
Kong, Macau, or Tibet, which has the effect of censoring organizations'
online presence, unduly restricting freedom of expression of their
members, and stifling dissenting voices. If confirmed, I will work
diligently to counter unhelpful Chinese actions, in particular with NGO
committee members and allies, to continue to push back against these
efforts and ensure the committee's work is open, transparent, and
accessible to civil society around the globe.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to highlight
China's manipulative practices and counter its efforts to control
ECOSOC and related committees?
Answer. The United States is best able to address these attempts
when we are engaged and leading at the U.N., including the General
Assembly and its subsidiary bodies including ECOSOC. If confirmed, I
will work with our partners and allies and strengthen partnerships to
push back against the PRC's attempts to reshape the U.N. system and
undermine the international rules-based order upon which it is based.
If confirmed, I will also take targeted actions to oppose harmful PRC
efforts that include its attempts to exploit the U.N. system and other
international organizations to promote its ``One Belt, One Road''
Initiative as a way to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals or its
efforts to introduce PRC ideology into negotiated U.N. products.
__________
Communications Received Supporting the Nomination of Steven C. Bondy to
be U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain
Letter Submitted by Amb. Hugo Llorens (Ret.)
in Support of Steven C. Bondy
Letter Submitted by Gen. Joseph L. Votel, USA (Ret.), President and
CEO, Business Executives for National Security, in Support of Steven C.
Bondy
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2021 (p.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:32 p.m., in
Room SH-216, Hart Senate Office Building, Hon. Jeanne Shaheen
presiding.
Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Cardin,
Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Van Hollen, Johnson, Romney, and Young.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Good afternoon, everyone. We are looking
for Senator Markey, but we are going to go ahead and begin
before he gets here. He is going to do introduction of Vicki
Kennedy today.
At this point, the hearing of the Foreign Relations
Subcommittee on European Affairs will come to order and I would
like to recognize the ranking member, Ron Johnson, who is also
here.
We are here today to consider nominations for four
important positions representing the United States in several
partner countries in Europe: Mr. Jeffrey Hovenier to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo, Mr. Michael Murphy to be
Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ambassador Julissa
Reynoso Pantaleon--I am sorry for massacring your last name--to
be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and the Principality of
Andorra, and Mrs. Victoria Reggie Kennedy to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Austria.
Let me begin by congratulating each of you on your
nomination and thank you for agreeing to take on the
commitments of being an Ambassador of the United States, should
you be confirmed.
Let me also welcome your relatives who are here. I always
think of hearings for ambassadorial candidates as kind of like
a wedding. Everybody is happy when they are here.
I wanted to take a moment also today to celebrate the
diversity of our nominees appointed by this administration.
I have participated in a number of nomination hearings this
year, and I have been struck by the diversity of the
appointments which reflects the diversity of our country. Of
the 21 nominees who have been confirmed by the Senate, 52
percent are women, over half of the State Department nominees
are people of color, and one in three nominees is either an
immigrant or a child of immigrants. You all are in very good
company.
The nominees today are not only well qualified, but you
offer a unique perspective that will serve to strengthen our
ability to advance U.S. policy interests overseas.
I have been heartened to hear the stories of nominees who
were born outside of the United States or whose parents
immigrated to America in hopes of providing a bright future for
their children.
Your experiences not only enrich America, they also advance
America's interests overseas as a living testament to America's
values in action. Thank you all for agreeing to stand as
candidates for these positions.
I think we will go ahead and begin opening statements and
take a break if Senator Markey is able to come here so he can
do the introduction.
I also want to recognize former Senator Chris Dodd, who is
hiding in the audience. Thank you very much, Senator Dodd, for
being here. It is nice to see you, although I almost did not
recognize you. But it is great to have you here.
I want to also point out that we are in the middle of
votes, and so at some point Senator Johnson and I will take our
leave to go vote and we will hand the gavel to each other
during that time.
Again, thank you for agreeing to be considered for these
posts.
For more than two decades, Kosovo has demonstrated the
importance of the NATO Alliance. The U.S. and Kosovo's strong
transatlantic and regional security cooperation is supported by
the NATO-led Kosovo force, which has maintained peace and
security in the country for more than 20 years.
In the coming years, Kosovo must work with Serbia to reach
a final comprehensive agreement to normalize relations. This is
paramount to a more stable region.
Unfortunately, corruption remains a problem in Kosovo and,
as a committed ally, the U.S. should push Kosovo to address the
underlying causes of corruption. Mr. Hovenier's distinguished
career in the Foreign Service has prepared him for the
geopolitics of the Balkans, I am sure.
He currently serves as the Deputy Chief of Mission in
Ankara, Turkey, and has previously served in Berlin, Lima,
Athens, and Vienna, to name a few places. I am sure that your
deep diplomatic experience will serve you well in Kosovo.
I am going to do introductions for the other nominees and
then we will ask you to give your opening statement.
Next, we have Michael Murphy, who is a career member of the
Senior Foreign Service with a distinguished history with the
department. He has been nominated to be the U.S. Ambassador to
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Like Kosovo, Bosnia has come a long way since the breakup
of the Soviet Union. The Dayton Agreement continues to provide
the framework for governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and I was
glad to see earlier this year the appointment of a new High
Representative to oversee civil aspects of the agreement.
If confirmed, I hope that a priority of yours will be
addressing unemployment, particularly among the young people in
the country. While down compared to recent years, the youth
unemployment rate in Bosnia is at an abysmal 34 percent.
Bosnia and Herzegovina must continue to work with the U.S.
and the international community to provide economic
opportunities for its young people and prevent creeping malign
foreign influence from taking advantage of the economic
situation.
Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon, we welcome you back to the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. You previously served as
Ambassador to Uruguay and we welcome your nomination to the
Kingdom of Spain and the Principality of Andorra.
Ambassador Reynoso, you have undoubtedly followed Spain's
generous efforts in supporting the evacuation of vulnerable and
at-risk Afghans through the use of two military bases.
Spain is a long-standing strong ally of the United States,
and we hope your role will strengthen these bilateral ties. As
a NATO ally, we are, of course, grateful for all of Spain's
security contributions.
But we continue to urge the country to increase its defense
spending to support NATO's collective efforts in addressing
shared challenges. Although the war in Afghanistan has now
ended, NATO must divert its attention to confront new pressing
challenges, and we welcome Spain's partnership to help NATO
rise to this challenge.
Ms. Reynoso, I, additionally, hope that your current role
as First Lady Jill Biden's chief of staff and previous role as
co-chair of the White House Gender Policy Council will help you
ensure that gender equality and women's empowerment remains a
concern across U.S. foreign policy.
I am now going to turn it over to Senator Markey to
introduce Victoria Kennedy, and then I will ask Senator Johnson
if he will give his opening statement.
Senator Markey?
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
And it is my pleasure to introduce my friend, Victoria
Reggie Kennedy, as the President's nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to Austria. I would like to welcome her son, Curran,
who is here with us today.
I also understand that Vicki's daughter, Caroline, and her
husband, Alex, as well as Vicki's mother, Doris, are all
watching on television today, and we know Vicki's late father,
Judge Edwin Reggie, would be so proud of her.
Vicki is a public servant at heart, which is how she has
fused her intellect with her desire to serve. She is an
advocate for art education, has a track record of working on
initiatives that empower women and girls to promote a more
inclusive society.
While her roots are in Louisiana, where she was born,
raised, and educated, Vicki has become a very valuable member
of our community in Massachusetts. She is a member of the board
of directors of the Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce and
serves on the board of the New England Council.
Her legal and business experience make her perfectly poised
to represent the United States in Austria, one of the top 10
fastest growing U.S. trade partners and foreign direct
investors as of 2019.
From 2015 to 2020, direct foreign investment in the United
States has grown by more than 40 percent, sustaining an
estimated 34,000 jobs in our communities.
The modern U.S.-Austria relationship forged in the
aftermath of World War Two is built on a commitment to our
shared values of democracy, rule of law, and the protection of
human rights.
These are values that Vicki Kennedy understands and
promotes as the president of the board and co-founder of the
Edward M. Kennedy Institute, a nonpartisan nonprofit
organization headquartered in Boston that educates the public
about the unique role of the United States Senate in our system
of government, established in honor of her late husband and our
former colleague, Ted.
The Kennedy Institute has won both domestic and
international awards for its innovative and interactive design
and approach to encouraging participatory democracy,
invigorating civil discourse, and inspiring the next generation
of citizens and leaders to engage in the civic life of their
communities.
Vicki's commitment to public service, good governance, and
civic engagement will serve her well as she represents the
United States and Austria at a time when our cooperation with
the European Union is vital as we grapple with the mutual
challenges of the pandemic, rising authoritarianism and
nationalism, and the climate crisis.
Vienna is also home to the International Atomic Energy
Agency and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, both of which are key to President Biden's commitment
to reinvigorate U.S. global leadership with a focus on
diplomacy and rebuilding alliances.
Vicki's political skill will make her an important asset to
the President's commitment to build back a better foreign
policy after a period of tumults unique in our history.
And if I may quote my longtime delegation partner and
Vicki's beloved husband, Ted, this is what he said: ``Together,
we have known success and seen setbacks, victory and defeat.
But we have never lost our belief that we are called to a
better country in a newer world.''
Vicki has spent her life working for a better country. I
have no doubt that Vicki will bring all of her skills to
support this administration. Congratulations on your
nomination. I look forward to more years of your dedicated
service to our great nation, and I recommend with no conditions
that this committee give her a unanimous vote of support to
take on this very important position.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Markey.
I will now turn to Senator Johnson for his opening
statement before asking each of our nominees to give their
statements.
STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair. In the interests
of time, I will just ask that my prepared opening statement be
entered in the record and, really, just wanted to welcome the
nominees and their families.
Thank you for your past service. All of you, nominees and
family members, I think you all realize, particularly those who
have already served in similar capacities, this is a
commitment. This is an act of service and sacrifice on the part
of the entire family, and we truly appreciate it.
I do want to say thank you to those that took the time to
meet with me. I am always struck, not only just today but in
previous meetings with the ambassador nominees, how they
generally express what an honor it is to represent the United
States to the chosen country.
It is just true. I think we all recognize what a unique
nation America is, and in discussions, whether it is with
Kosovo or Bosnia and Herzegovina, these are nations that are
struggling with democracy, and the advantage of representing
the United States, as we discussed, is that they generally
recognize America as wanting to be helpful. We are not there
seeking some advantage. We are not there trying to control
things. We just want what is best for the people of those
countries. And so that makes it a pretty unique experience
being U.S. ambassador to any nation.
And I think my only other comment--we had these in our
meetings as well--is we do rely on ambassadors and members of
the embassies to communicate with members here so that we can
be helpful.
I think we need to be mindful as members of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee that what we say can have an impact
passing resolutions, but we need the ambassadors and members of
the embassy to let us know how we can be helpful.
In my previous life, I managed sales individuals, and I
would always impress upon them, yes, it is your responsibility
to represent the company to the customer.
It is your responsibility to represent America to your
country but it is also important that you represent your
country that you are ambassador to back to us. We need to have
the expertise that you are going to develop as our ambassadors
to these nations.
Again, I sincerely thank you for your past service. Thank
you for your willingness to serve and I look forward to your
testimony.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Johnson.
We will now ask each of our nominees to give their opening
statements. We are going to ask that you summarize your
testimony in five minutes but your full statements will be
included for the record, without objection.
And we will begin with you, Mr. Hovenier.
STATEMENT OF JEFFREY M. HOVENIER OF WASHINGTON, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO
Mr. Hovenier. Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee as U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.
I am humbled by the trust and confidence the President and
Secretary of State have placed in me, and I hope to earn your
trust as well. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this
committee and the Congress to advance the United States
interests and priorities in and with Kosovo.
Thank you for this opportunity to recognize my wife, Laura
Hovenier, who is here with me today and to thank her for her
love, counsel, support, and patience. She and our four
children--Helen Sabin, Peter Hovenier, Megan Atkin, and Julia
Hovenier--have made significant sacrifices in this rewarding
but challenging life we have shared as a Foreign Service
family.
If confirmed, I would be particularly honored to serve as
the U.S. Ambassador to Kosovo, a country that emerged from the
horrors of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the ethnic
cleansing of the Milosevic regime.
The United States played an essential role, together with
our European partners, to protect the people of Kosovo and
support them in their effort to establish a multi-ethnic
democratic country.
I had the good fortune to participate in these efforts in
various capacities, including as a member of the U.N. team led
by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari that developed the
``Ahtisaari plan'' and paved the way for Kosovo's independence.
The people of Kosovo have never forgotten America's role
and steadfast support over the last 22 years, and as a result,
Kosovo is one of the most pro-American countries in the world
and a close partner. Following democratic elections in
February, a new government has taken office with a decisive
mandate, and the U.S.-Kosovo relationship remains positive and
productive.
I want to particularly acknowledge the early and generous
response of the people in the Government of Kosovo in hosting
evacuees from Afghanistan. The Government of Kosovo agreed to
temporarily host up to 2,000 at-risk Afghans, many of whom
served the U.S. Government and NATO at great personal risk.
But receiving refuge when in need is something that many
Kosovoans intimately remember.
If confirmed, I intend to lead a whole-of-government effort
to advance the following priorities.
Continuing U.S. support for a sovereign democratic Kosovo,
as this remains essential to regional stability and key to our
long-standing strategic goal of a Europe that is whole, free,
and at peace.
Supporting the EU-facilitated dialogue to normalize Kosovo-
Serbia relations, which, to quote President Biden, ``should be
centered on mutual recognition.''
Normalization is essential to regional stability and
security, and will pave the way for both countries' integration
into Euro-Atlantic and European institutions. If confirmed, I
will encourage Kosovo authorities to engage constructively,
flexibly, and with urgency.
Continuing to help Kosovo rebuild from the COVID-19
pandemic--when Kosovo requested our help, the United States
delivered. In September, the United States donated over 500,000
life-saving Pfizer vaccine doses to Kosovo. This shipment was
the largest single COVID-19 vaccine donation to Kosovo by any
country or organization.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the Government of
Kosovo, Kosovo citizens, and its independent justice
institutions as they work to strengthen the rule of law,
improve governance, and combat corruption.
I will also work to advance human rights for all citizens
of Kosovo, particularly emphasizing ethnic and religious
minorities.
In 1999, our commitment to human rights led us to intervene
with our NATO allies in Kosovo, saving innocent lives. We
remain committed to this.
I will work with our partners in Kosovo to foster economic
growth and an improved enabling environment to help address
Kosovo's high unemployment rate and assist Kosovo in securing a
sustainable and green energy future to attract investment,
create jobs, curb migration, and reduce environmental damage.
Finally, if confirmed, I will support the Kosovo Security
Forces' continued, gradual, and transparent development to a
multi-ethnic NATO interoperable territorial defense force.
By building on Kosovo's first international deployment
together with U.S. forces and its first hosting of Defender
Europe 21 exercises, we can help Kosovo transition from
consumer to provider of security.
Thirteen years ago, the people of Kosovo claimed their
right to determine their own future and status as a sovereign
and independent state. In those 13 short years they have
achieved something remarkable, a capable and successful
democracy with an economy that supports prosperity for all
Kosovoans.
If confirmed, it would be the honor of my career to lead
the women and men of the U.S. Mission to work with the
Government and people of Kosovo and our international partners
on these priorities.
Thank you for your attention. I would be pleased to take
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hovenier follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jeffrey M. Hovenier
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I'm
humbled by the trust and confidence the President and Secretary of
State have placed in me, and I hope to earn your trust as well. If
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this committee and the
Congress to advance the United States' interests and priorities in and
with Kosovo.
Thank you for this opportunity to recognize my wife, Laura
Hovenier, and to thank her for her love, counsel, support, and
patience. She and our four children--Helen Sabin, Peter Hovenier, Megan
Atkin, and Julia Hovenier--have made significant sacrifices in this
rewarding but challenging life we have shared as a Foreign Service
family.
If confirmed, I would be particularly honored to serve as U.S.
Ambassador to Kosovo--a country that emerged from the horrors of the
break-up of the former Yugoslavia and the ethnic cleansing of the
Milosevic regime. The United States played an essential role, together
with our European partners, to protect the people of Kosovo and support
them in their effort to establish a multi-ethnic, democratic country. I
had the good fortune to participate in these efforts in various
capacities, including as a member of the U.N. Team led by former
Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari that developed the ``Ahtisaari
Plan'' and paved the way for Kosovo's independence.
The people of Kosovo have never forgotten America's role and
steadfast support over the last twenty-two years. As a result, Kosovo
is one of the most pro-American countries in the world and a close
partner. Following democratic elections in February, a new government
has taken office with a decisive mandate, and the U.S.-Kosovo
relationship remains positive and productive.
I want to particularly acknowledge the early and generous response
of the people and Government of Kosovo in hosting evacuees from
Afghanistan. The Government of Kosovo agreed to temporarily host up to
2,000 at-risk Afghans, many of whom served the U.S. Government and NATO
at great personal risk.
Receiving refuge when in need is something that many Kosovans
intimately remember.
If confirmed, I intend to lead a whole-of-government effort to
advance the following priorities:
Continuing U.S. support for a sovereign, democratic Kosovo, as this
remains essential to stability in the region and key to our long-
standing strategic goal of a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
Supporting the EU-facilitated dialogue to normalize Kosovo-Serbia
relations, which, to quote President Biden, ``should be centered on
mutual recognition.'' Normalization is essential to regional stability
and security and will pave the way for both countries' integration into
the Euro-Atlantic institutions. If confirmed, I will encourage Kosovo
to engage constructively, flexibly, and with urgency.
Continuing to help Kosovo rebuild from the COVID-19 pandemic. When
Kosovo requested our help, the United States delivered. In September,
the United States donated over 500,000 lifesaving Pfizer vaccine doses
to Kosovo. This shipment was the largest single COVID-19 vaccine
donation to Kosovo by any country or organization.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the Government of Kosovo,
Kosovo's citizens, and its independent justice institutions as they
work to strengthen the rule of law, improve governance, and combat
corruption.
I will also work to advance human rights for all citizens of
Kosovo, including ethnic and religious minorities. In 1999, our
commitment to human rights led us to intervene with our NATO Allies in
Kosovo, saving innocent lives, and we remain committed to this.
I will work with our partners in Kosovo to foster economic growth
and an improved enabling environment to help address Kosovo's high
unemployment rate and assist Kosovo in securing a sustainable and green
energy future to attract investment, create jobs, curb migration, and
reduce environmental damage.
Finally, if confirmed, I will support the Kosovo Security Force's
continued gradual and transparent development to a multi-ethnic, NATO-
interoperable, territorial defense force. By building on Kosovo's first
international deployment together with U.S. forces, and its first
hosting of Defender Europe 21 exercises, we can help transition Kosovo
from consumer to provider of security.
Thirteen years ago, the people of Kosovo claimed their right to
determine their own future and status as a sovereign and independent
state. In those 13 short years, they achieved something remarkable--a
capable and successful democracy with an economy that supports
prosperity for all Kosovans. If confirmed, it would be the honor of my
career to lead the women and men of the U.S. Mission to work with the
Government and people of Kosovo and our international partners on these
priorities.
Thank you for your attention. I would be pleased to take your
questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Hovenier.
Mr. Murphy?
[No response.]
Senator Shaheen. You need to turn on your microphone.
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. MURPHY OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Mr. Murphy. I just realized that.
Chair Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, and distinguished
members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear before
you today as President Biden's nominee as U.S. ambassador to
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
I am honored by the confidence and trust the President and
the Secretary of State have placed in me and, if confirmed, I
pledge to work closely with this committee and others in
Congress to advance the United States interests in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
I want to recognize my wife, Kimberly, who devoted 30 years
to public service, starting in the Senate and followed by a
career in the Foreign Service. Without her love, patience, and
support, I would not be sitting here today.
I also want to thank my parents, John and Barbara Murphy,
who died in 2019 and 2018, respectively, but who I am confident
are watching over me now. They instilled in me the values that
have guided my career: a strong work ethic, a devotion to
public service, and a commitment to integrity.
If confirmed, I look forward to returning to Sarajevo,
where I served from 2006 to 2009. I found the people of Bosnia
and Herzegovina welcoming and friendly, and I am eager to
engage with them again.
There has been a strong bipartisan consensus throughout my
career that a Europe whole, prosperous, and at peace is in our
national interests. The United States' engagement in and
support for Bosnia and Herzegovina are critical to
accomplishing that goal, and our leadership there is essential.
If confirmed, I will make it a priority to support
implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords, subsequent state-
level reforms, and most importantly, Bosnia and Herzegovina's
sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Twenty-six years of peace is a great achievement but we
cannot take it for granted. We must steadfastly support an
independent, democratic, and multi-ethnic Bosnia and
Herzegovina. We must support the Office of the High
Representative and implementation of its 5+2 agenda.
If confirmed, I will also support the following. First, I
will support Bosnia and Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic
aspirations. I will work with our allies and partners to
facilitate the reforms necessary for Bosnia and Herzegovina to
move towards EU membership and a deeper partnership with NATO.
Euro-Atlantic integration is the surest path to the
democratic, prosperous, and secure future that all of Bosnia
and Herzegovina citizens seek and deserve.
Second, I will support rule of law reforms, especially
anti-corruption activities. Corruption in Bosnia and
Herzegovina damages U.S. national security by undermining the
functionality and stability necessary for Dayton
implementation, by putting at risk Bosnia and Herzegovina's
Euro-Atlantic integration, and by exposing Bosnia and
Herzegovina to malign external influences.
Third, I will support reforms to promote economic growth,
bolster trade and investment with the United States, and create
the prosperity necessary for the citizens of Bosnia and
Herzegovina and their children to enjoy the opportunities that
come from a thriving economy.
Fourth, I will work to counter efforts by local and outside
actors, especially Russia and the People's Republic of China,
that threaten our interests and undermine Bosnia and
Herzegovina's future.
I am grateful for this committee's leadership highlighting
the challenges posed by malign actors and providing tools and
resources to push back against them.
Fifth, I will support efforts to advance reconciliation
among Bosnia and Herzegovina's constituent peoples and others.
The 1992-94 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a terrible
tragedy. One hundred thousand lives were lost and horrible
crimes were committed, including the genocide in Srebrenica.
The guilt for Srebrenica and other crimes rests with those
who committed them, not with entire ethnic groups. The duty of
today's leaders is to hold perpetrators accountable,
acknowledge and honor the victims, and promote reconciliation.
It is also to focus their energies on building a common
democratic and prosperous future for all in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on the safety and
security of U.S. citizens as well as the security and well
being of the United States mission in Sarajevo, its branch
offices in Banja Luka and Mostar, and the employees of all
three.
This includes hiring, recruiting, developing a diverse
group of American and local staff, and ensuring our diplomatic
platforms are sufficiently robust to advance our interests.
Madam Chair, I thank this committee and other members of
Congress for your interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I
appreciate your time, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Murphy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael J. Murphy
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am
honored by the confidence and trust the President and the Secretary of
State have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with
this Committee and others in Congress to advance the United States'
interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
I want to recognize my wife, Kimberly, who devoted 30 years to
public service, starting in the Senate and followed by a career in the
Foreign Service. Without her love, patience, and support, I would not
be sitting here today. I also want to thank my parents, John and
Barbara Murphy, who died in 2019 and 2018 respectively, but who I am
confident are watching over me now. They instilled in me the values
that have guided my career: a strong work ethic, a devotion to public
service, and a commitment to integrity.
If confirmed, I look forward to returning to Sarajevo, where I
served from 2006-2009. I found the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina
welcoming and friendly, and I am eager to engage with them again. There
has been strong bipartisan consensus throughout my career that a Europe
whole, prosperous, and at peace is in our national interest. The United
States' engagement in, and support for, Bosnia and Herzegovina are
critical to accomplishing this goal, and our leadership there is
essential.
If confirmed, I will make it a priority to support implementation
of the Dayton Peace Accords, subsequent state-level reforms, and most
importantly, Bosnia and Herzegovina's sovereignty and territorial
integrity. Twenty-six years of peace is a great achievement, but we
cannot take it for granted. We must steadfastly support an independent,
democratic, and multi-ethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina. We must support
the Office of the High Representative and implementation of its 5+2
agenda.
If confirmed, I will also focus on the following:
First, I will support Bosnia and Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic
aspirations. I will work with our allies and partners to facilitate the
reforms necessary for Bosnia and Herzegovina to move towards membership
in the European Union and a deeper partnership with NATO. Euro-Atlantic
integration is the surest path to the democratic, prosperous, and
secure future that all of Bosnia and Herzegovina's citizens seek and
deserve.
Second, I will support rule-of-law reforms, especially anti-
corruption activities. Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina damages
U.S. national security by undermining the functionality and stability
necessary for Dayton implementation, by putting at risk Bosnia and
Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic integration, and by exposing Bosnia and
Herzegovina to malign external influences.
Third, I will support reforms to promote economic growth, bolster
trade and investment with the United States, and create the prosperity
necessary for citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their children to
enjoy the opportunities that come from a thriving economy.
Fourth, I will work to counter efforts by local and outside actors,
especially Russia and the People's Republic of China, that threaten our
interests and undermine Bosnia and Herzegovina's future. I am grateful
for this Committee's leadership highlighting the challenges posed by
malign actors and for providing tools and resources to push back
against them.
Fifth, I will support efforts to advance reconciliation among
Bosnia and Herzegovina's constituent peoples and others. The 1992-1995
war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a terrible tragedy. One hundred
thousand lives were lost and horrible crimes were committed, including
the genocide in Srebrenica. The guilt for Srebrenica and other crimes
rests with those who committed them, not with entire ethnic groups. The
duty of today's leaders is to hold perpetrators accountable,
acknowledge and honor the victims, and promote reconciliation. It is
also to focus their energies on building a common democratic and
prosperous future for all in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Finally, if confirmed, I will focus on the safety and security of
U.S. citizens as well as the security and well-being of the United
States' mission in Sarajevo, its branch offices in Banja Luka and
Mostar, and the employees of all three. This includes recruiting,
hiring, and developing a diverse group of American and local staff and
ensuring our diplomatic platforms are sufficiently robust to advance
U.S. interests.
Madam Chair, I thank this committee and other members of Congress
for your interest in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I appreciate your time,
and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Ms. Reynoso?
STATEMENT OF HON. JULISSA REYNOSO PANTALEON OF NEW YORK,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, AND TO
SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANDORRA
Ambassador Reynoso. Madam Chair, the ranking member, and
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today as President Biden's nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and Principality of Andorra.
I am deeply honored to be considered by the Senate for this
position and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for the confidence they have placed in me.
Let me especially thank Dr. Jill Biden. Dr. Biden is the
reason I am here. She is one of the most remarkable people I
have ever met, and she and the President honored me by giving
me the opportunity to serve this country and this
administration.
If confirmed, I look forward to another opportunity to
serve this great nation.
I would like to recognize my family, friends, mentors,
colleagues who have supported me over the years, many of them
who are virtual at this time and in different parts of the
world, primarily in New York City.
There are too many to name, but here present with me is my
mother, Rosario, and my sister, Jessica, and my son is
presently in kindergarten.
[Laughter.]
Ambassador Reynoso. I will also like to extend my gratitude
to my dear colleagues at the White House, especially those from
the Office of the First Lady, who I am sure are eating popcorn
and watching, and my colleagues at the General Policy Council.
I want to especially thank my dear friend and brother, Anthony
Bernal.
Finally, I want to thank Secretary Clinton and Cheryl
Mills, who, in 2009, gave me the opportunity to first serve at
the U.S. Department of State as the Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State and then as U.S. Ambassador to Uruguay.
If confirmed, it would be my privilege to lead the U.S.
mission to one of their strongest bilateral partners, where our
talented interagency teams in Madrid and Barcelona work
tirelessly to expand U.S.-Spanish cooperation in defense, law
enforcement, commerce, and trade, science, education, and
people-to-people exchanges.
The relationship between the United States and Spain is
strong. We share important values including a commitment to
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Sound economic
policies, investment in people, a desire to protect the planet
from the impacts of climate change, a commitment to peacefully
resolve disputes between nations, and respect for the
multilateral system.
If confirmed, I look forward to continue the productive
partnership and transatlantic alliance between our two
countries and will work diligently to advance those goals.
Spain is a vital bilateral partner and a NATO ally whose
government is already reenergizing transatlantic cooperation
with the Biden administration as a host of next year's NATO
Summit, the outstanding cooperation we have enjoyed with our
Spanish hosts at Naval Station Rota and Moron Airbase, for
nearly 70 years the tangible example of our strong partnership
including Operation Allies Refuge and Operation Allies Welcome.
In Afghanistan, over 30,000 Spanish military personnel
served alongside Americans during the 20-year mission, and over
a hundred Spaniards tragically lost their lives.
Beyond our strong defense partnership, Spain enjoys a
special relationship with Latin American nations and Latinos in
the United States due to linguistic, cultural, and historic
affinities.
Spain and Latin American nations have a long and vibrant
tradition of exchanges in training and law enforcement,
defense, and other sectors.
Spain and the United States share goals in protecting human
rights and democracy throughout the hemisphere. The United
States and Spain also share a deep economic relationship,
trading over $36.9 billion in goods and services in 2020 alone.
Spain is the tenth largest source of foreign direct
investment in the United States, and the United States, in
turn, is the largest source of foreign direct investment in
Spain.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government
of Spanish President Pedro Sanchez, civil society, and the
private sector to build upon our already strong bilateral
relations and expand the political, commercial, educational,
and cultural ties between our two countries.
If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering a
relationship with the Principality of Andorra and working
together with Andorra's head of government, Xavier Espot
Zamora, to further our joint goals to support democracy, human
rights, and financial transparency.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work closely with this body,
with the members of this committee, to ensure your interests
and concerns are addressed and we work together to advance our
interests while strengthening our partnership with Spain and
Andorra.
Thank you for your time, members, and I am so happy to be
here and happy to answer your questions--any questions you may
have. Thanks again.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Reynoso follows:]
Statement of Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon
Madam Chair, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain and the
Principality of Andorra.
I am deeply honored to be considered by the Senate for this
position and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me. Let me specially thank Dr. Jill
Biden. Dr. Biden is one of the most remarkable people I have ever met,
and she and the President honored me by giving me the opportunity to
serve this administration. If confirmed, I look forward to another
opportunity to serve my country.
I would like to recognize my family, friends, mentors, and
colleagues who have supported me over the years. There are too many to
name here, but I would like to thank my mother Rosario, my sister
Jessica, and my son Lucas. I would also like to extend my gratitude to
my colleagues at the White House, especially Anthony Bernal. Finally, I
want to thank Secretary Clinton and Cheryl Mills, who in 2009 gave me
the opportunity to first serve at the U.S. Department of State as a
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State and then as U.S. Ambassador to
Uruguay.
If confirmed, it would be my privilege to lead the U.S. Mission to
one of our strongest bilateral partners, where our talented interagency
teams in Madrid and Barcelona work tirelessly to expand U.S.-Spanish
cooperation in defense, law enforcement, commerce and trade, science,
education, and people-to-people exchanges.
The relationship between the United States and Spain is strong. We
share important values, including a commitment to democracy, human
rights, and the rule of law; sound economic policies; investment in
people; a desire to protect the planet from the impacts of climate
change; a commitment to peacefully resolve disputes between nations;
and respect for the multilateral system. If confirmed, I look forward
to continuing the productive partnership and transatlantic alliance
between our two countries and will work diligently to advance these
goals.
Spain is a vital bilateral partner and NATO Ally whose government
is already reenergizing transatlantic cooperation with the Biden
administration as host of the 2022 NATO Summit. The outstanding
cooperation we have enjoyed with our Spanish hosts at Naval Station
Rota and Moron Air Base for nearly 70 years is a tangible example of
our strong partnership, including Operation Allies Refuge and Operation
Allies Welcome. In Afghanistan, over 30,000 Spanish military personnel
served alongside Americans during the 20-year mission, and over 100
Spaniards lost their lives. Spain deploys roughly 3,000 troops overseas
each year in NATO, EU, U.N., and national missions. It is a key partner
in the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and maintains a contingent
deployed to Iraq.
Beyond our strong defense partnership, Spain enjoys a special
relationship with Latin American nations and Latinos in the United
States due to linguistic, cultural, and historical affinities. Spain
and Latin American nations have a long and vibrant tradition of
exchanges and training in law enforcement, defense, and other sectors.
Spain and the United States share goals in protecting human rights and
democracy in the hemisphere, most notably in Venezuela, Cuba, and
Nicaragua.
The United States and Spain also share a deep economic
relationship, trading over $36.9 billion in goods and services in 2020.
Spain is the tenth largest source of foreign direct investment in the
United States, creating over 90,000 jobs in the United States. The
United States is the largest source of FDI in Spain, supporting more
than 178,000 Spanish jobs.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Government of
Spanish President Pedro Sanchez, civil society, and the private sector
to build upon our already strong bilateral relations and expand the
political, commercial, educational, and cultural ties between our two
countries.
If confirmed, I also look forward to fostering our relationship
with the Principality of Andorra and working together with Andorra's
Head of Government Xavier Espot Zamora to further our joint goals to
support democracy, human rights, and financial transparency.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work closely with this body to ensure
your interests and concerns are addressed, and that we work together to
advance U.S. interests while strengthening our partnerships with Spain
and Andorra.
Thank you for your time and consideration. I am happy to answer any
questions you may have.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Mrs. Kennedy?
STATEMENT OF VICTORIA REGGIE KENNEDY OF MASSACHUSETTS,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA
Mrs. Kennedy. I am having--am I on? Thank you.
Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you to
be Ambassador to the Republic of Austria.
I am grateful and humbled by President Biden's confidence
in me. I thank Senator Markey for his generous introduction. I
am delighted that my son, Curran, is here with me today, and it
means the world to me to be joined by my dear friend, Senator
Chris Dodd.
My daughter, Caroline, and her husband, Alex, are watching
from Germany, and my mother and other family members are
viewing from various parts of the country.
I am thinking today in a special way of my late husband,
who revered this place, and of my late father, the first
diplomat in our family, who was appointed by President Kennedy
as Special Envoy to the Middle East in 1961.
One of the countries my father visited as envoy was
Lebanon, the land his parents left in 1920 in their early 20s
to come to America. Forty-one years later, their youngest son
landed in Beirut to find his parents' entire village at the
airport to greet him. His grandmother was in that crowd and he
met her for the first time as the representative of the
President of the United States. What a moving testament to the
American dream.
I have five siblings, and all our lives were shaped by that
sense of infinite possibility. I grew up in a small town,
Crowley, Louisiana. I attended Catholic schools and then
Newcomb College, followed by Tulane Law School. I clerked for a
federal appellate judge and then began private law practice.
I first traveled to Europe with my brother when we were
college students, faithfully following a guidebook entitled
``Europe on $5 to $10 a Day.'' That gives you an idea how long
ago it was.
But when we arrived in Vienna, we were overjoyed to find a
letter from our parents with a little something extra in it and
a note that read, ``So you can enjoy the music.'' How glorious
it was to attend the opera in Vienna and hear a concert in
Salzburg.
From that time on, Austria was special to me. Of course, I
could not have imagined then that I would be sitting here
today. But I feel my background has prepared me well.
As a lawyer in a global law firm, I have led diverse teams
to resolve complex problems, working collaboratively toward a
common goal. I am a trustee of the Kennedy Center, where I have
chaired the Education Committee for more than a decade.
I am president of the board of the Edward M. Kennedy
Institute for the United States Senate, which focuses on the
vital role of the Senate in our governance, fosters civil
dialogue, and seeks to inspire new generations to engage in
civic life. And I have been an active member of the business
community in New England, serving on the boards of our Regional
Business Council as well as the Chamber of Commerce.
U.S.-Austrian relations are strong, based on our mutual
interests and shared ideals. We have been friends for a long
time, first establishing formal diplomatic ties in 1838, and we
have just marked the 74th anniversary of the Marshall Plan with
which in partnership with Austria has turned into an investment
that is an economic success story that continues to pay
dividends for both of our countries.
Our bilateral economic ties are strong and growing. The
United States is the second largest market for Austrian exports
and bilateral trade is projected to be greater this year than
last.
Austria recorded the second fastest rate of growth in
foreign direct investment in the United States in 2020 and that
direct investment overall has resulted in the creation of tens
of thousands of U.S. jobs.
If confirmed, I am eager to strengthen our trade and
investment relationship even further. Austria and the United
States share many common values and perspectives, including
support for human rights and the rule of law.
Austria is a member of the global coalition to defeat ISIS
and has contributed peacekeepers and trainers around the world.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advance America's
interests and values, and strengthen and deepen our already
strong relationship with Austria across the full range of
political, security, economic, and social issues that bind us
together.
Thank you very much. I look forward to answering your
questions. It is an honor to appear before you today.
[The prepared statement of Mrs. Kennedy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Victoria Reggie Kennedy
I'm honored to appear before you as the nominee to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Austria. I am grateful and humbled by President Biden's
confidence in me.
I thank Senator Markey for his generous introduction. My son Curran
is with me today. My daughter Caroline and her husband Alex are
watching from Germany and my mother and other family members are
viewing from various parts of the country. I'm thinking today, in a
special way, of my late husband, who revered this place, and of my late
father, the first diplomat in our family, appointed by President
Kennedy as Special Envoy to the Middle East in 1961.
One of the countries my father visited as Envoy was Lebanon, the
land his parents left in 1920, in their early 20s, to come to America.
Forty-one years later, their youngest son landed in Beirut to find his
parents' entire village at the airport to greet him. His grandmother
was in that crowd, and he met her for the first time, as the
representative of the President of the United States. What a moving
testament to the American dream.
I have five siblings, and all our lives were shaped by that sense
of infinite possibility. I grew up in a small town, Crowley, Louisiana.
I attended Catholic schools and then Newcomb College, followed by
Tulane Law School. I clerked for a federal appellate judge and then
began private law practice.
I first traveled to Europe, with my brother, when we were college
students, faithfully following a guidebook entitled ``Europe on $5 to
$10 a day.'' (That gives you an idea of how long ago it was.) But when
we arrived in Vienna, we were overjoyed to find a letter from our
parents with a little something extra and a note that read: ``So you
can enjoy the music.'' How glorious it was to attend the opera in
Vienna and hear a concert in Salzburg. From that time on, Austria was
special to me. Of course, I couldn't have imagined then that I would be
sitting here today.
But I feel my background has prepared me well. As a lawyer in a
global law firm, I have led diverse teams to resolve complex problems,
working collaboratively toward a common goal. I'm a Trustee of the
Kennedy Center, where I've chaired the Education Committee for more
than a decade. I'm President of the Board of the Edward M. Kennedy
Institute for the United States Senate, which focuses on the vital role
of the Senate in our governance, fosters civil dialogue and seeks to
inspire new generations to engage in civic life. And I've been an
active member of the business community in New England, serving on the
Boards of our regional business council as well as the chamber of
commerce.
U.S.-Austrian relations are strong, based on our mutual interests
and shared ideals. We've been friends for a long time, first
establishing formal diplomatic ties in 1838. And we've just marked the
74th anniversary of the Marshall Plan, which helped rebuild Europe
after World War II. Austria, in partnership with the United States,
turned this investment into an economic success story that continues to
pay dividends for both countries.
Our bilateral economic ties are strong and growing. The United
States is the second largest market for Austrian exports, and bilateral
trade is projected to be greater this year than last. Austria recorded
the second fastest rate of growth in foreign direct investment in the
United States in 2020. Their direct investments overall have resulted
in the creation of tens of thousands of U.S. jobs. If confirmed, I am
eager to strengthen our trade and investment relationship even further.
The United States and Austria share many common values and
perspectives, including a support for human rights and the rule of law.
Austria is a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS and has
contributed peacekeepers and trainers around the world. Austria is also
a valued partner in the Western Balkans, where it contributes nearly
350 troops to NATO's KFOR mission for peace and stability in Kosovo,
and nearly 300 troops to the EU's stabilization mission in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advance America's interests
and values and strengthen and deepen our already strong relationship
with Austria across the full range of political, security, economic and
social issues that bind our nations together.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I would be happy to answer any questions.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Before we begin the panel's questioning, I have some
questions for each of the nominees that I am going to ask you
to respond to either yes or no, and we will go down the line
and ask that each of you verbally respond.
First question, do you agree to appear before this
committee and make officials from your office available to the
committee and designated staff when invited?
Mr. Hovenier?
Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Ms. Reynoso?
Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Mrs. Kennedy?
Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Do you commit to keep this committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
Mr. Murphy. Yes.
Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Hovenier?
Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
Mr. Murphy. Yes.
Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. And do you commit to promptly responding
to requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Hovenier. Yes.
Mr. Murphy. Yes.
Ambassador Reynoso. Yes.
Mrs. Kennedy. Yes.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you to all of our nominees for
answering yes to all four questions. We will hold you to that,
once confirmed.
We are going to rotate questions as we normally do between
the chair and ranking member, and then we will go to the other
members who have arrived.
Each member is going to have five minutes to question and
we may do more than one round, depending upon how many senators
show up.
First of all, I am going to begin with you, Mr. Hovenier,
as soon as I can find my question.
I think this is, really, both for you and for Mr. Murphy
because it speaks to what is happening in the Balkans, and
Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina have long aspired for
membership to the EU and NATO.
But it is unlikely, I think, based on what I am seeing and
what I am hearing from Europeans that membership is unlikely to
be granted anytime soon.
The question that I have is how do we keep those countries
looking West? What kind of incentives can we provide to them to
help them as they aspire to join the EU and look West so that
they are not tempted by Russia and China?
I will begin with you, Mr. Hovenier.
Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question.
In some respects, Kosovo is sui generis in the Balkans
because since neither Russia nor China have recognized Kosovo
as an independent state, while we still keep an eye on things,
and if confirmed, this will be a very high priority of mine to
keep an eye on efforts by Russia to exercise malign influence
or by China in some ways, there is not the same national
affinity as in some other parts of the Balkans towards some of
that behavior.
That said, the problem you raised is something that I think
concerns all of us. As you are aware, the European Union will
have a summit tomorrow, and if press reports can be believed
they will reiterate and restate their commitment to
enlargement, including the Western Balkans.
I think in the short term our task is to continue to
encourage the authorities of Kosovo and, if confirmed, this
will be a priority of mine, to continue to do the reforms that
are required so that they are ready for membership both in the
EU and in NATO.
The European Union has played a constructive role in many
ways with regard to Kosovo, both through assistance. But you
are right that this incentive of eventual membership has been a
very important catalyst for reform and change and, if
confirmed, one of my priorities will be to try to build further
momentum and to work with our European Union partners to ensure
that the prospect is real and that real reform is carried out
consistent with their obligations, should they obtain
membership either in the EU or in NATO.
And on that one last thing, I would like to add and would
be to encourage those EU member states who have not yet
recognized Kosovo to think seriously about the implications of
that, which would also be part of our diplomacy.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Yes, that would be very
helpful.
Mr. Murphy, really, the same question. I was in Bosnia and
Herzegovina back in 2010 with then Senator George Voinovich,
and one of the things we heard from the Bosnians was how
important it would be to have some signal from NATO about the
prospects there.
And we came back and argued very strongly that Bosnia
should at least get MAP--Membership Action Plan--to help them
understand that that aspiration was possible in the future,
should they continue with reforms.
What do you think the most important aspects of reform are
right now in Bosnia and Herzegovina so that they can continue
to aspire to NATO and to the EU?
Mr. Murphy. Let me start by emphasizing the importance of
continued strong U.S. engagement and leadership in the Western
Balkans and advising Herzegovina in particular.
I think our presence, our engagement, is critically
important to motivating and pressing the domestic parties in
Bosnia and Herzegovina to do the right thing.
Second, one of the things, if confirmed, that I will hammer
home in my engagements publicly and privately is that the
reforms associated with Euro-Atlantic integration, while it
takes time to meet the EU requirements, have immediate benefits
to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina now.
That includes a more open and free democracy, a more open
and free economy with greater opportunities for prosperity for
all including the children of the citizens of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, a better future for them. I would continue to
stress those points, if confirmed.
With regards to NATO particularly, I want to underscore
that the United States strongly supports NATO's open door
policy and the membership aspirations of Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
We are focused now on the benefits of deepening the
partnership that exists between Bosnia and Herzegovina where
there is a consensus within Bosnia and Herzegovina to pursue
that partnership.
The key challenge there and one I will make a priority, if
confirmed, is to encourage the Government to press forward with
its reform program and present it to the Alliance because that
will serve as a catalyst to getting more allied engagement to
support the reforms necessary for Bosnia to move forward.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I am out of time, and
I am going to go vote. But I am delighted that we are joined by
the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator
Menendez, and I am going to turn it over to him to--because I
know he has some questions.
The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you, Madam Chair, very
much. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations, and I
appreciate my colleague's indulgence.
I would have had this panel before a full committee, but in
order to get nominees out there we had the able work of Senator
Shaheen doing it so because your assignments are incredibly
important, which is why I do not always come to subcommittee
hearings. But I want to come to this one because there is a
couple of nominees here to places that I deeply care about.
Ambassador Reynoso, let me start with you. It is good to
see you again. I am concerned. Spain is an important ally. NATO
ally, Rota Bay, the--all of the elements of our relationship is
very important.
But I am deeply concerned that the Spanish have not been
particularly helpful, particularly in the Western Hemisphere. I
am sure that they would not like us acting the way they are
acting towards us if it was in their sphere of the world.
And so I get deeply concerned that Spain has taken views
that are outside of the democracy and human rights provisions
that we would want to see of a NATO ally.
I am deeply concerned when I see their actions as it
relates to Cuba and their unwillingness to join us in our
global declaration.
It seems to me that the Spaniards are more--care more about
their hotels and investments than they care about democracy and
human rights there. It worries me to see what role the
Spaniards are playing in Venezuela as well, which is a cancer
in the Western Hemisphere.
And I could go on about other places as well where the
Spaniards have not been as forthcoming but, if anything, not
only not forthcoming, they seem to be contrary to where we are
at in our own hemisphere.
If you are to be confirmed, would you tell me what you
would do to try to get our Spanish friends more in line with
democracy and human rights in this hemisphere?
Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you, Senator. It is wonderful to
see you again.
And let me start by thanking you for your leadership in
this space. Obviously, this is an issue that you care deeply
about and so do I.
Given my trajectory in Latin America and the Caribbean, I
am quite familiar with the lackluster presence or politics and
policy of Spain vis-a-vis some of these countries, primarily
Cuba and Venezuela and Nicaragua, I should say as well.
If confirmed, my objective will be to work bilaterally with
Spain and, obviously, given their presence and their important
role in the European Union vis-a-vis Latin America and the
Caribbean, I will urge them to be much more vocal and much more
transparent and to hold the same standard in terms of
enforcement and accountability with respect to the human rights
violations and the lack of liberty and transparency and
accountability in places like Cuba and Venezuela that they hold
with respect to other countries.
Given their important leverage and their interests in these
countries, primarily in Cuba, I think Spain can do a lot more
and, frankly, sir, I look forward to working with you closely
to make sure we can--you can help me inform those positions and
ensure that Spain is doing more than it is doing currently.
The Chairman. I hope this will be a robust part of your
agenda upon confirmation. We have a lot of things with the
Spaniards. You know, I used to chair the U.S.-Spain Council for
years in developing closer ties politically and economically.
But that does not mean that I am willing to turn a blind
eye to their neglect in this hemisphere as it relates to human
rights and democracy. That is something I care passionately
about.
I have two final questions to Mr. Hovenier. You know, we
seem to put a lot of focus on Kosovo, but I am not quite sure
that I find Serbia to be a particularly good partner in this
process in terms of the efforts that are taking place, and we
want both sides to engage.
But how do you view--I know that is not--your assignment is
not to go to Serbia. It is to go to Kosovo upon confirmation.
But how do you view that reality?
Mr. Hovenier. Like any other problem--thank you, sir, for
the question--like any other problem in the Balkans, the
problem is both multifaceted and requires work from both sides.
If I am confirmed, one of my highest priorities would be to
seek to advance Kosovo-Serbia normalization. My focus has, of
course, been the things I will need to do as the confirmed
ambassador of the United States to encourage the authorities of
Kosovo to engage constructively and with urgency and creatively
in that process.
But I would agree with you that the authorities in Serbia
equally require that sort of push and impetus, and I cannot
dispute at all your assessment that the Serbian interlocutors
have not always performed in that way in this process.
The Chairman. I appreciate that, because sometimes we say
we want both sides to act but sometimes it is clear that one
side is not doing their just part, and I often feel the State
Department takes this leverage nuanced approach when one side
is very clearly not participating.
And finally, Mrs. Kennedy, it is good to see you again.
Mrs. Kennedy. Good to see you.
The Chairman. I just want to say I hope that you will take
seriously, and I am sure you will but I want to hear it from
you, when individuals come with Havana syndrome at--we have had
a rash of them in our embassy there and in our various
international organizations there where our people are serving,
that you will make this a very serious part of your mission.
Mrs. Kennedy. Senator, thank you so much for your
leadership on this issue and thank you very much for that
question.
As you know, my information is all public information at
this point. I have not been read in specifically. But it is an
issue I take very, very seriously.
The health and well being of the staff and family members
of the members of the embassy is something I take extremely
seriously, and I do pledge to you that I will take extreme care
and be sure that everyone who has been affected by this
syndrome will get the care--if I am confirmed, will get the
care and attention that they need, but more than that, that I
will, if I am confirmed, pledge that I will urge that we get to
the bottom of what is causing this and really push on that and
see what we can do about trying to prevent further incidents of
it.
The Chairman. Thank you. I have other questions. I will
submit them to the different nominees for the record. I
understand Senator Johnson----
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me start with the Mr. Hovenier. Again, enjoyed our
meeting this afternoon and our discussion. I think we all
recognize, as the chairman had indicated, that both sides share
responsibility to make concessions to move forward in the
region between Serbia and Kosovo.
It is difficult to move on. There were--as I think you
stated in testimony, there were atrocities on both sides. It is
hard to just forgive and forget and that means we also
discussed within the education systems that they are really not
trying to instill a forgive and forget attitude.
I thought it was the right approach when Ambassador Grenell
and President Trump engaged and got the parties to agree,
focusing on the area of agreement in terms of economic
cooperation. I mean, it is the best way to move beyond and put
the past behind everyone if you really can show the people of
the region what happens if you put your disagreements aside and
concentrate on greater opportunity, greater prosperity, for
yourselves and your kids and your grandkids.
But, Mr. Hovenier, can you just kind of speak to your basic
approach when it comes to representing the U.S. to Kosovo and
what we need--you know, what we are going to be looking for
from Kosovo to be able to move forward?
Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question.
Yes, as we discussed, first, the Washington commitments
were an important step in reducing tensions and played a very
important role in moving closer towards the outcome we would
like to see, and this administration, of course, validated
those.
And if I am confirmed, one of the things I hope to do,
working with my colleague from Belgrade, is to see further
implementation of that broad swath of commitments that were
achieved in the last administration.
More broadly, what I would like to see from Kosovo
authorities, what the United States would like to see from
Kosovo authorities, would be to engage actively, creatively,
constructively, and with urgency in this EU-facilitated process
to work towards a normalization of relations, which we believe
should be centered in mutual recognition.
An incident of just the last few weeks with regard to
temporary license plates shows what can be done when the
leaders come together and they have a real problem that needs
to be resolved. They can find common ground and it can be
resolved. This model can be applied to a range of different
issues that divide the two sides right now.
And as you point out, sir, this is very important. Without
a normalization of relations, without mutual recognition, the
region will be stymied.
Senator Johnson. I always point out--I mean, focus on the
areas of agreement. There is plenty of things to disagree on.
We are also trying to point out that a negotiation is a give
and take. Give and take.
I think so often because we are an honest broker everybody
wants the U.S. to get involved, but I always got the feeling
they want us to get involved to take their side in things.
And would you agree with me that we do need to be that
honest broker and we need to press all sides to not only be
willing to take but also to be able to give in those
negotiations?
Mr. Hovenier?
Mr. Hovenier. Yes, sir. I agree with you completely.
Senator Johnson. This is for the other three nominees. I
think, universally, we are seeing throughout Europe, Eastern
Europe, not only what Russia is doing but what China is doing.
They have two totally different approaches. Russia just
seems to destabilize just for, I guess, the sheer joy of
destabilizing. China is far more focused and, I think, long-
term strategic in terms of investment.
And I will just ask all the nominees. We will start with
you, Mr. Murphy. What is your viewpoint of what it looks like
in Bosnia and Herzegovina right now in terms of both Russia and
China's influence?
Mr. Murphy. Russia has a very different vision of Bosnia
and Herzegovina than the United States. As I said earlier, we
are for a democratic, prosperous, multi-ethnic Bosnia and
Herzegovina that takes its place in the Euro-Atlantic family of
nations.
Russia is presenting the image of Bosnia and Herzegovina as
a failed state. It is stoking ethno-nationalist tensions. It is
facilitating and taking advantage of the seams provided for by
corruption, all of which is problematic to the future of Bosnia
and Herzegovina and also to our interests, because if we
believe in a Europe whole, free, prosperous, and at peace, and
that has been a bipartisan national security objective for my
entire career, then we need to address that and push back
against malign influence.
The Chinese are taking a slightly different approach in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. As you pointed out, Senator, they are
looking at economic investments, particularly in critical
infrastructure, places like roads, power plants, IT, 5G
networks, things of that nature.
And their game is a little bit, as you put it, more long
term. Again, they are taking advantage of the seams and
opportunities presented by corruption, which is one of the
reasons, if confirmed, not only will we have to push back
against malign influence from both actors but we have to be
vigorous and aggressive in pursuing anti-corruption activities
to close those seams to the malign outside actors who are
seeking to destabilize the country.
Senator Johnson. I would just ask the other two nominees to
also answer, but I think Mr. Murphy has kind of laid out what
they are doing.
The question I would have for you then is what should be
the U.S. response to their activities, Ambassador Reynoso?
Ambassador Reynoso. With respect to Russia, Senator,
obviously, there has been quite a bit of coverage of the
allegations of disinformation with respect to the referendum in
Spain, in particular.
The United States--I mean, I know the embassy already is
engaging with our counterparts to ensure that the Russian
tactics of fracking and disinformation are being addressed and
that the Spaniards have the capabilities to investigate and
prevent this type of practice.
More of that, more cooperation, more between our law
enforcement and also our other agencies to ensure that we are
working with one of--Spain, one of our key partners to prevent
these types of tactics and practices, I think, will be key.
With respect to China, Spain is one of the few countries
that has not signed the Belt and Road Initiative MOU and is
quite, in my view, cautious with respect to moving forward with
China, irrespective of the fact that it is a significant
economic player in Spain.
We should continue to press allies, especially NATO allies
like Spain, to ensure these engagements are limited and have a
values-driven approach to engagement with countries like China.
And I should say both with respect to Russia and China,
Spain, within the EU, has been an important partner in pursuing
and supporting sanctions against both countries, especially
when it comes to human rights violations.
Senator Johnson. Thank you.
Mrs. Kennedy?
Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. We want to be able to
negotiate with China from a position of strength and we need a
strong--we need strong relationships with our partners like
Austria to be able to do that.
And if I am confirmed, I will just continue to--I will
continue to press Austria and work with them on that. I think
it is a real global approach to it.
With respect to Russia, countering malign influence is a
top priority and that is an issue that I would also continue to
raise. Austria is in a very interesting and unique position
where it is geographically, where it is constitutionally, and
where it is historically.
It is a, by constitution, a neutral country but it is
firmly entrenched in the EU and in transatlantic relationships,
and that is something that we would continue to foster and
encourage.
But it also sees itself in a unique position as a place
where it looks both East and West. It was the place where
President Kennedy met Khrushchev. It is the place where
President Carter met Brezhnev, and Austria is very proud of its
ability to have those relationships where it can bring
countries together in that way.
It is important that we recognize that role of Austria
and--but to continue to work and strengthen our transatlantic
ties and work with Austria in that way.
Senator Johnson. Thank you.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I understand, Senator Kaine,
you are next by agreement with Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, and, actually, Senator Murphy has
also deferred to me and I appreciate--I appreciate that, Madam
Chair, and congratulations to the nominees. This is a very
strong panel.
Mrs. Kennedy, let me start with you. What a treat to see
you in this way, and it is good that you are on this panel
together with two other ambassadors serving in European nations
in the Balkans where Austria has troops participating in
peacekeeping missions. It is a good panel together.
I wanted to follow up on what Senator Menendez asked you
about the Havana syndrome reports and the obligation to try to
keep people safe.
And just for the record, because Senator Menendez sort of
short formed it and I do want the public to be aware of this as
well, on the 23rd of September the Washington Post reported
that the CIA had removed its Vienna station chief due to
concerns that he was not adequately addressing a recent spate
of what the CIA characterizes as anomalous health incidents
reported by U.S. intelligence and diplomatic personnel.
These incidents are referred to by this committee and
others as Havana syndrome. The chairwoman has been very active
on this, as we all have. We have had a number of briefings
about this over the course of the past few years, mostly
classified.
But according to the Post article, dozens of U.S. personnel
in Vienna, including diplomats and intelligence officials as
well as some of the children of U.S. employees, have reported
symptoms, according to the current and former officials who
spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive
matter, and the reports are more significant in terms of the
number and frequency in Vienna than any city other than Havana.
I know this is going to be a huge concern for you,
certainly, for embassy personnel and others who are stationed
in Vienna. And so, again, if you would just talk about the
priority that you would place upon being responsive to U.S.
employees under your supervision, should you be confirmed.
Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you, Senator. And first, I want to say
how much I personally appreciate the involvement of the
committee and interest in this issue because I think it is a
very significant issue.
If I am confirmed and am going to be in Vienna, I look
forward to having the opportunity of addressing this issue and
really delving into it in a very serious way.
The health and safety of the personnel, their families,
their children, is of paramount importance. Getting prompt
attention to these incidents is in--and medical treatment is
imperative, but also getting to the bottom of it and also
seeing if there are ways to prevent it but pushing, taking it
seriously, pushing and working with you all as well.
And if I am confirmed, I look forward to communicating with
you regularly about it and as well as with all of the people
back here in Washington to see what we can do to get--try to
get a resolution of this extremely serious matter.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. And I think I might speak
in a bipartisan way for the whole committee to say we are not
satisfied with the answers we are getting.
We have been getting briefings about this for a number of
years, and now we are talking about multiple cities, including
cities in United States, including in Virginia, where people
have been subject to these kinds of attacks.
And with the most sophisticated intelligence operation in
the world, I would have hoped that we might have had a better
handle on this by October 2021 than we do. But your commitment
to that, that will be heard well by embassy staff in Austria.
Ambassador Reynoso, I would just like to congratulate you.
I am just going to be very brief because you sort of answered
my questions about the role of Spain and Latin America in
response to Senator Menendez's questions.
I am the chairman of the subcommittee overseeing the
Western Hemisphere. I was, like Senator Menendez, honorary
chair of the U.S.-Spain Council for five years, and I think the
opportunities for Spain and the United States to work together
on issues in Latin America are enormous.
I am doing everything I can to convince this administration
to put a higher priority on Latin America. I think the State
Department sometimes operates as if there is an East-West axis
in the world and not a North-South access.
Your experience being an ambassador in the Americas and the
work that you have done in the Americas, in my view, makes you
uniquely well suited to be part of the--to be our ambassador in
Spain.
But I hope that I will be successful in getting the
administration to give a higher priority to the Americas. But I
have reason to believe--I do not need to be hopeful, I am
confident--that should you be confirmed, you will make that
relationship between the U.S.-Spain on Latin America matters a
high priority. Your background suggests that you will and that
gives me strong reason to support your nomination.
Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, and if you would like to just say
anything about that, but you have already done a pretty good
job.
Ambassador Reynoso. Those were incredibly kind words,
Senator. My trajectory as an immigrant and also as a person who
has worked in the Americas, I am completely committed to
ensuring that this country, our country, understands fully how
important Latin America and the Caribbean is to our national
security and our future.
And if I am confirmed as the ambassador to Spain, I will
just continue to work to flourish and empower those
connections, sir, and I really look forward to working with you
to make sure we do give it the importance it requires.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. And with my thanks to my
colleague, Senator Murphy, I yield back.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Thank you
to all four of you for your willingness and your continued
willingness to serve.
Senator Dodd, good to see you back in the Foreign Relations
Committee again. Thank you for your service to this committee
and to our state.
Ambassador Reynoso, I want to take--continue along the line
of questioning begun by my colleague, Senator Kaine. In July,
Spain declined to sign a U.S.-led statement on the repression
of protests in Cuba, and instead, they decided to lead an EU
statement that expressed concerns about the repression of the
protests but predictably called for an easing of external
restrictions in order to promote reforms in Cuba.
You, obviously, have an enormous amount of experience here.
You have seen firsthand the irritant that U.S.-Cuba policy has
been both in our relations with countries in the Western
Hemisphere but also occasionally with Spain.
And so I might just ask you to talk a little bit more about
Spain's policy towards Cuba and how U.S. policy towards Cuba
affects our ability to work with Spain in the Western
Hemisphere.
I agree with Senator Kaine. This is an opportunity for us
to integrate more broadly with Spain on Western Hemisphere
policy. I worry, though, that Cuba stands in the way--U.S.
policy towards Cuba stands in the way.
Ambassador Reynoso. Make sure I get this right.
Yes, Senator, as you know, Spain and Cuba have a history
together. It was one of the last Spanish colonies in the
Western Hemisphere and there are affinities that go beyond the
political and economic, so the cultural and national
connections as well.
Spain's position, as far as I understand it, is that we
share with the--Spain shares with the United States ideals of
human rights and liberty as concepts. But in terms of tactics
with respect to how they manage their affairs with Cuba, it has
been--we have had important differences.
It has been much more tolerant, if you will, of certain
actions by the Government and encourages more robust dialogue
than we have been willing to engage in.
That said, in July, when there were important protests in
Cuba, we and Secretary Blinken led an effort to have countries
from--allies from throughout the world sign a statement and
Spain refused. Did not do so, and went with the EU statement.
I do think the fact that they helped issue a statement is
something. It is important that they did collectively push the
EU to issue a statement.
My position is that we can be even more aligned because,
optimally, our main objective is to see real reform in Cuba,
both for the improvement of economic conditions of the Cuban
people but also, obviously, the need for greater human rights.
I think we share those values and those objectives. How we
get there is something we have to work on. Given that, I think
the rest of the hemisphere, frankly, sir, has so many economic
issues and struggles at this time that Cuba may not be as
relevant as it was 20, 30 years ago on the ideological front.
I think, in that regard, Spain is an important partner for
us because it is one of the most active for foreign governments
in the region in terms of assistance and political relations
and the like.
I really, if confirmed, hope to work with Spain, make sure
that Cuba and the Cuba situation is not a point of conflict
with the rest of the region but a point of focus to push
forward for greater aligned interests and, again, driven by our
collective values.
Senator Murphy. Thank you. I apologize. I want to get in--
thank you for that answer. I look forward to working with you.
I want to get in one question to at least one of our nominees
to the Balkans.
I have been fortunate enough to work with both Senator
Shaheen and Senator Johnson on U.S. policy towards the Balkans.
No surprise that inside the Pandora Papers were a number of
Balkan officials who had been, potentially, using public funds
in order to enrich their own bank accounts.
What is the importance of continuing a pathway to EU
integration on our efforts to try to address what is still
often far too rampant corruption in the Balkans with respect to
Kosovo and Bosnia?
It seems that as the dream of Europe disappears for some so
is the pressure relieved on many of our partners there to
continue to make anti-corruption reforms.
Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question. I presume I
should go first.
What I would say is the pressure is not relieved and it
should not be relieved. This is a critical part of our long-
term project of seeing these countries integrate into European
and Euro-Atlantic institutions but also being the sorts of
partners we want them to be.
And if I am confirmed, an important element of our foreign
assistance and our diplomatic engagement will be to partner
with the Government of Kosovo and civil society to address
corruption.
This is a primary concern of the current Government of
Kosovo as well. The prime minister was elected on a record, a
campaign, to combat corruption, seeking to enable him but also
empowering civil society to hold their government more
accountable and to work to ensure greater transparency and good
governance.
We also hope that the incentive of integration in European
institutions is not dead and we will continue to work as well
as the administration with our European partners to keep that
hope more alive than some suggest it is. Thank you.
Senator Murphy. Thank you.
Mr. Murphy. Senator, thank you for the question. Let me
start by saying, if confirmed, rule of law reform and combating
corruption would be among my top priorities. It damages the
interests of the United States, the interests of the people and
citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina in more ways than one, and
Euro-Atlantic integration is one of those, as you have
highlighted.
I think that we have to be prepared to continue the
programs that we put in place to tackle rule of law, to promote
an open economy and create space for civic-minded democracy in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and if confirmed, I will continue to do
that.
In addition, if confirmed, I would support using the new
sanctions authority that the President has recently enacted
dealing with corruption to exact a price for those ethno-
nationalist politicians who are not prepared to address the
reforms necessary or to behave in a way that is beneficial not
just to U.S. interests but, of course, to the people of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. I think we have Senator Van Hollen on
WebEx.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Chair and----
Senator Shaheen. Senator, can I just--I do not think we can
control sound at our end. But maybe you could turn the sound
down a little bit at your end because it is very loud.
Senator Van Hollen. Is that better?
Senator Shaheen. Better. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. All right. Sorry. I had wanted to get
back in person, but congratulations to all of you.
And to Mr. Hovenier, I just want to associate myself with
the comments that Chairman Menendez made with respect to the
important U.S. role in seeking to normalize relations between
Kosovo and Serbia. Obviously, it has been a long road, but we
need to keep at that work.
Mrs. Kennedy, it is great to see you again. As you well
know, the United States and Austria enjoy a long history of
cultural and educational exchange programs.
Every year, about 1,000 Austrians study at universities in
the United States and some 2,700 Americans study in Austria
through programs developed by Austrian and American educational
institutions.
I have a particular recent interest in this because my
state of Maryland in 2020 signed an MOU between the U.S. Naval
Academy and the Austrian Theresian Military Academy, which
covers the exchange of Austrian cadets and U.S. Naval Academy
midshipmen.
The first cadets and midshipmen participate in this program
beginning this fall, and I am hoping that as our ambassador you
will help to cultivate and strengthen this relationship and
other exchange programs.
Can you just talk briefly to the significance of those
people-to-people exchanges to continuing to maintain strong
relations with Austria?
Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you so much. It is good to see you,
Senator.
What a wonderful program that you have described and how
important people-to-people exchanges are--I think I will look
this way, I think it is a better idea--and how important these
people-to-people exchanges are.
Cultural exchanges help our countrymen understand Austria.
They help Austrians understand our country, and they are really
a vital part of our public diplomacy.
Embassy Vienna is very--has been very devoted to this type
of exchange program and I am thrilled about cultural exchanges.
I am thrilled about entrepreneurial exchanges and business
exchanges.
I think there is no better way than actual hands-on
exposure, learning from others, getting the real--that real
kind of exposure.
I am excited about it, and if I am confirmed I look forward
to having people-to-people exchanges and perhaps even
expanding. Thank you very much.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I look forward to working
with you on that.
Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you. And if I am confirmed, Senator, I
look forward to meeting some of those cadets. It would be
fantastic.
Senator Van Hollen. Terrific.
Ambassador Reynoso, as you know, the United States and
Spain have cooperated over the years on security issues in
Africa. Moron Air Base in Spain is the permanent headquarters
of a rotational U.S. expeditionary force with the primary
mission of responding to emergency calls for security
assistance to U.S. embassies and other U.S. operations in
Africa, among other things.
As you know, the French, who have had also a long-standing
forces--long-standing forces in Africa have signaled that they
intend to draw down their presence in the Sahel.
Does that affect U.S. security interests in the region and
how would it affect our operations in Spain, if at all?
Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you for the question, Senator.
Spain is, as you know, a critical ally and the fact that we
have been working with Spain for so many years and that both
the bases of Rota and Moron are used for our service people and
their families who are located there but other allies also use
those bases for operations in other parts of the world, in
Africa in particular, says a lot about the strength of our
relationship.
Spain is committed and has been committed to working with
sub-Saharan Africa and the Sahel region to ensure that there is
security. I think, frankly, they have been investing
significant resources and capabilities to train in sub-Saharan
Africa.
Our relationship with Spain is so strong that I believe we
can continue using that relationship to increase our
collaboration in sub-Saharan Africa and in the Sahel region in
particular.
I do not think that the French position at this moment will
impact, obviously, our relationship with Spain in continuing
the security collaboration, and if confirmed I will work with
Spain to make sure that we continue to fortify our security and
comprehensive operations and developing our work in sub-Saharan
Africa to continue the growth of our security and support for
those countries.
I think it is a matter of continuing that support and
strengthening those ties and increasing our work with them in
sub-Saharan Africa.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair.
First, let me thank all four of our nominees for their
willingness to serve our country and continuing to serve our
country. We know that these are extremely challenging times and
we thank you for making the sacrifice to serve our country and
we also thank your families.
Senator Dodd, it is really good to see you. Brings back the
time in 2007 when I was first elected to the Senate and got
appointed to this committee. You were one of the senior members
and you helped me in my original years in the United States
Senate and mentoring me on this committee. It is good to see
you in this capacity here in the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee.
And let me start, if I might, with Mrs. Kennedy. It is
great to see you.
Mrs. Kennedy. Good to see you.
Senator Cardin. I was in Vienna in July. Been to Vienna
many times. Austria is a very important country for the United
States, a strategic partner, and we have already talked about
the fact that it is nonaligned so, therefore, it presents some
challenges to us at times in regards to its relationship with
Russia.
And, recently, we have seen that Austria has been
supportive of the EU in regards to sanctions against Russia.
But I think you are going to have a challenge in regards to our
relationship of Austria as it relates to trying to show unity
in Europe against the aggression of Russia.
I think less so with China because I think there is more
unity there. I just bring that to your attention.
But I want to mention a second part that is unique about
our mission in Vienna, and that is we have two other very
important missions. We had the IAEA and we had the OSCE.
I am the chair of U.S.-Helsinki Commission. We rely a great
deal on our mission in Vienna in addition to our OSCE mission
for the support in regards to the OSCE.
I guess my comment is, yes, the bilateral, it is extremely
important. We need to deal with unity in our quest against
aggression of Russia. But we also are going to need cooperation
and support between the three missions that we have and, quite
frankly, the ambassador to Austria usually is the senior
partner in that relationship.
I would just ask you to recognize that all three of these
missions are critically important and you can play a role in
assisting the other two missions.
Mrs. Kennedy. Thank you so much, Senator. I appreciate
that. It is good to see you and I am very much looking forward
to working cooperatively with the Tri-Mission with the other
two ambassadors and coordinating with them. That is something
that, I think, would be very, very important, and if I am
confirmed I look forward to that.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Murphy, I enjoyed our conversation. It
is interesting that Bosnia and Kosovo have a lot in common from
the point of view they both have challenges of a strong central
government representing all of the population, the geographical
population, with the challenges in the northern part of Kosovo
with the Serbian population and, of course, in Bosnia with the
impact of Serbia population and the desire for autonomy.
My question to both of you, we have talked about
corruption. Both countries have real serious issues with
corruption and we are going to work with you very closely on
that.
But in Bosnia, we need to work to constitutional reform. In
Kosovo, we need to have a government that is respected all of
the communities and has the confidence of all the communities
and can provide services to all the communities rather than
relying on Serbia to provide a lot of the services to the Serbs
that are in Kosovo.
What is your strategies to advance the unity of those two
countries so they, ultimately, can make full integration into
Europe and, hopefully, membership in organizations such as
NATO?
Mr. Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator, and I, too,
enjoyed our conversation and I hope to welcome you and other
members of the committee in Bosnia and Herzegovina if I am
confirmed.
I want to start by just stating up front, because you spoke
about unity and territorial integrity, I want to--I think it is
really important to state clearly that we are fully committed
to sovereignty and territorial integrity in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and rhetoric and actions that put that at risk and
put at risk Bosnia's Euro-Atlantic integration, something the
citizens want and make clear that they want and the politicians
claim to support is both counterproductive, self-defeating, and
itself quite risky.
Now, having said that, our immediate focus in the short
term is on limited constitutional reform designed to increase
the stability and functionality of the country, ensure greater
equality for all citizens, and enhance democratic standards and
meet a key target in Euro-Atlantic integration.
This has to do with the European Court of Human Rights
cases that found elements of the constitution discriminatory.
In addition, we are also pressing for reforms in the rule
of law area, in the economy, and others that are critical to
the stability and functionality of the state and that would
open up political space to more civic-minded parties and
participation, and inject greater dynamism and energy into the
economy, which would generate prosperity for more of Bosnia and
Herzegovina's citizens.
And if confirmed, I intend to support all of those
activities and I also very much look forward to working closely
with you and other members of the committee on these reforms,
but also to discuss longer-term possibilities for additional
reforms that are going to be required to advance Bosnia and
Herzegovina along the path of Euro-Atlantic integration.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Hovenier?
Mr. Hovenier. Thank you for that question. May I first beg
your indulgence to simply note that my career in government
began as an intern at the Commission for Security and
Cooperation in Europe? And so I am delighted to be able to----
Senator Cardin. You should have put that first on your
resume.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Hovenier. I think you have pointed out exactly what the
challenge is. Kosovo is an independent country and the
authorities of Kosovo ought to govern their entire country, and
the challenge is, of course, elements of the country that are
either not interested in or, at times, the authorities in
Kosovo find themselves actively subverted in exercising
authority over their entire country. This needs to be done very
carefully.
The European Union-facilitated dialogue has made real
progress with some of this, and there is a multi-ethnic police
nationwide that exercises authority including in the north with
customs service, judiciary.
But there is still work to be done, particularly with
municipal governments. And if I am confirmed, one of the
challenges will be to work with authorities of Kosovo and for
my colleagues in Belgrade to work with authorities in Serbia to
move this EU-facilitated dialogue forward and further narrow
the differences.
We accept that Serbia has desires to support the Serbian
community in Kosovo. That is reasonable. But it needs to be
done in the constitutional framework and under the legal
jurisdiction of Kosovo.
One last thing I would say is another priority of mine
would be to encourage the authorities of Kosovo to make
abundantly clear that they are a multi-ethnic country and that
all citizens, without regard to ethnicity, enjoy the same
rights and privileges.
The Ahtisaari plan, the constitution of Kosovo, the Kosovo
legal framework, is actually quite good in this regard and
there is a number of rights guaranteed in law for ethnic
communities.
Implementation has not always been what we would hope. But
if I am confirmed, this will also be a big priority to help
ensure that the ethnic communities in Kosovo, who have every
right to be in their country and to exercise their rights as a
citizen, feel safe in doing so.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I do not think
we have anyone else waiting for a first round of questions.
I do have several more questions that I would like to ask
in a second round. Is there anyone else who has--Senator
Johnson, Senator Cardin, do you have a second round that you
would like to?
[No response.]
Senator Shaheen. I want to go back then to the questions
about the directed energy attacks, the anomalous health
incidents. I think, Mrs. Kennedy, you got a number of questions
about that.
What you did not get asked is whether or not you have been
briefed by the attacks that have happened in Vienna.
Mrs. Kennedy. Senator, I have--my information on the
attacks is on an unclassified basis.
Senator Shaheen. Okay. Can I ask each of the rest of you
have you been briefed about anomalous health incidents and what
to do if you are attacked or if any members, any employees who
are working with you, were to be attacked?
Ms. Reynoso?
Ambassador Reynoso. I have been briefed, broadly, but I
have not been given specific instructions as to what to do in
case of an incident.
Senator Shaheen. Mr. Murphy?
Mr. Murphy. I am familiar with the communications that the
department has provided to the field over the last several
months about incidents and how they will respond to them and
what is expected of us. But I have not received a classified
briefing on incidents elsewhere in Europe.
Senator Shaheen. And have you been told that, if confirmed,
you will be briefed?
Mr. Murphy. If confirmed, I will seek such a briefing.
Senator Shaheen. Okay. How about you, Mr. Hovenier?
Mr. Hovenier. Just as with regard to Mr. Murphy, I am aware
of incidents, more broadly, and I am very aware of the guidance
that has been provided out to all of our posts from the
Department of State of what to do.
And, of course, in my last job as the Deputy Chief of
Mission in Ankara, paid very close attention to that guidance
as to what we should do if an employee complained or if we felt
an incident took place. But I have not been formally briefed at
a classified level and, if confirmed, I would absolutely seek
such a briefing before heading to post.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I assume both Mrs. Kennedy and
Ms. Reynoso have the same response on requesting a briefing.
Mrs. Kennedy. Absolutely. I will request a briefing.
Absolutely.
Ambassador Reynoso. Yes, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My final question is for you,
Ms. Reynoso, because there has been a lot of discussion in
recent months about strategic autonomy on the continent of
Europe, usually in the context of national security but not
always.
And I know that or at least it appears that different
countries in Europe define that term differently. Can you
discuss how--your perception of how Spain defines strategic
autonomy?
Ambassador Reynoso. Thank you for the question, Senator.
As you know, Spain is quite active as a member of the
European Union and also a NATO member. It is my understanding
that, like anything else, these two institutions share a lot of
members in common and also have quite a bit of values and goals
in common.
That said, with respect to security in particular, NATO is
the fundamental and essential institution that we, as the
United States, support going--in terms of our broad strategic
relationship with Europe.
And, obviously, for my purposes, the platform I will use to
engage with Spain, especially in the short term, if confirmed,
given its hosting of the NATO Summit next year, any movement in
terms of creating other vehicles for security cooperation or
security independence from the NATO platform that European
members might take on such as Spain, obviously, will be helpful
if, ultimately, it will lead to greater expenditure and defense
and security support and spending overall in connection with
their commitments and targets.
However, my position will be to have NATO and make NATO be
and use that platform in my relationship and my work in Spain,
if confirmed, as the primary institution of security
cooperation and support.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
With that, thank you very much to each of our nominees for
your testimony today. I look forward to working with all of
you, should you be confirmed.
And for the information of all senators, the record of this
hearing will remain open until close of business tomorrow,
Wednesday, October 6th.
To my colleagues on the committee, if you have any
questions for the record please submit them on time to the
nominees. I urge you to answer any questions expeditiously so
that your nominations can be considered before the full
committee when we hold a business meeting.
With that, this hearing is adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 4:04 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Kosovo's special police recently began enforcing a
regulation requiring Serbian vehicles to remove their license plates
when entering Kosovo. Kosovo Serbs began blocking border crossings in
response, and Serbian military jets and helicopters began flying near
the border. An agreement has been reached to resolve the issue, but
tensions remain high. How can the United States help lower the
temperature and best support the EU-led normalization efforts? What
will you do if confirmed to help advance the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to strongly support the EU-
facilitated Dialogue to normalize Kosovo-Serbia relations, including
through direct engagement with Kosovo's senior leadership and in
collaboration with my counterpart U.S. Chief of Mission in Belgrade.
Reaching a comprehensive normalization deal between the parties remains
the only way to unlock Kosovo and Serbia's Western-oriented futures. We
believe normalization should be centred on mutual recognition. The
United States is ready to help the parties in any way possible to reach
an agreement that will establish fully normalized relations. We are
actively and closely engaged with both sides and the EU to help the
process.
Question. Traffickers in Kosovo continue to force Kosovo citizens
into sex trafficking and forced labor. Members of the Roma, Ashkali,
and Egyptian communities are among the most vulnerable. How will you
work with the Government of Kosovo to combat sex trafficking and forced
labor, and protect vulnerable communities from these heinous practices?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Kosovo authorities and
civil society to address human trafficking issues. I will encourage the
Government of Kosovo to: vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict
traffickers, including complicit officials, and impose strong
sentences; provide adequate and consistent funding for NGO-run
shelters; designate specific prosecutors and judges to handle
trafficking cases; and provide advanced training to judges,
prosecutors, and law enforcement on trafficking investigations and
prosecutions to ensure appropriate sentences for traffickers. I will
encourage the Government to adopt a new Anti-trafficking National
Strategy and Action Plan and will meet with vulnerable communities to
hear directly from them.
Question. Kosovo recently suspended the development of a gas
pipeline partly financed by the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
However, Kosovo continues to dependent on coal-fired plants for 95
percent of its electricity. How will you encourage Kosovo to make the
energy transition to gas and renewable energy sources, and help bolster
its energy security?
Answer. Energy security is essential for Kosovo's future economic
growth and overall stability. If confirmed, I will encourage Kosovo to
finalize and implement a comprehensive energy plan that outlines a
transition away from coal toward greater energy diversification,
including natural gas and renewables, while securing a stable supply of
energy. It should be noted that while the Millennium Challenge
Corporation is supportive of the gas pipeline, its assistance was to be
focused on demand creation rather than pipeline financing. Although MCC
will no longer move forward with gas investments, due to timeline
constraints, I will ensure the whole interagency encourages Kosovo to
achieve decarbonization by 2050.
Question. Kosovo remains the only nation in Eastern Europe not
allowed visa-free travel to European Union member states. The EU
announced in 2018 that Kosovo met all requirements for visa
liberalization. However, the EU has not made any progress towards
Kosovo's integration. How will you engage the EU in regional formats on
visa liberalization, and how will you approach dialogues regarding the
possibility of EU accession?
Answer. Like other Balkan countries, it is important that Kosovo
has a credible, concrete perspective for eventual Euro-Atlantic
integration, and that the EU follows through. This is why the United
States supports EU visa liberalization for Kosovo citizens. It is
disappointing that the EU has not yet established visa-free travel for
Kosovo, notwithstanding recognitions by the European Commission and
Parliament that Kosovo has met all requirements. I confirmed, I will
engage with Washington colleagues and the U.S. Mission to the EU to
develop and implement a strategy to advance visa liberalization for
Kosovo and to promote EU accession as well as encourage the Government
of Kosovo to redouble efforts to meet the criteria for integration.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Kosovo was
identified as Tier 2 due to lack of prosecutions, implementing an anti-
trafficking framework, and identifying victims.
How will you work with the host government to address these issues
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage Kosovo authorities and
civil society to address human trafficking issues. I will encourage the
Government of Kosovo to: vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict
traffickers, including complicit officials, and impose strong
sentences; provide adequate and consistent funding for NGO-run
shelters; designate specific prosecutors and judges to handle
trafficking cases; and provide advanced training to judges,
prosecutors, and law enforcement on trafficking investigations and
prosecutions to ensure appropriate sentences for convicted traffickers.
I will also encourage the Government to adopt a new Anti-trafficking
National Strategy and Action Plan.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
religious freedom in Kosovo was identified as generally strained,
compounded by the lack of legal framework provided under the Law of
Religious Freedom. Despite this law's lofty goal of religious tolerance
and freedom, it has prohibited some religious minorities from obtaining
legal status and therefore, buying property, open bank accounts, access
courts, and more.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Kosovo's constitution commits it to the principles of
freedom of worship and religious pluralism. If confirmed, one of my top
priorities will be to advance religious freedom in Kosovo through
working with the Ambassador-at-Large, the Government of Kosovo, civil
society organizations, and religious communities to enact a revised Law
on Religious Freedom. Likewise, I will press the Government to uphold
the rule of law and court decisions respecting the protected status of
the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) with particular focus on the Special
Protective Zones around Church heritage sites. I will call on Kosovo
authorities to implement court decisions directing the registration of
property to the Decani monastery.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Kosovo was identified as
having significant human rights issues like undue restrictions on the
press, including violence against journalists, significant government
corruption, and attacks against minorities.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed I will continue to press the Government of
Kosovo to address human rights challenges by improving relations
between Kosovo's ethnic communities. I will also press the Government
to ensure that authorities thoroughly investigate instances of violence
and harassment against journalists and members of minority communities.
My priority would be to reduce and prevent actions that harm relations
between ethnic groups and contribute to cross-border tensions. Kosovo
needs to do more to implement the laws it has in place, and to hold
officials to account when they fail to do so.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Embassy to continue
actively engaging with Kosovo civil society to address a variety of
human rights issues, to identify new civil society partners and amplify
civil society voices, and to work in helping to shape Kosovo as a
multiethnic and democratic society that reflects and values human
rights for all. I will use the tools at our disposal, including U.S.
assistance, to bolster the capacity, skills, and reach of civil society
organizations.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years due to COVID. Press reports in February indicated
that Embassy Pristina sent a cable detailing extremely poor conditions
at post, including long hours, an increase in staff mental health
issues, and a rise in interpersonal conflicts, all while dealing with
the threat of COVID among staff.
What is your understanding of current morale throughout Mission
Kosovo?
Answer. Kosovo was hard hit by the pandemic and registered the
world's highest per capita death rate in August 2020. The COVID-19
pandemic, as well as movement restrictions and strain on Kosovo's
healthcare system, presented new challenges for the Embassy. My
understanding is that Embassy morale has improved considerably in
recent months, particularly since vaccines were administered, and that
on October 6 the Mission established its workforce posture as ``least
restrictive'' under the Department of State's COVID-19 Mitigation
Process. If confirmed, I will continually seek ways to promote good
morale at post.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Kosovo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
and senior leadership team to continue promoting an atmosphere that
nurtures healthy living and work-life balance and strengthens the
community. Additionally, I will foster an environment in which our
staff have sufficient resources and training and are empowered to do
their jobs. I will encourage them to bring serious issues to the
highest level. I will ensure that everyone in the mission understands
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team and
their dependents, and I will promote training and professional
development and ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee
and family support resources that the USG offers to assist employees.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Kosovo?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and
transparent communications throughout the mission by sharing
information, empower staff to fulfill their missions and potential, and
seek ways to support and ensure the safety and community of the mission
the community--for both American and local staff.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My management style is to establish a vision and set clear
priorities, ensuring that all team members have the training and
resources needed to accomplish their tasks and achieve their goals, and
to then delegate to members of the team while establishing mechanisms
to ensure accountability.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. While it is important for a leader to provide clear and
candid feedback, that feedback should never take the form of berating a
subordinate, either in public or private. I am committed to treating
all members of any team I lead, or am a member of, with professionalism
and respect.
Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as DCM in
Mission Turkey?
Answer. I learned the importance of establishing a whole-of-mission
and whole-of-government ethos. It is important that colleagues from
other agencies can be confident that the Chief of Mission and Deputy
Chief of Mission share their priorities just as they share Department
of State priorities. Likewise, I learned the importance of frequent
communication with the team and with Mission dependents, particularly
in times of crisis and stress. Finally, while this was not a new
lesson, I saw the importance of ensuring that my highest priority as a
senior leader of a large Mission must be the safety and welfare of the
entire Mission, including dependents; it is critical that this point be
explicitly stated by the Chief of Mission and DCM and that it is backed
up by actions.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. To be successful, the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) must be
the Chief of Mission's final/principal advisor, alter ego, and partner
in managing and leading the mission. If confirmed, I fully expect to
have that kind of relationship with my DCM in Pristina.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust my Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) to manage the day-to-day operations of the Mission, and to be
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission
management, should the DCM need to step in to lead. The DCM will also
be responsible for the professional development of Mission personnel,
and join me in advancing diversity, equity, and inclusion.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with many
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. The Chief of Mission should establish a whole-of-government
and whole-of-mission ethos and foster a team atmosphere. She/he should
understand and provide support to the priorities of each U.S.
Government agency present in the Mission and ensure that U.S.
Government agency heads participate in Country Team and relevant
Mission functional meetings and discussions, with frequent direct
engagement with the Chief of Mission and Deputy Chief of Mission. The
Chief of Mission should also ensure that each U.S. Government agency
provides input in establishing the Mission's strategic goals and
objectives and understands its role in advancing them. If confirmed, I
will work closely with each U.S. Government agency.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. Strong interagency relationships are essential to forging a
common understanding of the mission's vision and goals. Collegial and
productive relationships and information sharing are especially crucial
during times of crisis.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Mission Kosovo?
Answer. Strong interagency relationships are vitally important to
the smooth functioning of a mission. Disagreements with process and
policy are normal, and I welcome an open exchange of ideas. I will
consider all viewpoints before taking final decisions and work with my
team to arrive at common understandings.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. I believe it is critical to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances, as well as to
collaborate with them on planning and developing performance metrics
for the coming year. This encourages improvement and rewards success
while building a stronger team. If confirmed, I will hold accountable
those who have performance or conduct issues. This is what I have done
throughout my career.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers. I will hold accountable those
who have performance or conduct issues.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In my experience, U.S. diplomats have gotten outside of our
Embassy walls sufficiently to accomplish our mission, and if confirmed
I will model the importance of getting outside of our Embassy. Access
to, and engagement with, local contacts and the public is an important
part of our work overseas. Throughout my career, I have participated in
public outreach to all parts of society--from students to non-
governmental organizations to the media--and will continue to do so.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Embassy staff to spend time
engaging with local populations and developing contacts. I will also
lead by example to demonstrate to my team that it is important to
engage with our local counterparts and to participate in public
outreach to provide information about our goals in the country and to
learn from our hosts about local conditions.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Kosovo?
Answer. Kosovo has the youngest population in Europe, with
approximately half of its two million residents under the age of 25 and
70 percent younger than 35. While the United States remains immensely
popular in Kosovo, young people who grew up after the Balkans conflict,
while appreciative of American culture, often look to the EU, not the
U.S., for higher education and work opportunities. Public Diplomacy
efforts in Kosovo target three primary audiences: established
influencers and opinion leaders, emerging decision makers, and youth.
Kosovo has a vibrant and crowded media sector, although the financial
sustainability of outlets often leaves them vulnerable to political and
external pressures.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
there?
Answer. The United States is immensely popular among Kosovans, and
the media environment is vibrant in the Albanian language sector, with
a healthy spectrum of differing views and information vital to any
democracy. However, minority populations, such as Kosovo Serbs, do not
have the same access to an array of Serbian language media due to
language barriers, and, as a result, remain vulnerable to Russian
disinformation, especially through Serbian-controlled outlets. Along
with educational and economic prosperity focused programs, I will
continue Public Diplomacy projects that support Kosovo-Serb and other
minority communities, with the objective of enabling access to
differing views and ideas.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will focus on closely coordinating the
efforts of Washington- and Pristina-based public diplomacy teams and
support the strategic planning processes, such as the Public Diplomacy
Implementation Plan, to ensure programmatic and message coordination
between Post and Washington. I will ensure there is a unified approach
to highlighting key messages and U.S. policies in Kosovo, and
coordinate messages and information initiatives accordingly. The small
size of the Kosovan media market and the great public interest in the
U.S.-Kosovo relationship enable the mission to take advantage of the
local traditional and social media platforms.
Question. Do you believe that the U.N. Interim Administration
Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) is fulfilling its mandate? Please explain
your answer.
Do you believe that UNMIK's mandate of ``promoting security,
stability, and respect for human rights'' is efficient in the
current political-social climate in Kosovo?
Answer. The U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has long since fulfilled
its original purpose and is no longer relevant. UNMIK continues to
operate with a diminished role since Kosovo declared independence in
2008. We continue to urge the U.N. Security Council to consider better
ways to help Kosovo realize its full potential. Russia, as a permanent
member of the U.N. Security Council, supports Serbian efforts to
maintain UNMIK with its current mandate and staffing.
Question. UNMIK has an approved budget of $44,192,100 for 353 total
personnel, including civilians, experts, police, and U.N. volunteers.
What are U.S. contributions to UNMIK?
Answer. The United States is assessed at 27.89 percent of all
Member States assessments, but the Department of State pays 25 percent
due to a legislative cap. The U.S. share of that budget, capped at 25
percent, is $11,048,025.
Question. Will you commit to working with Congress, along with the
A/S for International Organizations, to effectively measure our
contributions against the effectiveness of the UNMIK mandate?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress along
with the A/S for International Organizations, to effectively measure
our contributions against the effectiveness of the UNMIK mandate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. The Helsinki Commission has expressed concern about the
plight of Roma in Kosovo, who not only face the same discrimination
faced elsewhere in Europe but were targeted as alleged Serbian
collaborators.
As Ambassador, how would you propose to find solutions for improved
engagement with the Serbian community throughout Kosovo?
Answer. Kosovo's constitution affords Kosovo Serbs and other
minorities extensive rights and protections, but Kosovo still has
substantial work to do to ensure full implementation of the legal
rights afforded to minorities and to ensure Kosovo Serbs feel they have
a stake in their country's future. If confirmed, I will engage in
active outreach to the Kosovo Serb community, seeking to include Kosovo
Government and civil society officials in that outreach. I will also
use U.S. assistance programs to focus on increasing constructive inter-
ethnic cooperation, empowering all citizens to actively participate in
government, ensuring equal access to services, and improving economic
opportunities for minority citizens, particularly through youth.
Question. In your view, how would you pursue improved relations
with other minority leaders, including from the Romani community, and
advocate for the security of their communities and their integration in
Kosovo society?
Answer. The Embassy has a strong record of engaging with minority
communities and leaders across Kosovo, and, if confirmed, I will
actively continue those efforts. Kosovo's legislative framework
ensuring equal rights are afforded to members of minority groups is
strong, but implementation is often weak. I will continue to encourage
the Government of Kosovo to address human rights challenges within its
borders and to uphold the rights of members of minority communities in
line with Kosovo's constitution, laws, and international obligations. I
will also call for Kosovo justice institutions to serve all citizens
fairly, without prejudice, in accordance with the law, and to ensure
that every resident has equal access to justice.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey M. Hovenier by Senator Todd Young
Question. Kosovo has agreed to permit Afghan evacuees who fail to
clear initial rounds of screening to be housed at Camp Bondsteel. This
is a generous gesture by our ally in the midst of our strategic failure
in Afghanistan. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Kosovo to ensure that Afghan evacuees do not become a burden or
security risk to Kosovo?
Answer. Kosovo provided early and generous support by agreeing to
host up to 2,000 at-risk Afghans in need of further processing before
relocation to the United States. The decision to house Afghan refugees
at Camp Bondsteel, at U.S. Government expense, minimizes the burden to
Kosovo. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Kosovo Government in
implementing the terms of our legal agreement.
Question. What will become of Afghan evacuees that do not clear
their initial screenings within the one year time frame Kosovo will
permit the evacuees?
Answer. An interagency team is working on the ground with the goal
of clearing all Afghan evacuees at Camp Bondsteel for onward travel to
the United States. Two plane loads of individuals and their
accompanying family members have already successfully cleared and
departed Kosovo. U.S.-affiliated Afghans who clear screening will be
relocated to the United States as they clear. The United States will
work with IOM and UNHCR to relocate to safe and willing third countries
any individuals who do not clear screening processes before the one-
year period elapses.
Question. If confirmed, what procedures will you put in place to
ensure constant and careful communication with the Government of Kosovo
regarding all Afghan evacuees?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's close
coordination with the Government of Kosovo, including with the highest
levels of the Government of Kosovo, regarding Afghan evacuees in the
country under U.S. auspices. The generous arrangements provided by the
Government of Kosovo are clear evidence of the pre-existing close
communication between Kosovo officials and Embassy staff. If confirmed,
I will continue to prioritize and enable close coordination between the
Embassy and the Government of Kosovo on the political, consular,
security, medical, and humanitarian aspects of this endeavor.
Question. Last week we saw that NATO had to increase patrols on the
Kosovo/Serbian border due a dispute over vehicle registration. While
this is just one issue of many it hints at the continued strain between
the two neighbors. What is your assessment of Serbian/Kosovo relations?
Answer. Serbia/Kosovo relations remain strained and complex. Serbia
remains unwilling to acknowledge the reality that Kosovo is an
independent state; Kosovo maintains a deep distrust of Serbian
motivations and intentions. Both sides have taken actions that have
jeopardized the prospects of normalization of relations, which should
be centered on mutual recognition. The recent agreement on license
plate issues brokered by the EU with strong U.S. support demonstrates
that when leaders in the region engage openly and constructively, they
can find common ground benefitting all citizens. The United State
considers the EU-facilitated Dialogue the best platform to resolve
outstanding issues and to normalize relations centered on mutual
recognition.
Question. Do you see the current dispute escalating into anything
further?
Answer. Conditions at the border crossings are calm and traffic is
flowing both ways smoothly. I understand that NATO KFOR troops'
presence at the affected border crossings is temporary and limited to
approximately two weeks.
Question. How long do you see the NATO mission in Kosovo lasting?
Answer. NATO's current presence in Kosovo provides strategic
stability in the region and reduces tensions between Kosovo and Serbia.
If confirmed, I will, together with senior USG officials, continue our
robust support to the EU's efforts to achieve progress in the Dialogue
it facilitates between Kosovo and Serbia. We see progress towards a
comprehensive, verifiable normalization agreement as a precondition to
any NATO departure.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Bosnia was ranked 111th on Transparency International's
Corruption Perceptions Index for 2020, a decrease of seven points since
2012. What can the United States and its European allies do to help
Bosnia and Herzegovina tackle corruption? How will you advance efforts
to tackle corruption as ambassador?
Answer. The administration has made clear that by countering
corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and
accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the
United States and other democracies. If confirmed, I will work with our
international and local partners to advocate for key anticorruption,
election integrity, and rule of law reforms. I will also continue to
leverage U.S. assistance programs to increase government transparency,
strengthen civil society, support investigative journalism, and promote
the effective investigation and prosecution of corruption. Finally, I
will recommend use of U.S. sanctions tools, as appropriate, to advance
these priorities.
Question. Bosnia and Herzegovina will hold general elections in
October 2020. The High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Christian Schmidt, recently said that he supports electoral reform in
advance of the elections. What reforms do you believe need to be
prioritized? Should they be electoral or constitutional? How will you
work with the High Representative, and counterparts in the Bosnian
Government, to enact these reforms? How do you assess these reforms'
likelihood of being adopted?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize limited constitutional
reform as well as election law and election integrity reforms in Bosnia
and Herzegovina (BiH). These reforms are necessary for BiH's
integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions and to strengthen BiH's
electoral processes. The United States remains steadfast in its support
of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, and if
confirmed, I will closely collaborate with High Representative Schmidt
as well as U.S. allies and partners to promote BiH's stability and
functionality. The United States welcomes OHR's focus on fulfillment of
the 5+2 Agenda, as the agreed upon conditions for OHR closure.
Question. The Republika Srpska parliament passed a law in July on
the ``non-implementation'' of the High Representative's decision
banning genocide denial. The law would send those who call the
Republika Srpska ``genocidal'' to jail. How can the United States work
to increase tolerance in Bosnian society, while also addressing
important legacy issues?
Answer. The United States does not condone efforts to deny
historical facts with respect to crimes committed in the 1992-1995
conflict, including the genocide in Srebrenica. A fact-based approach
with respect to the past is essential to advancing reconciliation in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. If confirmed, I will continue to promote
transitional justice and reconciliation efforts and support local
actors who work to promote human rights and mutual respect. I will
engage with younger generations to ensure a more tolerant, equitable,
and prosperous future for BiH.
Question. In 2019, the EU identified fourteen priorities for Bosnia
and Herzegovina to address relating to democracy, rule of law,
fundamental rights, and public administration. Bosnia and Herzegovina
established the Commission for Cooperation in NATO to help facilitate
its Reform Program for 2021-2022. How do you assess progress made by
Bosnia since the 2019 priorities were identified? How will you engage
with the Bosnian Government on its Reform Program?
Answer. The United States fully supports Bosnia and Herzegovina's
(BiH) integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. The reforms outlined
in the EU's 14 priorities and in BiH's Reform Program with NATO are
necessary for BiH to progress towards membership in both institutions.
While there has been some progress, there is much work to be done. If
confirmed, I will work with BiH's leaders and the United States'
international partners to advance the reforms outlined in the EU's 14
priorities and BiH's Reform Program with NATO. Euro-Atlantic
integration is the surest path to the democratic, prosperous, and
secure future that all of BiH's citizens seek and deserve.
Question. The mandates for the EU and NATO missions in the Bosnia
will be up for reauthorization at the U.N. Security Council in
November. Russia has already expressed displeasure with the appointment
of Christian Schmidt as High Representative and could potentially veto
the reauthorization. How will you work to ensure these critical
missions are reauthorized and what will you do in the event of a
Russian veto?
Answer. The United States firmly supports EUFOR's Operation ALTHEA
and NATO's presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). EUFOR plays an
important role in maintaining security and stability in BiH. NATO's
presence is equally vital. Instability in BiH is not in the interest of
any part of the international community, including Russia. If
confirmed, I will support the continuation of these important missions.
Question. Having previously served in Bosnia and Herzegovina, you
are quite familiar with the region's political dynamics. Are there any
significant changes in the Balkans' political dynamics compared to when
you were last posted to Sarajevo? How has Bosnia and Herzegovina's
relations with its neighbors, Serbia and Croatia, changed over the past
decade?
Answer. The Western Balkans has made significant strides since 2009
when I departed Sarajevo. Croatia joined the EU; Albania, Croatia,
Montenegro, and North Macedonia joined NATO; and Greece and North
Macedonia reached the historic Prespa Agreement. The U.S. has good
relations with Croatia and Serbia. Their commitment to BiH's
sovereignty and territorial integrity is essential to the entire
region's stability and security. The biggest change since 2009 is that
Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) play a more prominent
and negative role in BiH and the Balkans. If confirmed, I will work to
counter efforts by local and outside actors, especially Russia and the
PRC, that threaten our interests and undermine BiH's future.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2020 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bosnia was
upgraded to Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts to meet the
minimum standards to eliminate trafficking especially during the COVID-
19 pandemic.
How will you work with the Bosnian Government to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made commendable progress
combating trafficking in persons; therefore, BiH was upgraded to Tier 2
in the 2021 TIP Report. Nonetheless, there is more work to be done. If
confirmed, I will press for more vigorous investigations, prosecutions,
and convictions for this crime. I will urge local officials to increase
resources, personnel, and training for law enforcement to investigate
these crimes and institute screening procedures to identify trafficking
victims within migrant flows. I will encourage BiH officials to
standardize victim assistance throughout the country, and I will
continue to support assistance for prosecutors and judges so that they
focus on the needs of victims and understand the severity of
trafficking when seeking and issuing sentences.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the
need for respect of religious freedom was underscored by the U.S.
Embassy as well as between religious minorities and government
officials. What is your assessment of this particular issue and if
confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of International
Religious Freedom to promote universal respect for freedom of religion
and belief in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and ensure that the embassy
and its branch offices recommend, develop, and implement policies to
address any religiously-motivated abuses, harassment, and
discrimination. Finally, if confirmed, I will continue to promote
inter-religious dialogue and protections for religious minorities in
BiH as well as encourage the country's religious communities to support
reconciliation in BiH.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Bosnia was identified
has having significant human rights issues, including a lack of
independence of the judiciary, restrictions on free expression, the
press, and the internet, violence against journalists, corruption, and
more. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will privately and publicly raise U.S.
concerns about violence against journalists, corruption, and other
human rights issues. I will work with governmental and non-governmental
partners in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to improve legal protections
throughout BiH for free expression and public gatherings. I will
continue assistance programs with local, cantonal, entity, and state-
level administrative, investigative, and justice officials to improve
anti-corruption coordination and promote public accountability and
transparency. Finally, if confirmed, I will continue to push for
adoption and implementation of legislative reforms to improve judicial
independence.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with civil society organizations
to improve the human rights situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)
and advocate, privately and publicly, to advance human rights issues of
concern in BiH. I will continue to support U.S. assistance programs and
public engagement opportunities to increase the capacity of civil
society organizations and amplify their voices, and work, on human
rights issues.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Bosnia and Herzegovina
(BiH)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize the well-being of my staff
and listen to concerns they may have about the operating environment in
Sarajevo, Banja Luka and Mostar, and where I have the authority and
resources, I will work to put in place measures to address them.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission BiH?
Answer. If confirmed, I want Americans and local staff under my
leadership to feel heard, respected, and engaged; and I plan to set the
tone by my example. I will maintain open and regular communication with
the Employee Association, Community Liaison Office, and Locally
Employed Staff Committee to discuss issues of concern at mission
Sarajevo, including its branch offices in Banja Luka and Mostar. Where
I have the authority and resources, I will work to put in place
measures to address them.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission BiH?
Answer. If confirmed, I will communicate clearly and regularly to
all mission personnel U.S. foreign policy objectives in Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH). I will empower American Direct hire employees from
across the interagency and the mission's exceptional local staff to
advance these objectives as well as to build and sustain the management
platform required to support this work. If confirmed, I will expect
collaboration across the mission, including Sarajevo, Banja Luka, and
Mostar, and among all U.S. agencies present in BiH. I will expect
members of the mission to pro-actively share information with one
another.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I encourage clear, direct and open communication with me
about policy, management and other issues. I believe strongly in
empowering my team to advance foreign policy and management priorities,
and I encourage my team to think creatively, pro-actively and ``outside
the box'' to address challenges and resolve problems. I encourage team
members to present their perspectives when discussing policy options,
but to respect and execute decisions once they are made. I value
diversity of perspectives, honesty, and, above all, integrity.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is acceptable nor constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private. Mutual respect in the
work place is essential for building the cohesive team required to
achieve U.S. policy goals.
Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as a DAS
in EUR?
Answer. My more than three years as Deputy Assistant Secretary
(DAS) have underscored the importance of: 1) clearly defining strategic
objectives and priorities; 2) empowering subordinates to accomplish
organizational objectives; 3) forging strong, collaborative interagency
relationships to develop and implement policy; and 4) devoting time and
energy to recruiting, hiring, and developing a diverse staff. In
addition, I have learned that integrity is the most important
leadership and management value a leader can possess and must
safeguard.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. I have great respect for the current Deputy Chief of
Mission, Deborah Mennuti, with whom I have worked previously. If I am
confirmed, I anticipate and look forward to a positive and productive
working relationship with her.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will entrust the Deputy Chief of Mission
(DCM) with day-to-day responsibility for mission operations. I will
also expect the DCM to be fully engaged with, and informed on, all
aspects of policy, so that the DCM is prepared to step into the role of
Charge d'Affaires, when necessary, and ensure continuity of operations.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with many
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. As in Washington, interagency communication and
coordination at an overseas mission is critical to effective policy
development and implementation. If confirmed, I will work to facilitate
unity of purpose and vision as well as operational coordination among
all agencies at post. I will build strong relationships with each
member of the country team, who I will also expect to work cordially
and collaboratively with one another. If confirmed, I will also tackle
any difficult issues and challenges that may emerge within country
team.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. In my experience, strong interagency relationships are
essential to effective policy development and implementation. If
confirmed, I will expect members of my country team to work
cooperatively and collaboratively to advance U.S. foreign policy
objectives in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Mission BiH?
Answer. If confirmed, I will expect members of my country team to
work cooperatively and collaboratively to advance U.S. foreign policy
objectives in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I will make use of internal
interagency working groups and other fora to develop policy and ensure
effective coordination of its implementation. If confirmed, I will
encourage team members to present their perspectives when discussing
policy options, but to respect and execute decisions once they are
taken. If confirmed, I will also tackle any difficult issues and
challenges that may emerge within country team.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. Yes, I believe that accurate, constructive feedback on
performance is necessary to both encourage improvement and reward
officers who excel in the performance of their duties.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will encourage all supervisors to
provide clear and direct feedback to subordinates to improve
performance and reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. In your
experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy walls enough
to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Each overseas operating environment is unique. In my
experience, U.S. diplomats excel at building the relationships
necessary to advance U.S. foreign policy. During the more than 18
months in which physical outreach has been limited by the global
pandemic, our missions in Europe, including Sarajevo, have used
technology and other creative means to build and nurture the
relationships crucial to advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the mission in Sarajevo and its branch
offices in Banja Luka and Mostar actively engage with a full range of
outside contacts to advance U.S interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to support the continued
expansion of U.S. engagement across all populations in Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH). Whether meeting with politicians, engaging young
people on social media, or hosting civil society leaders, U.S.
diplomats are always seeking new tools and avenues to advance U.S.
interests. I will support my team in continuing to develop new
connections in BiH.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in BiH?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?
Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is fertile ground for Public
Diplomacy (PD) programs, and these programs are critical to advancing
our foreign policy objectives in BiH. Students and professionals alike
are eager to participate in our exchange programs, and the Public
Diplomacy Section has a grants program that supports democracy,
economic reform, and reconciliation. As with many other missions, our
public diplomacy work is limited by the finite nature of our staffing
and budgets. If confirmed, I will strongly support the work of the PD
section and leverage public diplomacy resources to advance U.S. policy
in BiH.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. U.S. foreign policy and national security goals are the
same, whether in Washington or in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). If
confirmed, I will ensure my public diplomacy team coordinates closely
with Washington, develops a clear message regarding U.S. policy, and
communicates it to all intended audiences in BiH, and that Washington
does the same with U.S.-based audiences.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. As you noted in your testimony, U.S. support to Bosnia
and Herzegovina is critical to maintaining peace in the Balkans and
moving the country towards a better future. How will you work with key
members of the international community to push reforms that cement
support for individual human rights, and bring Bosnia into compliance
with the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights Court regarding
Sejdic and Finci vs. Bosnia and Herzegovina?
Answer. The United States welcomes efforts by Bosnia and
Herzegovina's (BiH) leaders to increase the integrity and transparency
of BiH's democratic processes and advance BiH on its Euro-Atlantic
path. If confirmed, I will work with local political and civic leaders
and key European partners, including the European Union, to encourage
reforms that address decisions of BiH's Constitutional Court and the
European Court of Human Rights. If confirmed, I will also support
efforts to ensure BiH's electoral system meets international
recommendations for electoral integrity, including those made by the
OSCE and the Council of Europe.
Question. China and Russia are working to increase their malign
influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina daily. As you noted, they aim to
keep the country in a state of paralysis to ease their ability to
influence local actors. The COVID-19 pandemic has provided another
opportunity for China and Russia to play politics with people's lives.
In June, President Biden committed 500,000 Pfizer vaccines to Bosnia
and Herzegovina based on extremely low availability in-country, and a
continued spread of the virus. This commitment is critical in our
global fight against COVID-19 in low- and middle-income nations, and
reinforces our deep ties with the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
When will the administration deliver on this now months-long
commitment, and will you continue to advocate for support if the county
continues to lag compared to its neighbors in vaccine availability?
Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina suffers from serious healthcare
deficiencies across all levels of healthcare administration, which
delayed and inhibited government response to COVID-19. If confirmed, I
will work with local actors and international partners to support BiH
efforts to combat COVID-19 and move out of the pandemic. If confirmed,
I will also remain committed to coordinating within the administration
to expedite delivery of any currently planned, or future, vaccine
donations to BiH.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael J. Murphy by Senator Todd Young
Question. The fragile stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina is
threatened by growing Russian and Chinese manipulation in the country.
China has over $2 billion in infrastructure projects in the country,
most of it in opaque and likely corrupt deals. Russia is allied with
leaders in Republika Srpska that are calling for secession from the
country and challenging the legitimacy of the country's institutions.
If confirmed, how will you confront Russian and Chinese manipulation
and influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina?
Answer. Russia and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have very
different visions than the United States for the future of Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH). The United States believes that our interests, and
the interests of BiH, are best served by building a common democratic
and prosperous future for all BiH citizens based upon reconciliation,
good governance, economic reform, and rule of law. Euro-Atlantic
integration is the surest path to this future. If confirmed, I will
continue a whole-of-government approach that leverages the full range
of U.S. Government capabilities in supporting BiH on this path as well
as to counter efforts by local and outside actors, especially Russia
and the PRC, that threaten our interests and BiH's future.
Question. How can the United States engage more with Republika
Srpska and other sub-national states in support of the Dayton
Agreement?
Answer. The United States remains fully committed to the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Both
the Republika Srpska and the Federation entities are fundamental
elements of the internal political organization of BiH, which is, and
must remain, one country. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with
local political and civic leaders from across the country on a range of
issues to advance full implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement and
support the reforms necessary to build a common democratic and
prosperous future for all citizens of BiH.
Question. How do you assess Chinese economic influence in Bosnia
and Herzegovina? What investment sources can the United States promote
in the country as an alternative to China's opaque and onerous terms?
Answer. Investment from the People's Republic of China (PRC) in BiH
is growing and focuses on critical infrastructure such as
telecommunications, energy, and transportation. The PRC's opaque
business practices and lending mechanisms exploit corruption in BiH. If
confirmed, I will continue to support economic and anti-corruption
reforms that advance BiH's Euro-Atlantic integration and promote
sustainable, transparent economic growth. If confirmed, I will also
work with colleagues across the U.S. Government, the private sector,
and the Western Balkans region to advance opportunities for U.S.
businesses and investment consistent with the highest transparency,
labor, digital, and green standards.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Robert Menendez
Latin American Migration to Spain
Question. Spain received the second largest number of asylum
seekers in the European Union in 2020--at nearly 21 percent of the EU's
total asylum applications. The top five nationalities included
Venezuelan, Colombian, Honduran, Peruvian, and Nicaraguan. This year,
conditions in Latin America have become more complex, with poverty and
inequality on the rise, transnational criminal groups gaining strength,
and dictatorships increasingly cracking down on populations in Cuba,
Nicaragua, and Venezuela. Based on previous migration trends and an
analysis of conditions in Latin America, it is a safe bet to assume
that asylum applications from Latin Americans in Spain will continue to
increase. If confirmed, how will you engage with Spain to align our
humanitarian objectives in Latin America? How will you work to
facilitate improved data sharing with Spain and an exchange of
experiences on refugee and migration challenges?
Answer. Latin America remains a priority for Spain's foreign
policy. The United States and Spain are in broad agreement about
promoting democracy, the rule of law, and economic prosperity in Latin
America. Spain is one of our key partners in providing development
assistance in the region, which supports U.S. Government efforts to
tackle root causes of migration. Spain is also strongly committed to
addressing the needs of those affected by the Maduro regime-caused
humanitarian crisis and is a leader in providing assistance to
countries in the region hosting millions of Venezuelans and others who
have fled their homelands. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to
coordinate with Spain on these efforts and work to expand existing
cooperation.
Spain and Venezuela
Question. Last month, Spanish authorities arrested the Maduro
regime's former intelligence chief, Hugo Carvajal, and I hope that he
will soon be extradited to the United States to face charges related to
his role in drug trafficking. However, I am concerned that Spain may be
playing a risky game when it comes to the political situation in
Venezuela, including the Sanchez Government's repeated outreach to
senior members of the Maduro regime at the expense of similar contacts
with Venezuela's Interim Government. What steps will you take to ensure
better alignment between the United States and Spain when it comes to
Venezuela, in particular on the key issues of supporting new
presidential elections in Venezuela and advancing accountability for
the Maduro regime's crimes against humanity?
Answer. The United States and Spain are largely aligned in seeking
a democratic transition through free and fair elections in Venezuela.
Both countries share an interest in ending the crisis caused by the
Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will work with Spain to support the
Venezuelan people and hold the Maduro regime accountable.
Spain, NATO & Afghanistan Evacuations
Question. As a trusted member of NATO, Spain maintains troops in
Iraq and stood with the United States and our allies in Afghanistan
during the last two decades. In August, Spain evacuated over 2,200 of
our Afghan partners and their families following the fall of Kabul. How
do you assess Spain's efforts in Afghanistan? Please outline your
priorities for our defense cooperation with Spain, including via NATO?
Answer. Since the evacuation of our Afghan partners began in
August, Spain has been a trusted and indispensable partner in the
effort to evacuate at-risk individuals and their families from
Afghanistan. Spain is a committed NATO ally and will host the 2022 NATO
Summit, in celebration of the 40th Anniversary of Spain's entry into
NATO. If confirmed, I would seek to expand existing cooperation on
shared objectives with Spain.
Catalonia
Question. Prime Minister Sanchez pardoned nine pro-independence
leaders from Catalonia in June 2021. However, former Catalan President
Carles Puigdemont was arrested in Sardinia a few weeks ago on a Spanish
Supreme Court warrant. How does the Biden administration view the pro-
independence movement in Catalonia? How will you approach these issues,
if confirmed?
Answer. The United States supports a strong and united Spain.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator James E. Risch
Trafficking in Persons
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Spain was
identified as Tier 1 but it was noted that investigations,
prosecutions, and convictions decreased.
How will you work with the Spanish Government to address these
issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. During the COVID-19 pandemic, investigations, prosecutions,
and convictions decreased worldwide. The isolation created by the
pandemic also made it easier in some cases for traffickers to operate.
We have a close working relationship with the Spanish on anti-
trafficking. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the Spanish
Government, our international law enforcement colleagues, and civil
society partners, to shine a spotlight on these cases, and to push for
greater action at all levels to ensure prevention efforts are
effective, those who engage in trafficking in persons are brought to
justice, and survivors receive the holistic assistance they need.
Question. How can Spain be a model for other western European
countries that are not Tier 1 but aspire to be?
Answer. This year, Rocio Mora Nieto, a Spanish national, was chosen
as one of the Department's TIP heroes--thanks to her work, and her
mother's work before her, shelters for women victims of trafficking
have been established and there has been continued work with the
Government to ensure survivors have access to key services. This kind
of partnership between government and civil society organizations is a
model for other countries. Spain's toll-free assistance number,
holistic support services for survivors, and significant sentences that
are sufficient to deter traffickers, are also examples for other
countries to follow.
International Religious Freedom
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Spain
was identified as having some issues of religious tolerance within
various communities. Notably, there were a large number of religiously
motivated hate crimes in 2020.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will incorporate these topics into the
mission's broader efforts to promote interfaith tolerance and the
safety of religious, racial, and ethnic minority communities in Spain
and Andorra. I will encourage the Government at the national, state,
regional, and local levels to take steps to improve protection for
religious minority communities, places of worship, and other culturally
meaningful sites, incorporating experience and expertise of those
communities. I will direct my Country Team to support encounters with
and within minority communities that promote tolerance and respect for
religious freedom, to include community projects and interfaith
coalitions. Finally, I will empower local voices to speak out against
hate crimes.
Human Rights
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Spain was identified as
having no reported incidents of significant human rights abuses during
the reporting period.
Despite this positive news, how will you direct your embassy to
work with civil society organizations to continue to improve
the human rights situation on the ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct my entire team to continue
working closely with the Spanish Government and civil society to
promote fundamental freedoms and protect the rights of women and girls;
LGBTQI+ individuals; people with disabilities; ethnic, racial, and
religious minorities; and other marginalized communities.
Spain/Venezuela
Question. Please describe your understanding of the extent of money
laundering and corruption schemes in Spain involving Venezuelans who
are both part of and connected to the Maduro regime.
Answer. The United States has shared with our Spanish partners
information about a number of individuals and their relatives who
reside in Spain and who benefitted from money laundering and corruption
schemes in Venezuela, many of them with connections to the Maduro
regime. The administration continues to share, in real time,
intelligence and evidence about such cases, in the hopes that this
information can be used for investment screening and can lead to law
enforcement actions, including indictments and property seizures.
[Additional Response--10/18/2021]. The United States has shared
with our Spanish partners information about a number of individuals and
their relatives who reside in Spain and who benefitted from money
laundering and corruption schemes in Venezuela, many of them with
connections to the Maduro regime. If confirmed, I will prioritize
efforts to share intelligence and evidence about such cases and
encourage this information be used to support law enforcement actions,
including indictments and property seizures. I will advocate for
multilateral and bilateral pressure on Maduro, and all manners of
accountability, and appropriate sanctions against Venezuelan officials
credibly accused of corruption or human rights abuses.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently
responsible for this issue and not involved in current policy
formulation or implementation, nor privy to classified information on
the subject, it is my understanding from public reporting that the
United States has shared with our Spanish partners information about a
number of individuals, Venezuelan and Spanish, and their relatives who
reside in Spain, who benefitted from money laundering and corruption
schemes in Venezuela. Many of these money laundering and corruption
schemes implicate individuals with connections to the Maduro regime. I
also understand that there are ongoing efforts to share intelligence
and evidence about such cases and if confirmed I will work to encourage
this information be used to support law enforcement actions, including
indictments and property seizures. I will also advocate with the
Government of Spain for multilateral and bilateral pressure on Maduro
to allow for free and fair elections, as well as all manners of
accountability, and appropriate law enforcement actions and sanctions
against Venezuelan officials credibly accused of corruption or human
rights abuses.
Question. In your view, does Spain share our objective of advancing
a negotiated and peaceful solution to Venezuela's political, economic,
and humanitarian crisis?
Answer. Yes. Spain shares our overarching goal to support a
peaceful democratic transition in Venezuela, through free and fair
presidential and parliamentary elections, and to help the Venezuelan
people rebuild their lives and their country. If confirmed, I will look
for ways to strengthen our coordination with Spain to ensure we are
making progress on our shared objectives in Venezuela.
Question. On January 23, 2020, then-Minister of Transports,
Mobility and Urban Agenda Jose Luis Abalos met with Maduro official
Delcy Rodriguez for ninety minutes at the Barajas Airport in Madrid.
Rodriguez has been sanctioned by the United States and is barred from
entering Spanish and European territory per EU sanctions.
Do you agree that robust enforcement of EU sanctions by Spain is
fundamental to achieve a negotiated and peaceful solution to
Venezuela's political, economic, and humanitarian crisis?
Answer. I agree that robust enforcement of EU sanctions by Spain,
and all EU members, is fundamental to a peaceful solution to the crisis
in Venezuela. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Spanish
Government to ensure we remain closely aligned on sanctions enforcement
and that our actions are consistent with the message those sanctions
are intended to send.
Question. Do you commit to pushing Spain to enforce those
sanctions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will emphasize to Spanish officials,
including together with EU representatives in Madrid, the importance of
enforcing EU sanctions to promote accountability for those who engage
in human rights abuses, corruption, and undermining democracy.
Question. In February 2020, the US imposed sanctions on Rosneft
Trading SA for their role in facilitating Venezuelan oil exports. If
confirmed, what would be your message to Spanish companies, such as
Repsol, on their current activities in Venezuela?
Answer. If confirmed, I will highlight that our sanctions policy
targets those who provide economic and material support to the Maduro
regime. Our goal is a peaceful, stable, and democratic Venezuela
through free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections. I will
encourage Spanish companies operating in Venezuela to support efforts
toward that goal.
Question. Please explain how the United States could work more
closely with the European Union--and specifically Spain--to increase
economic pressure on Maduro.
Answer. The United States should maintain multilateral pressure on
the Maduro Government and its enablers, hold regime officials
accountable for their illicit activities, implement appropriate
sanctions against corrupt officials who undermine democracy or abuse
human rights, and provide humanitarian assistance to alleviate the
suffering of the Venezuelan people. Because sanctions policy is within
EU competency, I will work with Spain, as a key member state focused on
Venezuela, to drive EU sanctions policy to put pressure on the Maduro
Government to allow for free and fair elections.
[Additional Response--10/18/2021]. Nicolas Maduro's repression,
corruption, and mismanagement have created one of the worst
humanitarian crises in the Western Hemisphere. If confirmed, I will
ensure we use every tool available to the United States to hold the
Maduro Government accountable. The United States must maintain
multilateral and bilateral pressure on the Maduro regime and its
enablers, hold regime officials accountable for their illicit
activities, implement appropriate sanctions against corrupt officials
who undermine democracy or abuse human rights, and provide humanitarian
assistance to alleviate the suffering of the Venezuelan people. The
United States and the EU agree that there must be a negotiated solution
to the crisis precipitated by Maduro, and there must be free and fair
presidential and parliamentary elections in Venezuela.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently
responsible for this issue and have not had access to policy
formulation or implementation in this regard, it is my view that close,
open diplomatic relations with both the European Union and Spain are
key to bringing greater economic pressure on the Maduro regime to
change its antidemocratic behavior and ongoing human rights abuses.
Nicolas Maduro's repression, corruption, and mismanagement have created
one of the worst humanitarian crises in the Western Hemisphere. If
confirmed, I will ensure we use every tool available to the United
States to hold the Maduro Government accountable. In my view, these
tools should include pursuit of criminal cases against regime actors
where they have violated laws and concerted sanctions by the U.S., EU,
and the U.N. against the regime and individuals in the regime. In my
view, the United States must maintain concerted and coordinated
multilateral and bilateral economic pressure on the Maduro regime and
its enablers, including holding regime officials legally accountable
for their illicit activities.
Question. Please explain your views on the effectiveness of
activating Title III of the 1996 Helms-Burton Act. Under what
conditions would you advise the President to suspend its activation?
Answer. I understand some provisions of the Helms-Burton Act have
long been controversial, both with our international partners, and with
some Americans who seek compensation for the Cuban Government's
confiscation of their property. If confirmed, I will support the
administration in carefully considering the best ways to support U.S.
nationals' claims.
[Additional Response--10/18/2021]. Americans who seek compensation
for the Cuban Government's illegal confiscation of their property
should be supported in their efforts to get justice. If confirmed, as
U.S. Ambassador to Spain, I would defer to the administration on Cuba
policy, but as a principal I believe U.S. citizens should be protected
from illegal seizure of property wherever that might be.
[Additional Response--10/28/2021]. While I am not currently
responsible for the implementation of the Helms-Burton Act nor involved
in policy deliberations about it, it is my view that the Act, properly
understood and administered, can play a legitimate role in our foreign
affairs policies in this area. I also understand the administration is
carefully considering the best ways to support U.S. nationals' claims.
If confirmed, I know this will be a challenging issue in my work with
the Government of Spain and commit to defending the rights of U.S.
persons and entities under the Act.
State Department Management
Question. Mission Spain has been under enormous stress over the
past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Spain?
Answer. While the pandemic has taken a toll on all of us, my
understanding is that morale at Mission Spain is generally high.
Mission Spain has a very experienced and motivated team of Americans
from across the interagency and excellent local staff working at
Mission Spain. The entire team showed enormous flexibility during the
worst of the pandemic. Mission personnel are now enjoying fairly normal
living and working conditions as Spain's infection rates have dropped
and Spain's vaccination rate is now among the highest in the world.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Spain?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue the good work of our
current leadership team, including the development of a plan to
maintain some of the workplace flexibilities introduced because of the
pandemic. I will reach out to members of the team at all levels,
including local staff, contractors, and the family members of all the
U.S. Government agencies represented at the Mission to learn about
their concerns.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Spain?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Country Team and seek
their input to update the Integrated Country Strategy. I will share our
mission and vision widely and frequently to the entire team. I will
create opportunities for frequent messaging and dialogue through events
targeting the entire community, such as Town Halls, awards/promotion
ceremonies, community events, and other forms of active outreach.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. My career is rooted in public service, and I have
demonstrated an ability to work with colleagues of all backgrounds in a
constructive manner. I regularly engage with members of my team and
always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity of
thought. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster an environment of
respect as Mission Spain carries out important work on behalf of the
American people. I believe in setting high standards and leading by
example. Our employees are our most important asset. I am dedicated to
professional development and helping employees grow and advance.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. My career in public service includes previously serving as
an ambassador. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is
treated professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and
secure, and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. My
commitment will be to ensure we use our available resources as
effectively as possible to advance our top policy priorities. I believe
that all members of U.S. Mission Spain are one team working for the
good of the U.S.-Spain and U.S.-Andorra relationships and the interests
of the United States and the American people.
Question. What lessons did you learn from your tenure as U.S.
Ambassador to Uruguay?
Answer. As U.S. Ambassador to Uruguay, I saw firsthand the
importance of good communication and close coordination within the U.S.
interagency. I learned to invest heavily in building and deepening our
relationships both inside and outside the embassy. If confirmed, I will
collaborate with my counterparts in the State Department, as well as
other government agencies, to ensure Mission Spain successfully
advances U.S. policies.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If yes, how do you intend to do so?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be
to meet the entire team at the Mission and work closely with the Deputy
Chief of Mission, as well as at our Consulate General in Barcelona and
in our consular agencies around Spain to ensure the smoothest of
processes and transitions.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Deputy Chief of
Mission to advance U.S. priorities in Spain, including: protecting the
safety and security of Americans, growing our economic relationship,
and advancing shared political priorities. I expect to have a positive
working relationship and to work together closely.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be
to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Madrid and our Consulate in
Barcelona, including the Deputy Chief of Mission. I will consult
closely with the Deputy Chief of Mission on a range of issues and value
the institutional knowledge provided.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Yes. In my experience with the Department, U.S. diplomats
have done a remarkable job to get outside our embassy walls and advance
U.S. objectives to accomplish our Mission by meeting local actors in
diverse settings and environments. I will encourage the Embassy team to
maximize opportunities to advance our interests with all sectors of the
Spanish populace.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. U.S. diplomats in Spain face no restrictions on their
movement or interactions with the local population. I will encourage
them to take full advantage of this environment to advance our
interests with all sectors of the Spanish populace.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Spain? What public
diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. Public diplomacy is a vital part of our mission. The
Fulbright program in Spain is one of the largest in the world with
hundreds of American and Spanish scholars and students benefiting every
year. Spain also has over 140 different daily newspapers in
circulation, and newswire EFE is one of the biggest media organizations
in the world. These outlets are constantly seeking commentary and
clarification from the U.S. Embassy. Other international players like
Xinhua, Sputnik, and Russia Today also compete for influence in the
Spanish media space, making media monitoring and skilled engagement to
push back against disinformation even more important. Our digital
engagement efforts are key to engaging Spain's current and future
opinion leaders.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Unity of message is important in foreign policy, so when it
comes to public messaging on policy issues, the Embassy should and does
depend on guidance from Main State. However, it is up to the in-country
team members to more robustly understand the local audiences and
context, build key bilateral and multilateral partnerships, and
effectively tailor Washington's messages for the local context. Embassy
Madrid's public diplomacy team does that very well, and if I am
confirmed, I'll make sure that we keep up that caliber of work.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Tim Kaine
U.S. Citizen Detained in Spain
Question. U.S. citizen and Virginia resident Victor John Stemberger
has been incarcerated in Spain since July 2019 on drug trafficking
charges. Mr. Stemberger and his family maintain that he knew nothing
about the drugs and was in fact duped into acting as an unwitting
courier for a West African cartel. The family has also noted that Mr.
Stemberger suffered a medically-documented brain aneurysm in 2005 that
greatly diminished his logic and decision-making abilities, for which a
medical exert provided documentation at his trial. On July 30, 2020, a
Spanish court found Mr. Stemberger guilty of drug smuggling and
sentenced him to seven years in prison. The Spanish Supreme Court
denied hearing his appeal on April 9, 2021. Given Mr. Stemberger's age
(78) and prior health complications, as well as risks associated with
COVID-19 for those over the age of 60, there is even greater urgency in
having Mr. Stemberger return to the United States as soon as possible.
My office has continued to push for his release with both U.S.
federal agencies and Spanish authorities. If confirmed, what
will you do as Ambassador to press for Mr. Stemberger's
expedited and safe return to his family in Virginia?
Answer. There is no higher priority than the safety and welfare of
U.S. citizens, and I know the U.S. Embassy in Madrid is tracking this
case closely. If confirmed, I will urge Spain to consider all options
in accordance with Spanish laws for letting Mr. Stemberger serve his
sentence in his home in the United States. The embassy will continue
providing support to him, his lawyers, and family members in their
requests for appeals and release.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Julissa Reynoso Pantaleon by Senator Todd Young
Question. Spain has close historical ties with countries throughout
Latin America. Unfortunately, we have seen this relationship abused by
the authoritarian regimes in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua. Leaders in
these countries have reportedly hidden away some of their ill-gotten
gains via the Spanish financial system to avoid U.S. sanctions. We have
not seen Spanish leadership within the European Union to resolve these
crises as we would have hoped. If confirmed, how would you engage with
the Government of Spain to better coordinate in support of democracy,
human rights, and transparency in Latin America?
Answer. The United States and Spain are in broad agreement about
promoting democracy, the rule of law, and economic prosperity in Latin
America. Spain actively influences debates in the EU on Latin America
and has led international efforts to provide assistance to countries in
the region, including by hosting the millions of Venezuelans who have
fled the crisis caused by the Maduro regime, as well as Cubans and
Nicaraguans who have fled those repressive regimes. If confirmed, I
will seek opportunities to expand our coordination with Spain on these
efforts.
Question. From your perspective, what is preventing greater U.S.-
Spanish coordination on Latin American policies? Given both of our
country's deep strategic interests in the region, what steps could be
taken to jointly take actions to hold despotic leaders in Latin America
accountable through sanctions, travel restrictions, or other actions?
Answer. Spanish officials assert that their policy objectives are
the same as those of the United States, but they believe the best path
to achieve economic and democratic reforms is through engagement and
dialogue. Economic and commercial concerns are an important element of
Spanish relations with the region. The U.S.-Spain bilateral
relationship is an important building block for increasing cooperation
on Latin America, and if confirmed, I will seek to expand our
coordination with Spain on these efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Austria has so far remained committed to EU sanctions
against Russia for its illegal annexation of Crimea. However, Austria
has close economic and energy ties with Russia. How do you assess the
Austrian Government's continued commitment to these sanctions? How will
you engage the Government to ensure its continued commitment?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to emphasize to the Austrian
Government the importance of maintaining U.S.-EU unity on sanctions,
emphasizing that any reduction of sanctions must be contingent on
Russian actions--beginning with the withdrawal of its forces from
eastern Ukraine, combined with the implementation of Russia's
commitments under the Minsk agreements, and, finally, return of control
of the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine.
Question. Chancellor Kurz recently hosted leaders from the Western
Balkans, expressing that the EU would only be complete once all Western
Balkan countries have joined the bloc. How will you work with Austrian
partners to highlight the benefits of EU enlargement, including its
potential to combat Chinese influence in Europe?
Answer. Austria supports U.S. goals for a stable, secure, and
prosperous Western Balkans. Austria also supports the transformation of
the Western Balkans into a zone of stability through the EU accession
process. Steps toward accession advance our mutual interest in
protecting democracy, stability, and the rule of law, while promoting
prosperity and integration of the Western Balkans in transatlantic
institutions. These steps and relationships would allow the aspirants
to deal with the PRC from a position of strength.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2020 Trafficking in Persons Report, Austria was
identified as Tier 1 but has room for improvement regarding convictions
of more traffickers and remedying gaps in the referral process for
potential victims.
How will you work with the host government to address these issues
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. Austria continues to take trafficking in persons issues
seriously and has been a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue
with the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and
Austrian authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the Austrian
Government. I will urge the Austrian Government to take further
concrete actions to address the recommendations from this year's
Trafficking in Persons Report. Specifically, I will encourage the
Government of Austria to increase efforts to identify victims among
vulnerable groups, ensure all victims have access to services, and
increase efforts to identify victims of labor trafficking.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
Austria was identified as having community issues regarding religious
freedom. The U.S. Embassy during the reporting period did good work on
the ground to support programs to combat Anti-Semitism and promote
religious dialogue.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador-at-Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Austria takes religious freedom seriously and respects the
rights and freedoms of its population. Austria's constitution provides
for freedom of religion; other laws and policies contribute to the
generally free practice of religion in Austria. There are,
unfortunately, increasing reports of societal abuses or discrimination
based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice, including an
increase in anti-Semitic incidents in 2020. If confirmed, I look
forward to working together with the Ambassador-at-Large, as well as
the Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, to
bolster respect for the freedom of religion or belief and the rights of
members of religious minority groups.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, significant human rights
issues in Austria were identified as violence or threats of violence
motivated by anti-Semitism.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The Austrian Government is dedicated to fighting anti-
Semitism and has been quick to condemn words and acts of anti-Semitism.
The Government announced a strategy to combat anti-Semitism in January
2021. There was an increase in anti-Semitic incidents in 2020,
including violence targeting Austria's Jewish community and online hate
and incitement. If confirmed, I will publicly and privately reiterate
to the Government the importance of this issue and identify areas where
the United States can cooperate with the Government and with Austria's
Jewish community to combat anti-Semitism, working in coordination with
U.S. Office of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs,
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in
Vienna enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil society
on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society has played an
important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders, driving
meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of minority groups
and access to justice for vulnerable communities, and strengthening
independent media.?
Question. Mission Austria has been under enormous stress over the
past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Austria?
Answer. Austria has enforced three strict national lockdowns. The
American and local employees at Embassy Vienna have dealt with
significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for their
service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize
meeting with and supporting Embassy employees, including the Deputy
Chief of Mission, to understand the impact of the pandemic on the
mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Austria?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that
they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard
at the highest level. I will do personal outreach to the staff when I
arrive at Post and will ensure that everyone in the Mission understands
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team. If
confirmed, I will promote training and professional development, and
ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee and family
support resources that the Department offers to assist employees.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Austria?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and
transparent communications throughout the Mission by sharing
information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and
community of the Mission the community--both American and local staff.
I will treat the team with respect and professionalism and give them
the tools they need to do their jobs. I believe that all members of
U.S. Embassy Vienna are one team working for the good of the U.S.-
Austria relationship and the interests of the United States and the
American people, and, if confirmed, my goal will be to have everyone
inspired to work in that direction.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in
sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and
suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance
and decisions as needed to lead. I regularly engage with members of my
team and always seek to create a space for open dialogue and diversity
of thought.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the
needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we
use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our
top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional
resources to carry out our mission.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Vienna and to
schedule opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy
operations. I will also create opportunities for more informal meetings
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy
morale.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a positive relationship
where my Deputy Chief of Mission will be my trusted partner,
confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with my DCM once I arrive in Vienna to
collaboratively work through the best division of labor in managing the
Mission.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to
access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would stress the importance of getting
outside of our Embassy by example. Access to and engagement with local
contacts and populations is an important part of our work overseas. If
confirmed, I look forward to participating in public outreach to all
parts of society, from students to non-governmental organizations to
the media, and will encourage the diplomats of Embassy Vienna to do the
same.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Austria? What
public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. In Austria, as has happened everywhere, COVID has affected
in-person public diplomacy programming. Recently announced new travel
rules, once implemented, should help alleviate increased skepticism
about the perceived imbalance between measures that make travel to the
United States very restrictive for Austrians. U.S. public diplomacy
programming supports Mission goals through student and scholarly
exchanges; media engagement; educational outreach; speaker series;
support for culture and the arts; and entrepreneurship, bilateral trade
and investment ties. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with the
Austrian public to increase dialogue about a range of issues and
support for our policies.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Vienna-based public
diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified approach to
highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Austria and around
the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on six different social
media platforms: Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, LinkedIn, and
Flickr to deliver tailored messages on U.S. foreign policy priorities,
promote Embassy activities and events, provide information on security,
voting, and other topics to U.S. citizens, and communicate with the
Austrian public.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. As Ambassador to Austria, how would you respond to the
September 23rd report in the Washington Post alleging that dozens of
U.S. personnel, including diplomats, intelligence officials, and in
some cases their children, have reported ``Havana Syndrome'' symptoms?
Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. It is also an issue I
take very seriously. If I am confirmed, the safety and well-being of
Embassy personnel and their families will be my highest priority. If I
receive information about individuals beings affected by these
incidents, I will ensure that they get the immediate, prompt medical
attention they deserve and need. I understand a major interagency
effort currently is underway to investigate the cause of the incidents
and how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will
continue to urge investigation into the cause of the incidents and ways
to prevent them.
Question. What additional steps would you take to ensure the safety
of your staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
family members who report a possible health incident will receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been impacting
these members of our Embassy team. I will also consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community. If confirmed, I will work with my team to review the current
procedures and modify them in collaboration with Washington if
necessary.
Austria and EU Integration
Question. Some supporters of increased EU integration have
criticized Chancellor Kurz for opposing proposals for migrants and
refugees to be resettled across the EU, as well as proposals for more
EU fiscal integration, including financial assistance to member states
in economic difficulty.
How would you characterize the Kurz Government's approach to the
EU?
Answer. Austria is an active and committed member of the EU and
regularly supports initiatives in the multilateral field, such as
disarmament, strengthening human rights and the rights of minorities,
and arms control and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Austria has been a strong supporter of EU enlargement in the Western
Balkans. However, within the EU, there is not always unanimity of
position on every issue. If I am confirmed, I will continue to speak
with officials in the Austrian Government about issues upon which we
may differ but where we might be able to find some common ground.
Question. As the Ambassador nominee to Austria, do you believe that
Kurz's vision for the EU aligns with the Biden administration's goals
in Europe?
Answer. The President has emphasized the United States' continued
commitment to the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. While
former Chancellor Kurz stepped down from his position on October 11,
2021, I look forward to emphasizing this continued commitment with new
Austrian Chancellor, Alexander Schallenberg.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Victoria Reggie Kennedy by Senator Todd Young
Question. Given its central location, Austria has long positioned
itself as a builder of bridges between the east and the west. But I
worry about Russia using that bridge for its own purposes. For
instance, the Austrian firm OMV is one of the main companies financing
the Nordstream 2 pipeline. Austria reportedly has worked to block
robust EU sanctions in Belarus to protect some of its banks that have
interests there and throughout Eastern Europe. Austria was one of the
few EU countries that did not expel Russian diplomats in response to
the poisoning of Sergei Skripal by Russian intelligence. What is the
current relationship between Austria and Russia?
Answer. The concept of neutrality has shaped Austria's relations
since its adoption of a constitutional law in 1955, allowing it to host
many Cold War-era U.S.-Russia meetings. Current attitudes toward
Russia, including public support for U.S.-Russia talks on strategic
stability and nuclear disarmament and calls for high-level EU-Russia
dialogue, remain influenced by these events. Austria supports EU
sanctions against Russia over the 2014 invasion of Ukraine, and the
ongoing occupation of Crimea and conflict in Ukraine. Austria supported
four rounds of EU sanctions related to Belarus. Austria has supported
sanctions against Russia in response to the imprisonment of Alexei
Navalny and the repression of peaceful protesters.
Question. What are Russia's interests in Austria?
Answer. Russians invested $25.9 billion in Austria in 2020, and
Russia is the country's second-largest foreign investor. Most recent
investments have been in real estate and gas storage infrastructure.
Austrian banks established a strong presence in the Russian financial
sector after the fall of the Berlin Wall, but with many banks
consolidating their Eastern European portfolios, only Raiffeisen Bank
International (RBI) remains active in Russia. The Russian market
accounted for almost one third of RBI's total profits in 2020 ($858
million).
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage the Austrian
Government to better respond to Russian actions?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to emphasize to the Austrian
Government the importance of maintaining U.S.-EU unity on sanctions,
emphasizing that any reduction of sanctions must be contingent on
Russian actions--beginning with the withdrawal of its forces from
eastern Ukraine, combined with the implementation of Russia's
commitments under the Minsk agreements, and, finally, return of control
of the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2021 (a.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m., in
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, Van Hollen, Risch,
Johnson, Romney, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senators Durbin and Hickenlooper.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
We are here today to consider nominees for three important
positions--Ambassadors to China, Japan, and Singapore. On the
first panel, we will hear from Ambassador Nick Burns, to be
Ambassador to China. I understand Senator Markey will introduce
Ambassador Burns. So, I will turn to him at this time.
Senator Markey?
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Member Risch.
It is my absolute honor and pleasure to introduce our
nominee today, Nicholas Burns, nominated to be the Ambassador
of the United States to the People's Republic of China.
Ambassador Burns is a cherished son of Massachusetts, a
fellow Boston College alumnus, and a proud member of Red Sox
Nation. I would also like to welcome Ambassador Burns' wife,
Libby, who has joined us today.
Name a diplomatic flashpoint of the last four decades, and
there is a good chance that Ambassador Burns was either a
witness or an active participant. In his exemplary career as a
member of the Foreign Service, he served four U.S. Presidents.
Among his assignments, he spent 5 years at the National
Security Council, first as Director of Soviet Affairs under
President George H.W. Bush and later as Senior Director for
Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia Affairs under President Clinton.
In those roles, Ambassador Burns helped shepherd the United
States through the collapse of the Soviet Union and the
establishment of new relationships with the former Soviet bloc
countries. In 1997, he was named U.S. Ambassador to Greece,
where he helped to expand our bilateral defense relationship
and counterterrorism.
In 2001, President George Bush selected him to serve as
U.S. Ambassador to NATO. He took this post 1 month before the
attacks of 9/11, just 1 month before 9/11, when the alliance
invoked Article 5 for the first time in its history. He later
served as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, the
highest-ranking Foreign Service officer in Foggy Bottom.
Ambassador Burns has established a deep understanding of
the United States' relationship with China and has been a
returning visitor to China for more than three decades. As a
junior officer, he first accompanied Secretary George Shultz in
1988 and President Bush in 1989. He later accompanied Secretary
Madeleine Albright to Hong Kong in June of 1997 for its
handover from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of
China.
After his retirement from the Foreign Service, Ambassador
Burns turned his attention to training the next generation of
diplomats and security professionals at the Harvard Kennedy
School. In short, there is no more qualified person than
Ambassador Burns to serve in Beijing as our top diplomat.
I am confident that Ambassador Burns will seek to engage
Beijing where we must on the existential issues of the climate
crisis and nuclear nonproliferation, on curbing the flow of
synthetic opioids to our shores, and bringing North Korea to
the negotiating table. But I am equally confident that he will
speak out forcefully against the Chinese Government's abuses in
Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and elsewhere.
In Ambassador Burns, the men and women of the Foreign
Service will have no greater champion. He has the experience,
the knowledge, and the leadership skills for this critical post
in a difficult, but crucial time in our relationship with the
People's Republic of China.
In a commencement speech at our alma mater, Boston College,
in 2002, Ambassador Burns concluded in summing up the school's
ethos. ``It is the core belief that how we lead our lives
should not be just about and for ourselves, but about what we
all can do, in the poet Tennyson's words, 'to seek a newer
world' here on Earth.''
We are honored that you have again decided to take this
opportunity, Ambassador Burns, to once again seek that newer
world here on Earth.
I yield back, Mr. Chairman, and I urge the support of every
committee member for this great Ambassador.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Markey, for that glowing
introduction. We appreciate it. You are, of course, an
important member of our committee. So, we look forward to you
joining us on the regular dais when you are finished.
Ambassador Burns, welcome to you and your wife. You are an
outstanding public servant. As a career Foreign Service
officer, we are grateful to you and your family for your
willingness to serve our country again.
As you know, if confirmed, you will have a monumental task
before you. As I have said before, the China of 2021 is not the
China of 1971 or even the China of 2011. China today is
challenging the United States and destabilizing the
international community across every dimension of power--
political, diplomatic, economic, military, and even cultural--
with an alternative and deeply disturbing model for global
governance.
I truly believe that China today, led by the Communist
Party and propelled by Xi Jinping's hypernationalism, is unlike
any challenge we have faced as a nation before. For decades, we
failed to comprehensively address China's growing reach, from
its predatory economic behavior and aggressive efforts to
coerce its neighbors in the maritime domain, its dangerous
flexing of military muscle against Taiwan, to the crushing of
the religious and cultural autonomy of Tibet, and its campaign
of genocide against the Uyghur people, as well as the
imposition of a chilling system of digital authoritarianism to
suppress and oppress its own people. China today is more active
and more emboldened than ever before.
There should be little doubt that the right basic framework
for thinking about our relationship with China today is
strategic competition. Not because that is necessarily what we
want, but because of the choices Beijing is making. Therefore,
if confirmed, you will need to be clear-eyed about Beijing's
intentions and actions and play a key role in calibrating this
administration's still-emerging policy and strategy regarding
China.
This committee has engaged extensively on China over the
last several months, including passing the Strategic
Competition Act with overwhelming bipartisan support. Enacting
the bill is one critical step in ensuring a solid framework for
White House and State Department efforts to address the
challenge posed by China.
I know you bring to this job a wealth of diplomatic
experience and skill. So, we are very interested in hearing
from you today about how you think of the challenge and the
international--that the challenge that the international
community faces from China and how you think we need to frame
our strategy for success in this new era of strategic
competition.
I look forward to hearing your testimony. Let me turn to
the ranking member for his opening comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I, like most members or many members of the committee, have
known Nick for a long time. We first met in the early part of
the last decade in Luxembourg when he was serving as the
Ambassador to NATO.
It is, I think, appropriate that Ambassador Burns was
appointed to this position, which really demands a bipartisan
approach, and, I think, Congress, notwithstanding our other
emaciations on other issues, has certainly been--has taken a
bipartisan approach to the challenges that China has presented
to us and that we will face over the rest of the century, I
believe.
The position of Ambassador to China is one of the most
important ambassadorial nominations we will consider in this
committee. The People's Republic of China is leveraging its
political, diplomatic, economic, military, technological, and
ideological power to wage strategic competition against the
United States. Chinese Communist Party policies and actions
threaten U.S. interests and values, as well as allies and
partners, on just about every continent, but particularly in
the Indo-Pacific.
While this challenge will persist for decades, the
competition is here now, and we must act urgently. Advancing
U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific region must be our number-
one foreign policy priority. If confirmed, Ambassador Burns,
you will be on the front lines of this competition.
There are a few priorities that form the foundation of the
bipartisan Strategic Competition Act, led by Senator Menendez
and myself, which passed through this committee earlier this
year. First, China's growing military might is dramatically
shifting the regional balance of power in the Indo-Pacific in
its favor. We need to counter China's conventional and nuclear
build-up that threatens our interests and our allies.
Nowhere is China flexing this military might as much as it
is in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan's President Tsai is right. ``If
our Taiwan were to fall, the consequences would be catastrophic
for regional peace and the democratic alliance system.'' It is
imperative that we work actively to deter PRC's coercion and
aggression towards Taiwan.
Another issue that is not discussed as often, but must be,
is China's pursuit of life sciences research with potential for
weaponization, causing concern about potential violations of
the Biological Weapons Convention. I have introduced
legislation, the Biological Weapons Policy Act, that would give
our country team in China a larger role in ensuring that
biological research cooperation with China does not put us or
the world at risk.
Second, our diplomatic mission in China must be
strengthened to address the economic and political facets of
the competition at hand. That includes providing information to
decision-makers in Washington on how the CCP seeks to exert
undue political influence in our open society.
On the economic front, we must ensure our economic corps in
Mission China is up to the task of dealing with new challenges.
China is rolling out laws and regulations to punish companies
for complying with U.S. law, including our sanctions laws. The
Chinese Government is also stamping out all free market
activity by asserting control over its financial institutions
and its technology companies.
Another challenge where we need an active economic corps is
addressing pressing supply chain vulnerabilities, especially in
technology and healthcare. Of course, advancing human rights
must continue to be a central priority in our China policy.
Ambassador Burns, you face a tough environment. China has
said it will not work with us on anything until the United
States gives into the demands of its two lists. You and I
discussed those lists yesterday, and some day, I hope to be
able to see those lists. How the Biden administration plans to
deal with that is not clear.
In our diplomatic engagements, China has repeatedly shown a
lack of interest in good faith discussions. Yet the
administration continues to assert that China can be a partner
on a variety of issues, notably climate. On Taiwan, I applaud
recent defense sales, but we have also seen a lot of unclear
messaging, including recent allusions to a Taiwan agreement.
And despite China's massive and unconstrained nuclear
build-up, the administration is considering, considering, a
sole purpose nuclear declaratory policy that would put U.S.
allies at immense risk and shake confidence in U.S. deterrence
commitments. I know that our allies have communicated serious
objections to the administration on this topic.
So, far, the administration is refusing to share those
communications with Congress. This issue is even more important
given China's test this past weekend of a fractional orbital
bombardment system carrying a hypersonic glide vehicle. Such a
system would allow the PRC to completely circumvent U.S. early
warning capabilities and increase the vulnerability of the
continental U.S. to a nuclear attack.
I look forward to hearing how you plan to address all of
these challenges and to help us win this competition.
With that, I yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
And with that, Ambassador, you are recognized. We ask you
to summarize your statement in about 5 minutes or so. We will
include your full statement for the record.
And with that, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF HON. R. NICHOLAS BURNS OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, thanks very
much for the opportunity to be with you this morning.
I am very grateful to President Biden for this nomination
to be the next United States Ambassador to the People's
Republic of China.
I owe profound thanks to my wife of 40 years, Libby, who is
with me today, seated just behind me. Together, we have served
the U.S. Government overseas in Mauritania, West Africa, in
Egypt, in Israel, in Greece, and at NATO in Belgium. And both
of us are grateful to our three daughters, our son-in-law, and
our grandchildren.
If confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to returning to
public service and a State Department where I have spent the
bulk of my professional career. I worked for administrations of
both parties, and I would be honored to lead our team at the
U.S. Mission in China. That team is on the front lines of this
complicated and consequential relationship that we have with
China.
I would like to explain our policy and the policy that I
would like to support, if confirmed by the Senate. Secretary
Tony Blinken said in March that the United States' relationship
with the PRC is the biggest geopolitical test of the 21st
century. We will compete and compete vigorously with the
People's Republic where we should, including on jobs and the
economy, on critical infrastructure, on emerging technologies.
As President Biden has said, when the United States
competes on a level playing field, there is no country on Earth
that can match us. We will cooperate with the PRC where it is
in our interest, including on climate change, counternarcotics,
global health, and of course, on nonproliferation.
The world cannot solve the climate crisis without the PRC
doing more to reduce their emissions. It is to our benefit to
maintain engagements between our peoples as well, including
students, scholars, diplomats, and journalists, so long as
America's laws are respected.
Finally, and crucially, we will challenge Beijing where we
must, including when it takes actions that run counter to
American values and American interests, actions that might
threaten the security of the United States or our allies and
partners, or undermine the rules-based international order.
The PRC seeks to become the most powerful country
economically, politically, and militarily in the Indo-Pacific.
We have to stand with our allies and our friends to uphold a
free and open Indo-Pacific, including by maintaining America's
commercial and military superiority in 21st century
technologies. We also have to hold the PRC accountable for
failing to play by the rules on trade and investment, including
its theft of intellectual property, use of state subsidies,
dumping of goods, and unfair labor practices. These hurt
American workers, and they hurt American businesses.
Beijing has been an aggressor against India along their
long Himalayan border, against Vietnam, the Philippines, and
others in the South China Sea, against Japan in the East China
Sea, and Beijing has launched an intimidation campaign against
Australia and, even more recently, Lithuania.
The PRC's genocide in Xinjiang, its abuses in Tibet, its
smothering of Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms, and its
bullying of Taiwan are unjust and must stop. Beijing's recent
actions against Taiwan are especially objectionable. The United
States is right to continue its one China policy, but we are
also right to support the peaceful resolution of disputes in
this region and to oppose unilateral actions that undermine the
status quo and undermine the stability of the region.
The administration and Congress, together on a bipartisan
basis, should help Taiwan to maintain a self-defense
capability, and that is the language of Taiwan Relations Act of
1979. The Biden administration as well is surely right to seek
effective channels of communication with Beijing to manage this
competition responsibly, to diminish the risk of an accidental
conflict, and above all, to maintain the peace. The United
States has to proceed from a position of strength and pursue
intense diplomacy in all these matters.
Beijing proclaims that the East is rising, and the West is
in decline. I am confident in our own country. I believe that,
together with our allies and our partners, we can prove them
wrong. This will require very close alignment here in
Washington between Congress and the executive branch. The
bipartisan Senate passage of the Innovation and Competition Act
earlier this year is a very wise investment in America's future
and our ability to compete.
And finally, Mr. Chairman, I say this, my final point. The
People's Republic of China is not an Olympian power. It is a
country of extraordinary strength, but it also has substantial
weaknesses and challenges demographically, economically,
politically.
We should have confidence in our strengths, American
strengths. Confidence in our business community, in our
innovation community, in our universities, in our ability to
attract the best students from around the world, confidence in
our unmatched military and our first-rate Foreign Service and
civil service. Confidence in our values that stand in brilliant
opposition to China's authoritarian regime.
We will succeed if we build this American strength around
our diplomacy with the People's Republic of China. On that
basis, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I am looking forward to
working with you, the ranking member, and Republicans and
Democrats on this committee. I have enjoyed my meetings over
the last 3 weeks, and I hope together we can form an effective
and strong policy towards China.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Burns follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Nicholas Burns
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch and members of the committee,
thank you for this opportunity.
I am grateful to President Biden for this nomination to be the next
Ambassador to the People's Republic of China.
I owe profound thanks to my wife, Libby, who is here with me today.
Together, we have served the U.S. Government overseas in Mauritania,
Egypt, Israel, Greece, and Belgium. I am also grateful for the support
of our three daughters, our son-in-law, and our grandchildren.
If confirmed, I look forward to returning to public service and the
State Department, where I have spent the bulk of my career in
administrations of both parties. I would be honored to lead our team at
the U.S. Mission in China, which is on the front lines of this
complicated and consequential relationship.
As Secretary Blinken said in March, the United States' relationship
with the People's Republic of China is ``the biggest geopolitical test
of the 21st century.''
We will compete--and compete vigorously--with the PRC where we
should, including on jobs and the economy, critical infrastructure, and
emerging technologies. As President Biden has said, when the United
States competes on a level playing field, ``there's no country on Earth
. . . that can match us.''
We will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest,
including on climate change, counter- narcotics, global health, and
nonproliferation. The world cannot solve the climate crisis unless the
PRC does more to reduce their emissions. And it is to our benefit to
maintain engagement between our people, including students, scholars,
diplomats, and journalists--so long as America's laws are respected.
Finally, and crucially, we will challenge the PRC where we must,
including when Beijing takes actions that run counter to America's
values and interests; threaten the security of the United States or our
allies and partners; or undermine the rules-based international order.
The PRC seeks to become the most powerful military, economic, and
political actor in the Indo-Pacific. We must stand with our allies and
partners to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific--including by
maintaining America's commercial and military superiority in 21st
century technologies.
We also must hold the PRC accountable for failing to play by the
rules on trade and investment, including its thefts of intellectual
property, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods, and unfair labor
practices. These actions harm American workers and businesses.
Beijing has been an aggressor against India along their Himalayan
border; against Vietnam, the Philippines, and others in the South China
Sea; against Japan in the East China Sea; and has launched an
intimidation campaign against Australia and Lithuania.
The PRC's genocide in Xinjiang and abuses in Tibet, its smothering
of Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms, and its bullying of Taiwan are
unjust, and must stop.
Beijing's recent actions against Taiwan are especially
objectionable. The United States is right to continue to adhere to its
one-China policy. We are also right to support the peaceful resolution
of disputes, and to oppose unilateral actions that undermine the status
quo and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
The administration and Congress should help Taiwan ``to maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability,'' as the Taiwan Relations Act
clearly states.
The Biden administration is right to seek effective channels of
communication with Beijing to manage our competition responsibly, to
diminish the risk of an accidental conflict and, above all, to maintain
peace.
The United States must proceed from a position of strength and
pursue intense diplomacy--with the People's Republic of China, and with
our allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, Europe, and around the
world. Our alliances and partnerships are a unique comparative
advantage for the United States.
As in all things, the United States will lead with our values--
democracy and free expression, free press and free enterprise, support
for human rights and human dignity. These are at the center of the
Biden administration's foreign policy.
Beijing proclaims that the ``East is Rising and the West is in
Decline.'' I am confident in our country, and believe that, together
with our allies and partners, we will prove them wrong.
That will require alignment in Washington. The bipartisan Senate
passage of the Innovation and Competition Act earlier this year is a
wise investment in America's future.
Finally, it is important to keep our rivalry with Beijing in
perspective.
The PRC is not an Olympian power. While the PRC has many strengths,
it also faces substantial demographic, economic, and political
challenges.
We should have confidence in our own strengths--our scientific and
technological capacities, world-class universities and research
institutions, our military power, our first-rate diplomatic corps
across both the Foreign Service and civil service, and, especially, our
values that stand in brilliant opposition to Beijing's actions. We will
succeed if we build our diplomacy around these strengths and remain
optimistic about America's future.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of the
Senate to pursue such a strategy that will protect and advance American
interests in our relationship with the PRC.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
We will start a round of 5 minutes. Before I start mine,
let me ask some questions we ask for the committee as a whole.
These are questions that speak to the importance that this
committee places on responsiveness by all officials in the
executive branch that we expect and will be seeking from you.
So, I ask you to provide just a simple ``yes'' or ``no'' answer
to these questions.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff, when invited?
Ambassador Burns. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
currently informed about the activities that will be under your
purview?
Ambassador Burns. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Ambassador Burns. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Ambassador Burns. Yes.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Well, let me start off. First of all, I think your
statement encompasses many of the sentiments, concerns, and
questions that members of the committee have, and so it was
very encompassing of many of the issues I think we care about.
And together, we have to work to make sure that Xi Jinping is
wrong. That the West is not setting, but it will continue to
shine.
Now many experts emphasize the importance of U.S.
collaboration and joint action with allies, partners, and
multilateral organizations to address the challenges that China
poses. However, collaboration can be harder in practice than in
theory, particularly when countries have different views and
competing interests.
In what specific areas can you speak to that collaboration
has been helpful in addressing the challenges that China poses?
And in what areas and with which country do you see particular
opportunities or constraints?
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, thank you. And I think this
is the right question to ask about how we form a strategy that
can be successful against the Chinese Government.
The comparative advantage that we have versus China is that
we have treaty allies. We have partners who deeply believe in
us, and the Chinese really do not. And so, in the Indo-Pacific,
I think President Biden has tried to emphasize the need for us
to be very closely aligned with Japan, with South Korea, with
Australia, our treaty allies, our defense partners, the
Philippines and Thailand.
As you know, and I think every administration since
President Clinton has been working on this, we have a newfound
security partner in India. That makes a great difference to
have Indian-American interests aligned, as they clearly are,
strategically in the Indo-Pacific. And President Biden, of
course, has taken the QUAD idea--and I give credit to President
Trump and Secretary Pompeo for reinvigorating the QUAD in 2019
and 2020. But President Biden has held two head of government
meetings of the QUAD, one virtual and one in person at the
White House.
President Biden's initiative for AUKUS, to deepen our
strategic engagement with our great ally Australia and our ally
the United Kingdom, could be transformational and I think has
been widely praised to be such in the Indo-Pacific. So, as we
confront China, whether it is on the military balance of power
in the Indo-Pacific, whether it is the fight that we have to
convince China, push China to play by the rules on trade, we
have a coincidence of use with Japan, the European Union, the
European allies on all these issues, and I think the President
has focused on the Indo-Pacific, but he is also focusing on the
European allies.
And I have seen a change in the last 2 or 3 years in the
attitudes of most European governments, now much more skeptical
about China on 5G, on China's nefarious belt-and-road
initiative influence in Eastern Europe. And so I do think this
is a big part of the strategy that we need to continue to work
on.
The Chairman. Now let me turn to Taiwan. Given increasing
aggression and threatening rhetoric from Beijing, some have
called for an end to the policy of strategic ambiguity with
regard to Taiwan. How do you think the United States can most
effectively signal our resolve and deter Chinese aggression
towards Taiwan?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This is a
central question these days, particularly after all the
bullying and intimidation tactics of the Chinese towards
Taiwan, the sending of 150 Chinese aircraft into the air
identification zone of Taiwan just 10 days ago.
My own view--and fortunately, this is backed up, I think,
by both the Biden administration's and every other
administration going back four decades--is that we have
enormous latitude--Congress and the executive branch--under the
Taiwan Relations Act to deepen our security assistance to
Taiwan.
The Taiwan Relations Act, written in January 1979, is
remarkably modern for the strategic questions we are facing in
2021. It says that we have an unofficial relationship with
Taiwan, obviously, but we have a responsibility to help Taiwan
achieve a self-defense capability through the provision of
defense articles and services. So, in the last--since 2009, the
Obama and the Trump and the Biden administrations have provided
about $30 billion worth of assistance to Taiwan.
Given what China has done, given China's, frankly,
objectionable statements towards Taiwan, I think the Congress
and the executive branch have every right to continue to deepen
our security cooperation, to expand our arms provisions to
Taiwan. That is the most important thing we can do.
In addition to that, the Taiwan Relations Act also calls
for the United States to provide the strongest possible
deterrent in the Western Pacific, the language of 1979, or the
Indian Ocean, as we would refer to it today. And in addition to
that, as a third measure, we ought to be asking and we are
asking our allies to show a real commitment to Taiwan. And we
are seeing that from Japan and other allies.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, we have got to be very clear about
our criticism of China. And what the Chinese are trying to do
to this very successful society on Taiwan, with its very
healthy democracy, extraordinary performance in the
coronavirus, is to simply intimidate them. And so we have all
got to speak up and shine a light on those Chinese actions and
Chinese rhetoric.
That is essentially the policy of the last 40 years. I
think that policy is the right one and the smart one for today.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let us pick up with
Taiwan where you left off.
How do you differentiate what happened in Hong Kong with
Taiwan? In reading and listening to the Chinese, it seems to me
that Taiwan is even more of an irritant to them than Hong Kong
was. Fortunately, Taiwan has got the sea between themselves and
China, but I really fear that we are going to see the same kind
of pushing the envelope in Taiwan that gets it to a point where
there is a crisis. What are your views on it?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, you are right to ask that
question. I share your concern.
As Senator Markey mentioned, I was State Department
spokesperson. I accompanied Secretary Albright on June 30,
1997, to the handover from the UK to the PRC on Hong Kong. And
all of us remember, but I particularly remember from our
meeting with the Chinese leadership that day the commitments
they made to the people of Hong Kong and to the rest of us
around the world. And the Chinese have gone back on every one
of those commitments.
So, if we link that to Taiwan, we obviously cannot trust
China to meet the commitments it has made on the Taiwan issue.
When Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, when
administration after administration pursued a one China policy,
we obviously did so on the presumption that there would be
peace in the cross-strait relationship between Taiwan and
China, and there is not much peace today. There is
assertiveness and aggression.
So, I do not think we can--we certainly cannot trust the
Chinese on this issue. We have to be aware of their rhetoric,
aware of it. And the rhetoric of its leader and many other
Chinese leaders in recent months has been that they intend to
take back Taiwan.
Our responsibility is to make Taiwan a tough nut to crack,
help it increase its asymmetric defenses through the Taiwan
Relations Act. And other countries can do that as well. It is a
central issue in the relationship now.
Senator Risch. And I agree with that. The thing that I
guess I am concerned about as much as anything, watching what
they have been doing with their incursions into the air space
reminds me a lot of Hong Kong. It is just pushing the envelope.
It is a camel's nose in the tent, and it just gets worse and
worse until it collapses. So, that is going to be something I
think we are going to have to watch very closely.
Let us talk about China's nuclear build-up. Do you agree
that they are pursuing a massive nuclear build-up in China?
Ambassador Burns. It certainly appears so, both in the
western part of China, where their IC--the reports of the ICBM
expansion and also with this novel delivery system that has
been publicized of late.
Senator Risch. One thing that is very concerning to me and
I think other members of this committee is that there is this
discussion within the administration of a sole purpose nuclear
declaratory policy, which is, in essence, no first use. It is
another way of saying no first use, but it is not as direct.
But it is the exact same thing.
I would hope you would become a spokesman within the
administration about how damaging that that kind of a
declaration would be, a sole purpose declaration. I am not sure
if you are aware of this or not, but I can guarantee you that
the allies, particularly the ones that are counting on us in
the Indo-Pacific region, are very concerned about the
declaration of sole purpose nuclear declaratory policy. What
are your thoughts on that?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, I appreciated our conversation
last evening about this in your office, and as I explained, I
am a private citizen appearing before you as a nominee without
access to the intelligence. I do not have a security clearance.
So, I am very reluctant to speak specifically about the Nuclear
Posture Review, which is underway.
But I do know that President Biden has indicated clearly
that he is going to support the strongest possible and the
safest American nuclear deterrent, as every President has done
since President Harry Truman, and that is obviously an
obligation to the American people. I would also just add,
Senator Risch--we also talked about this last week--I think the
spotlight should be on China. They have said for decades, the
Chinese Government, that they want to have a minimum nuclear
deterrent. They are blasting past that definition, and they are
rapidly engaged in a build-up of their nuclear arsenal,
including the disturbing reports of the hypersonic technology.
So, I think the spotlight has to be on the Government of
China.
Senator Risch. Well, I agree with that. You having the
credentials that you have on a bipartisan basis and your deep
knowledge of our allies, particularly ones that we have a
defense posture with, I would hope you would be a spokesman
within the administration regarding this. I am very concerned
about it. A lot of people are concerned about it.
And I understand that you have done an excellent job
throughout your career of carrying water on both shoulders for
administration from either party. I think that brings a
tremendous amount of credibility to you, and I think your words
in that regard would be very important as they proceed with the
Nuclear Posture Review. I have no doubt they will be consulting
with you, given the position you are in. So, I would urge that
you communicate in the strongest terms to the administration
the concern that our allies in the region have with this
policy.
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, first of all, let me thank you for your
incredible career of public service. You have really advanced
American values globally in every post that you have held, and
I personally have appreciated your advice during very difficult
times. So, thank you very much for your service to our country
and your willingness to continue in this critical role as our
Ambassador in China.
There are so many issues that we need to talk about, and we
have already mentioned a lot of our national security concerns.
We know that China is belligerent in the China seas, making
claims that are outrageous and affect international commerce
and our national security. We know that they are trying to
change the rules of engagement economically so that they
determine the rules based upon a government-controlled economy
rather than an open economy, which is against our national
security interests. We know how belligerent they are against
Taiwan, and the list goes on and on and on.
But I want to devote my time to what President Biden has
said that we are strongest when we conduct our foreign policy
based upon our values. And China, in the recent decades, has
just been moving in the wrong direction on universal human
rights values, and we could go through the entire list, and it
is a long list.
So, I guess, my question to you is: how will you balance
and strategize America's presence in China through your mission
to advance universal values--of the respect for individuals'
religious freedom, human rights, and basic beliefs that the
universal community that believes in democracy looks to
America's leadership as hope for the future?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much for that
question, and thank you for your decades of service to those
issues, and I am very well aware of that.
I think you are right to suggest that as we think about our
tools, our strengths, as we compete with China, it is our
belief in human freedom and human rights and democracy and the
rule of law and press freedoms that really stands in opposition
to an authoritarian dictatorship in Beijing. And so if we can
marshal those strengths--and President Biden and his
administration believe this is at the center of their foreign
policy--on Xinjiang, on Tibet, on Hong Kong, on the repression
of the Chinese people, we cannot just do that sometimes. We
cannot be silent if there are atrocities occurring or, in the
case of Xinjiang, a genocide is occurring. We have to speak
out.
And you have seen the President, Secretary Blinken, and all
of the officials been very forthright about that since January
20 of this year. I think that will continue, and that will
certainly be, if I am confirmed, a hallmark of what I try to
do, speaking directly to the Chinese Government in Beijing.
Senator Cardin. I would ask also that you inform this
committee as to how we can give you a stronger hand in dealing
on these issues. We have passed sanction regime laws that have
been used against oppressors in China, individual sanctions
such as Magnitsky as well as sectoral sanctions have been used,
and I think they have their effect. I think they are extremely
important.
But we need to also think beyond that as to what we can do
to give you what you need. The competitiveness bill that the
chairman mentioned I think is going to be an extremely
important part of our strategy again in standing up to China's
oppression on the economic front. But we should also be looking
at what we can do as a Congress to give you a stronger hand in
China in dealing with these universal rights.
So, I would welcome your advice as to what we can do to
give you a stronger toolbox in dealing with these issues.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. And I would just
suggest a couple of things, and I have spoken to the chairman
and other members of the committee in my individual meetings
about them.
First and foremost, when the coronavirus mercifully ends
and when the restrictions on China--there is a 3-week
quarantine in China for visitors--at some point end, I hope
that Members of Congress from both parties will travel to
China. And if I am confirmed, I would like to help you to do
that. I think they need to hear directly from our legislative
branch on these issues. These will be difficult conversations
for you and for me with the Chinese leadership, but we have to
have them.
Secondly, I would encourage you, respectfully, to continue
what you are doing, what this committee has done under the
chairman's leadership and Senator Risch's leadership, on a
bipartisan basis to speak out and legislate when necessary and
to sanction when necessary.
Third and finally, President Biden was right on the issue
of Xinjiang and the Uyghurs and the other Turkic Muslim peoples
when he coalesced with Canada, the European Union, and the
United Kingdom in multinational sanctions against specific
Chinese individuals responsible for carrying out the atrocities
in Xinjiang. I think that can be helpful as well, to expand the
universe of--expand our voice to work with other nations,
perhaps through the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and your
parliamentary exchanges with the Japanese, the Australians, and
others.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Johnson?
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, thank you for your prior service and your
willingness to serve in this capacity.
I agree with you that if we act intelligently, the U.S. in
concert with our allies in the West, we can compete with China.
China, though, has advantages in terms of very long-term, very
strategic thinking, authoritarian. They do not have the back-
and-forth of elections, that type of thing. So, they have
utilized that long-term strategic thinking while the West
literally has not done much to counter their infiltration to
our institutions, their stealing of our intellectual property
since their entry into the WTO.
I would just like you to comment on how do we--how do we
counter what they have done, and how do we do that effectively?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you. I think it is--I
think it is a central question.
We have to have a strategy to match China's strategy. I
think that is beginning to develop over the last several years
in the last three administrations--President Obama, President
Trump, and President Biden.
And as I said in my testimony, what distinguishes us and
strengthens us is the fact that we have our alliance with Japan
and our alliance with Australia and South Korea. And I have
been involved in my past diplomatic career in intensive
discussions with the Europeans. I think they are less united
perhaps in the European Union right now, but I sense that the
Europeans are shifting to understand the threat, a threat to
them as well as to us and our Indo-Pacific allies.
So, I think operating on an allied basis is the most
important thing we can do. And sometimes that means we form
institutions. So, the QUAD is an institution that both parties
can be proud of. Republican and Democratic Presidents have
supported the QUAD, and now President Biden is operationalizing
it at the head of government level, which we had not done
before.
AUKUS, three countries coming together. We need to build
the institutions that are permanent and that take this policy
that we are discussing this morning into the 2030s because the
competition with China will be multi-decade.
Senator Johnson. Yes, I do want to address specifically
their infiltration into our university systems, the Confucius
institutes, their investment in things like medical journals.
It really concerns me.
There is so much we do not know, for example, about the
coronavirus, so much we do not know about COVID. I really do--I
really want to get your take on a real potential fault line
when we start learning more, for example, about the origin
theory. I mean, I do not know whether it was lab leak or
whether it was natural origin. People are starting to look into
that.
Obviously, there was a cover-up here for 18 months, and it,
as a result, gave China a really good head start at burying
evidence. Back in March of 2020, you participated in a virtual
event at Harvard's Kennedy Center, and you definitely were
critical of China, saying that this was an army exercise. But
at the same time, you were very critical of President Trump for
calling it the ``Chinese virus'' and the ``Wuhan virus.'' You
said that we all know that is wrong. We all know that is
racist. We all know that is not true.
I guess I am kind of wondering how did you know? We still
do not know. How were you so positive that this was not a lab
leak theory, and have you changed your mind? Have you seen
other evidence that would at least open up your mind to that
prospect? Because if it is determined that it probably was not
natural origin and did leak from a lab in Wuhan, that will have
very serious geopolitical repercussions between--in our
relationship with China.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. I want to agree with
you briefly on the issue of students and exchanges.
We ought to welcome Chinese students into the United
States. But student visas are not a right. They have to be
earned. Our laws have to be observed. There are some Chinese
student applicants who have ties to the PLA, the People's
Liberation Army, and China's intelligence services, and we
should turn them down for visas. And we have to be clear about
that.
But we also have 375,000 students in our universities and
secondary schools in your State and my State, at my university,
and we are better off having them in this country to learn
about our democracy.
On the coronavirus, the problem here is with China. The
Chinese Government withheld information very clearly from their
own people and the rest of the world for about a month in late
December and January of 2020. I have consistently criticized
the Chinese Government for that, and they deserve to be
criticized. And they have been stonewalling all of us around
the world since January of 2020, including this week, when they
refused to act to work with the World Health Organization's new
investigative body to answer the question that you rightfully
asked.
Senator Johnson. But again, my question, are you still so
certain that lab leak is off the table? Because you were very
certain back then. You said it was, you know, we all know that
is not true. Have you changed your thinking on that? Because I
mean, it is important if you are going to be Ambassador to
China that you have a more open mind on this than you exhibited
back in March of 2020.
Ambassador Burns. So, Senator, I spoke often about this
issue of U.S.-China relations at that period of time, and I
believe that that quote from the Kennedy School event was
directed to President Trump's use of the term ``Wuhan virus,''
which I did not think would be effective with the Chinese
Government or Chinese people or people around the world. It had
nothing to do with the origins of the crisis, of the pandemic.
My position has been all along, and continues this day, we
need to investigate. We do not know where the--how this virus
originated for sure. There are multiple theories, and the
Chinese need to answer the questions.
So, I have never been a proponent of either one of these
two options. But I think, as President Biden has said, we need
to push the Chinese to come clean about what happened.
Senator Johnson. Okay, thanks for that clarification. I
appreciate it. Thank you.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And Ambassador Burns, thank you for your willingness to
continue to serve the United States.
As I am sure you are aware, there have been reported cases
of anomalous health incidents in China, also known as ``Havana
syndrome'' cases. Have you been briefed on the reported cases
in China?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, I do not have a security
clearance. So, I have not been briefed in detail about what has
happened to our mission personnel there, but I have had
unclassified, open conversations with the State Department. And
what I would say to you is my own view, just as a private
citizen, is that this is real. It is happening to our diplomats
and other Government personnel all around the world. And if
confirmed, my obligation to you and, more particularly, to the
men and women of our mission in China is to do everything under
my power to protect them, working with the Secretary of State
and all of our other officials.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. I appreciate
that. I hope you will also request from the State Department,
once confirmed, that classified briefing that also includes how
to encourage personnel to respond if they are affected and what
to look for in terms of those attacks because, to date, there
does not seem to be a consistent response and direction for
personnel.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. You mentioned in your opening remarks and
in the questioning about the increased Chinese influence in
Eastern Europe and also Lithuania, which is one example of an
Eastern European country that has taken a hard stance on China.
In July, they actually became the first European country to
allow a Taiwanese diplomatic presence using the island's name
in the country.
Can you talk about what you think the impact of Lithuania's
stance is? We know it has produced a response from China, but
will it have impact on other Eastern European countries and
encourage them to take a hard look at what China is doing?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
Lithuania has chosen its course, and every country has a
right to define its relationship with Taiwan. And I am proud
that the Biden administration has stood up for Lithuania. And
you know, it is extraordinary. The Chinese Government has
launched an intensive intimidation campaign, economic
intimidation of Lithuania, and the Lithuanians have stood up
and they have held their ground. They deserve our support, as
Australia does. And Australia has been subjected to the same
treatment.
We have our own policy, the one China policy, which we
should adhere to. Our unofficial relationship with Taiwan,
which has served us well. Every other country should have a
right to determine what they want to do, and they should not be
bludgeoned and bullied by the Chinese leadership.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much. I could not
agree more with that, and I think Lithuania deserves a lot of
credit for a small country being willing to stand up in the way
that they have.
Earlier this month, NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg
insisted that NATO must engage politically with China, but the
alliance does not seem to see China as as much of a threat as
they do Russia. Does China view NATO in the same way, and what
do you think NATO's strategy should be towards China?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
It has been really interesting for me, as a former
Ambassador to NATO, to see how high on the agenda China has
become over the last couple of years during President Trump's
time and now President Biden's time. And the focus is right. I
mean, certainly, Russia is the immediate focus of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, and especially considering
Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Poland right up on the front
lines as we try to contain Russian power.
But I think the NATO countries, led by a great Secretary
General, Jens Stoltenberg, also understand China is--the belt-
and-road initiative is now in 16 countries in Eastern Europe.
The Chinese are actively trying to separate countries in
Eastern Europe from the European Union and NATO. And if you
think about Chinese energy activities and military activities
in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, which is part of the NATO
littoral geography, and think about the interests of Germany
and France, Italy, any of the NATO countries, they have got to
be concerned by what is happening in Xinjiang Province and what
has happened to Hong Kong, the threats against Taiwan, and the
economic practices of China.
My last point would be if we can coalesce with the European
Union, the United States and Japan, on some of the economic
issues, we are well more than 60 percent of GDP. It is real
leverage. So, Europe has to be part of this strategy, and I
credit the Secretary General. I credit Ambassador Kay Bailey
Hutchison, who was our great American Ambassador under
President Trump. She pushed this issue, and she was right to do
that.
Senator Shaheen. And do you think China has become
concerned about NATO's increasing interest in what China is
doing in Europe, or are they ignoring that?
Ambassador Burns. I do not think they are ignoring it,
Senator. I mean, the reason I used the term ``China is not an
Olympian power'' in my statement, and I meant it specifically.
They have enormous strengths. They have very few friends. They
have no real allies.
And think of the strategic advantage we have with our 29
allies in Canada, the Europeans in NATO, and our multiple
treaty allies in the Indo-Pacific. It is our comparative
advantage, and I think President Biden has been working
overtime with Secretary Blinken to reach out to the allies both
in NATO and the Indo-Pacific to say we need to be working
together strategically on China.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Let me just quickly echo Senator
Shaheen's comments about Lithuania.
Lithuania and how we respond to help it is a test for the
West. Because when a country stands up against China and then
faces the enormous economic consequences that China is creating
against Lithuanian businesses by denying them supply chain
opportunities, which is a wakeup call for the world, I think it
is incredibly important that we stand by Lithuania extremely
strongly.
Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And I wish to associate myself with the comments of the
chairman and the ranking member at the beginning of this
hearing. It is good to see you, Ambassador, and very deeply
appreciate your willingness to serve once again your country at
a critical time.
We all know China's ambition. They have described what it
is. They seek to replace us as the global leader. The prospect
of a global order led by China is one which is troubling for
many reasons. We could see what that might look like based upon
what they are doing even now, censoring their media, blacking
out social media in their country, stealing intellectual
property from us and from others, reneging on treaties and
promises they made, repressing religion and people of faith,
monitoring their own citizens and assigning social grades based
upon their loyalty to the Chinese regime, the Communist regime,
oppressing minorities of all kinds and, of course, committing
genocide.
We say that quickly, but genocide. Eliminating a people,
enslaving a people, as they are--all these things suggest that
a global order led by China would be something which the world
could not possibly endure.
There was probably a time a decade or so ago when, if you
were the Ambassador to China, you could go in and pound your
fist on the table, and they would take note and perhaps change
course on some of the things we care most about because they
were worried about their access to the U.S. market. Is that
true today? Can we sort of tell China what to do, and do they
respond? Or are we no longer in that position?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and I appreciated the
conversation we had in your office 2 weeks ago about all these
issues.
I think our relationship is fundamentally different now
than it was 10 years ago or 20 years ago. And I have spoken to
most of the former American Ambassadors about this, and we are
in an entirely new age where we have got to have channels of
communication to work with the Chinese.
First of all, we want to mitigate the danger of an
accidental conflict. We want to maintain the peace, but we also
want to have clear messaging, and I think multiple channels
make sense. If confirmed, I will be on point for the country
and the Government in Beijing talking directly to the Chinese.
I think it is very important for Members to travel there,
Members of Congress, and ultimately, most important for the
President to have direct conversations, as he is seeking to do.
He has had phone conversations with President Xi Jinping.
But these are difficult conversations, and you have seen
the aggressiveness of the Chinese officials. You have seen the
nationalism. You have seen the warrior diplomacy. It is part of
the fabric of what we are dealing with now.
And my final point, Senator, would be to say we are a
strong country. We should be confident of our values and our
interests, and we can stand up to the Chinese, but our allies
and partners can help to do that so that there is real weight
and leverage. And I do think that is the focus.
Senator Romney. What is your sense of the commitment of our
allies to that effort? We have spoken already this morning
about NATO and our friends and allies there. Perhaps Germany is
not quite as committed as, let us say, Lithuania. But as you
look at our allies, are we advancing in terms of our mutual
efforts, or is there some retreat on the part of key allies?
Ambassador Burns. I do not see retreat. Certainly, I think
we are seeing a stiffening of the resolve of Japan, which is so
important for us. Australia, rock solid on these issues. India,
not an ally, not a treaty ally, but a strategic military
partner in the Bay of Bengal and the Western Pacific. Very
important for us.
Europe is different. There are so many countries with
different views. Of course, we are waiting for the formation of
the German Government. So, we will have to wait and see what
the Social Democrats and the Greens do, but I would note that
the Greens were very critical of China during the recent
campaign in Germany. And certainly, President Macron has spoken
out about the dangers of China in the Indo-Pacific, and France
is unique among the European powers because it is an Indo-
Pacific country as well.
And so, I think, we have got to work both the North
Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, but especially our Indo-
Pacific allies to be successful.
Senator Romney. There are some who look at China and say it
is a juggernaut. There is no way to slow it down. It is on a
course that is unstoppable. Do you see it that way? Is there a
way of dissuading China from a course as malevolent as what we
are seeing today? Do they have some fundamental weaknesses that
the rest of the world recognizes and can get them to divert
from the course they are on?
Ambassador Burns. It is certainly--yours is certainly a key
analytical question, and none of us can deny the extraordinary
growth in the power of China militarily, technologically,
economically, and politically over the last 30 to 40 years. But
we should not exaggerate that power. I said in my statement
China has significant demographic challenges over the next few
decades. It has angered nearly all the countries on its border
by being overly aggressive and overly acquisitive.
Think of the South China Sea and the outrageous attempts by
the Chinese Government to run roughshod over the Law of the Sea
Treaty and the legal obligations that China is ignoring. Think
of the East China Sea and their attempt to intimidate, but they
have not succeeded, our ally Japan, and think of Taiwan.
And so I think the Chinese have, by being so aggressive,
they have now stirred up a lot of opposition to them, and I
think we ought not to exaggerate their strengths or
underestimate the strengths of the United States. What we need
is self-confidence that the United States is a strong country,
and I do think our values are the strongest part of our
strategy towards China.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Ambassador.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member.
Thank you, Ambassador Burns, for your willingness to
continue your service overseas. You are the right nominee at
the right moment for what is an absolutely critical
relationship for the 21st century, and I think in your opening
statement you laid out wisely the challenges that are before
us.
So, I am particularly pleased, given your deep experience
in the Foreign Service, as Ambassador to Greece and to NATO,
your work leading the Aspen Strategy Group, through which I
have gotten to see your remarkable talents of both strategic
insight and interpersonal diplomacy. And my thanks to Libby, to
the support you have gotten from your spouse and your family
across a long career in service.
Just a few questions, if I might, because I know there are
many others who have questions. But first, I think part of what
you bring to this is an understanding of how to effectively
deploy that key strategic advantage of allies and partners, and
I think you correctly point out that China's greatest current
global weakness is the absence of any real partners or allies.
So, given your experience as Ambassador, first to Greece
and then later to NATO, how do you envision the U.S.-Europe
Transatlantic alliance responding to the strategic competition
with China, the values competition? And how do you think you
can best play a role in engaging our allies in the Indo-Pacific
and in Europe?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much for those
comments and for your question.
In my entire diplomatic career, probably the lesson I
learned most most vividly was 9/11, when I was a very new
Ambassador. I was in my 12th day, and we were hit hard, 3,000
people dead in the United States. And we could not reach the
Pentagon, the White House, and the State Department because
they had all been evacuated, but my phone started to ring at
NATO headquarters, and it was the Canadian Ambassador, David
Wright, and the German Ambassador, and the Italian and French
Ambassadors. ``We are with you. We want to invoke Article 5.''
That is the bond.
We invoked Article 5 the next day, and that is the bond we
have in our allies. And it is based in part on strategic
interests that we have in common, but it is fundamentally based
on values and belief in democracy and human rights. And that is
the coalition that we need to form vis-a-vis China.
And I credit President Biden. When he came to office from
his inaugural speech, to his first speech at the State
Department, to his G7 and NATO and EU meetings--and you know
this very well, Senator, because you are so close to him--he
has been consistent in saying we are going to succeed most if
we are with our allies. And Secretary Blinken has been working
tirelessly on this.
And I think it is going to be, frankly, most challenging
perhaps in Europe. It is not the fault of the Europeans, but it
is a big group of countries and a multiplicity of views. NATO
is in one way the right institution for certain issues, and we
are working those there, but the European Union on others.
And I would just say, and we had a chance to talk about
this this morning together, we need to be together on human
rights. We need to stand up together, Europeans and Americans,
on the Uyghur issue, on Tibet, on Hong Kong, and on Taiwan. And
we need to be together on trade because both of us are victims
of Chinese unfair trade practices.
And think of the power of the EU, the U.S., perhaps Japan,
working together. I think that is the part of the strategy that
we have to operate.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Ambassador.
I do think we are in an era where concerns about the
digital world and the role of the individual in a digital age
are also at the forefront. I am very concerned about the way in
which China has developed and deployed the technology to
surveil and to censor, to even control its own population and
actions they have taken to export not just that technology, but
that attitude to other countries around the world.
How do you think we can best work with global partners to
offer an alternative vision in which digital technologies serve
democratic values and then to embed that in a common trade
framework with the values partners you were just referencing?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
This is also a central question, and President Biden, from
his inaugural speech on, has been talking about the need for
democracies to recognize the threat from the authoritarian
world. And that is principally the People's Republic of China
and Russia and others around the world.
And to see the pernicious use of--misuse of technology to
repress their own citizens and then to try to export that
technology in countries where there is a struggle between
democratic, small ``d'' democratic forces and authoritarian
forces, we have got to be operating all across the world to
help the democratic forces and to help blunt this technological
impact.
I think it is a very important issue. I know the State
Department and Secretary Blinken are seized by it.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you, Mr. Ambassador. I look
forward to supporting your nomination and working closely with
you. I think better understanding China, better communicating
with China about our risks and opportunities is an important
and critical role, but also clearly advocating for America's
interests and values is an essential role, and I think you will
be an excellent Ambassador. I look forward to supporting your
nomination.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Barrasso?
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, welcome to the committee.
The Chinese Communist Party cannot be trusted. The world
has seen China's brutality, deception, illegal activities. We
have seen China cover up, spread disinformation about the
coronavirus. We have seen China destroy Hong Kong's autonomy.
We have seen them engage in unlawful military activities in the
South China Sea. We have seen China steal American intellectual
property, commit terrible human rights abuses.
Now these, to me, are actions of a dangerous and
authoritarian regime. It is not a nation committed to the rule
of law, to free markets, to protecting the rights of people. It
is clear the United States and the international community must
hold China accountable for its increasingly dangerous behavior.
So, just recently, the CIA Director Bill Burns stated that
China ``presents the greatest challenge to U.S. interests and
to international order.'' He also announced the creation of a
new China Mission Center to ``strengthen our collective work on
the most important geopolitical threat that we face in the 21st
century, which is an increasingly adversarial Chinese
Government.''
Do you concur and believe that China's increasingly
adversarial government is the most important geopolitical
threat that the United States faces in the 21st century?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
I agree with my longtime friend and Foreign Service
colleague Director Bill Burns. I agree with the statement he
made. I noticed it. I read his statement. He and I grew up in
the first 10 years of our career where the end of the Cold War,
when the Soviet Union was the greatest threat.
There is no question in the 21st century, given Chinese
power that we have talked about this morning, China is the
greatest threat to the security of our country and of the
democratic world.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
I want to ask you about the U.S.-China Phase One agreement.
Remember, January of 2020, the United States and China signed a
Phase One trade agreement. China committed to buy $468 billion
of U.S. goods, energy, agriculture, and services over a 2-year
period of time. But they really do--China appears to be failing
to comply to this agreement.
Reports indicate that China's purchases have fallen far
short for both 2020 and 2021. Do you believe China is committed
to abiding by its promises under this agreement, and what are
options available to us to ensure that China does fulfill the
terms of the agreement?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
This is going to be a contentious issue, and it has been
for a long time between our two countries. I think you know
that the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Katherine Tai,
gave a speech here in Washington 2 1/2 weeks ago, and she was
very forthright in saying--I will just summarize, which--her
main point, saying that she would talk to her Chinese
counterpart about that Phase One deal and about the performance
of the Chinese Government in meeting or not meeting its
commitments.
And I think she was right to suggest that that has to be
the first order of business on trade with China. And obviously,
we in the United States need to make investments in our own
economy to strengthen it, which the President and Congress are
working on. And we have to overcome the ravages of COVID-19
before we can probably get on to bigger initiatives, but I
think she was right to start there. Hold China to account for
what it promised President Trump, and I think most observers
and experts would say they have not fulfilled their
obligations.
Senator Barrasso. In addition to goods and energy and
agriculture products, there is also intellectual property
obligations under this U.S.-China Phase One agreement. What
steps can we take to ensure that China fully implements and
complies with the intellectual property?
Ambassador Burns. That is a key issue because it gets to
the systemic violations of China's WTO commitments. I named
some of them in my statement--intellectual property theft,
dumping, state subsidies, unfair labor practices. So, when we
talk to the Chinese about trade, part of it is our two-way $559
billion trade relationship in goods and then more in services.
Part of it is getting at these systemic problems that I think
every recent President has wrestled the Chinese on.
Senator Barrasso. For my final question, earlier this year,
China and Iran signed a memorandum of understanding in which
China would invest as much as $400 billion in Iran over the
next 25 years. Last month, Iran was accepted as a member of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization. China has long been
importing Iranian oil in contravention of the U.S. sanctions on
Iran. Sanctioned Iranian airlines continue to fly to China.
Not simply a matter of a few Chinese companies violating
U.S. law, there is a lot going on here. It appears to be a
strategic decision by the Chinese Government to allow these
violations to take place. What is your assessment of the
current relationship between China and Iran?
Ambassador Burns. This is a very serious issue. As you
portray it, and you are right, this is a closer relationship
than China and Iran had, say, when I was the Iran negotiator
for Secretary Condoleezza Rice, when China joined us in three
U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions Chapter 7 against
the Iranians in 2006, '07, and '08. And now they have a closer
relationship.
I think what we ought to do and we will do, I am sure,
under President Biden's administration, talk to the Chinese
directly about this and, obviously, hold the Chinese to account
to abide by every U.N. Security Council sanctions resolution
that prohibits most of this activity.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ambassador, thank you very much for your long service
to the Nation, for your willingness to continue in a very
difficult, but critical post.
When the Obama administration negotiated the Paris Accords,
it was critical that they secure commitments from the fastest-
growing economies, which happened to be the fastest-growing
polluters, to make significant commitments. Of course, India
and China are at the top of this list. We lost 4 years in
holding both of those nations to their commitments, and so you
and this administration are going to be making up for lost
time.
India is, arguably, in the neighborhood of being able to
make their commitment in Paris. China is not. In fact, a recent
report found that Chinese emissions in 2019 were so big that
they were larger than that of the entire developed world as a
whole.
And so I would be interested to hear from you what you
believe are the commitments that can be realistically made by
the Chinese, especially in the short term as we get ready for
COP26, and the extent to which our ability to pass significant
climate legislation will enable you to be a more forceful
interlocutor with the Chinese on questions of climate.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator. Another central
question.
And it does--this is a side of the relationship where we
have to engage China and seek cooperation, if it is possible.
And this makes this relationship so difficult because we are
competing, and we are engaging at the same time.
Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the cooperation
side, and obviously, President Obama was able to work with
President Xi Jinping back in 2015. That was positive. Former
Secretary John Kerry is now working tirelessly on this issue.
And China, as I understand China's current position, its
emissions will not begin to diminish until 2030. And most
climate experts, if not all, think that is not sustainable,
that China needs to make a greater effort to diminish its
carbon emissions before 2030.
And also they say they will be carbon neutral by 2060. It
has got to be well before that. Because you are right, China is
by far the larger emitter of carbon in the world today, by a
long mile past the United States and any other country. And so
they have an obligation to the rest of us. Beginning at COP26
and going on, this will be a major issue in our relationship.
Senator Murphy. I want to ask you, second, about your
assessment of the scope and breadth of Chinese diplomacy today.
There was a sort of flurry of attention to a milestone in 2019,
where China surpassed the United States with respect to the
number of diplomatic posts it has around the world.
I was in Ireland that same year, where there was an
important telecommunications tender, and we were hearing
stories about a surge of diplomats being sent to the embassy in
Dublin. Meanwhile, we had one very nice and capable military
attache, who was the beginning and end of our diplomatic team
working on behalf of U.S. companies for this tender.
It seems as if China is--has diplomatic reach in new places
and has an ability to be flexible and nimble in a way that we
do not. One of the things that I believe we should be engaging
in is more subnational diplomacy, using our State leaders and
our local leaders to engage all around the world on behalf of
the United States, something that China does fairly well.
Just a quick assessment from you as to the state of Chinese
diplomatic efforts around the world, how it has changed over
the past 5 or 10 years, and any recommendations that you might
give to this committee as we seek to empower U.S. diplomacy to
compete with China.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
The Chinese have sought to become the most active, in their
minds, and most powerful diplomatic force in the world. For my
entire career until a couple of years ago, the United States
had more embassies and consulates in the world than any
country. As of last autumn, China had 275 embassies and
consulates, and the United States 273. Is it meaningful? Yes.
It means we have to compete--we are competing militarily.
We are competing economically. We have got to compete
diplomatically. I can assure you we have an outstanding Foreign
Service. I have gotten to know over the last couple of months
the men and women of the China desk in our East Asia Bureau.
They are superb experts, and we do need to make a commitment,
as the President and Secretary Blinken are doing, to modernize,
strengthen our Foreign Service and our civil service. That is
part of our diplomatic power.
And finally, Senator, I think you are right. Diplomacy is
not just for people like me, State Department diplomats. We
need multiple channels to create the coalitions and friendships
that can limit China, and that can be State governors and
legislatures and NGOs, subnational actors, as you call them.
And I think we have got to have an all-country embrace of
connecting with our allies to support our interests vis-a-vis
China.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, nice to have you here today. I would like
to talk with you about China's strategy to dominate the 21st
century.
We just learned over the weekend that China has deployed
for the first time what is known as the hypersonic glide
missile. As the Financial Times reported, and I am going to
quote, ``China tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile in
August that circled the globe before speeding toward its
target, demonstrating an advanced space capability that caught
U.S. intelligence by surprise.''
If China deploys hypersonic glide vehicles, this would
enable China to circumvent U.S. ballistic missile defense and
strike the U.S. homeland without warning.
Ambassador Burns, this new military capability is deeply
worrisome, but I believe the even bigger alarm is continued
complacency about China, complacency that we still see far too
much in the national security establishment here in America. We
see this when China probes and menaces our democratic ally
Taiwan, and the administration responds with silence or with
presidential talk about a so-called Taiwan agreement that does
not exist.
Xi Jinping has made clear that the Chinese Communist Party
has a plan for China to dominate the world diplomatically,
economically, technologically, and militarily. Xi Jinping and
the Chinese Communist Party want to achieve dominance and
displace the United States by 2049, the 100-year anniversary of
the founding of the People's Republic of China. And they are
certainly locking in every advantage that they can along the
way.
President Trump awakened our Nation to the Chinese threat,
and the Biden administration has inherited a very strong China
strategy, one that I helped to craft and implement when I
served as U.S. Ambassador to Japan. As part of the China
strategy, the Trump administration also rightly determined that
China is engaged in genocide and crimes against humanity with
the Uyghur population and other Muslims that live in the
Xinjiang Province.
I worry that the Biden administration will try to strike
some sort of naive grand bargain on climate or other issues
with China that effectively might erase the strong position
that we have with China today. Such a naive deal could
significantly weaken our energy independence.
Meanwhile, China will continue to burn more coal and emit
more greenhouse gases than all of the developed world combined,
with an unenforceable pledge to reduce their carbon footprint
at some undetermined time in the future. Ambassador Burns, that
is my view of what is at stake strategically, but let us focus
on China's immediate threat with respect to Taiwan.
It is clear that the Chinese Communist Party is stepping up
its military posture in the Taiwan Strait. The world is
alarmed, and Taiwan could be the first domino to fall in the
Indo-Pacific. Ambassador, what is your view on the Taiwan
issue, and should the United States revisit the issue of
strategic ambiguity with respect to Taiwan?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and thank you for
your service as a U.S. Ambassador to Japan.
I agree with you that China is our strongest, I would say
most dangerous, competitor in the world. President Biden has
followed a very tough-minded policy against China. I counted up
yesterday at least 15 sanctions or executive orders limiting
the ability of the Chinese Government to be influential around
the world or in our own society. So, I think there has been--
under President Obama, President Trump, now President Biden--an
increasing emphasis on what we need to do to limit China, and
President Biden's policies are very tough and very strong.
On Taiwan, we need to do multiple things. We need to
strength our commitment to Taiwan's security under the Taiwan
Relations Act. The Biden administration proposed the sale of
M109A6 Howitzers this past spring, a $750 million deal that
would help the Taiwan authorities to defend themselves. There
is substantial leverage in the Taiwan Relations Act available
to the executive and legislative branches to continue to
provide arms sales for defensive purposes, defense articles and
services, to Taiwan.
And maybe the most important thing we can do is maintain a
strong American military deterrence in the Indo-Pacific. You
were part of that as Ambassador. Our alliance with Japan, our
alliance with the Republic of Korea, our alliance with
Australia, the presence of our Navy and Air Force at Andersen
Air Force Base in Guam, our rotational deployments. Of course,
our deployments through the international waters of the South
China Sea. This is all-encompassing strategy designed to
support our side and to strengthen our ability to help Taiwan
defend itself.
Senator Hagerty. I agree with you on our military strategy
and our posture. We need to maintain it. We need to strengthen
it. I am interested still, though, in your view on whether we
should revisit our posture of strategic ambiguity, how we talk
about the Taiwan situation.
Ambassador Burns. This is an important question. My own
view is that we are better off and will be more effective in
staying with the one China policy of the last four decades. We
recognize the People's Republic of China as the sole legal
Government of China, and yet we have unofficial relations with
Taiwan, and we have under the Taiwan Relations Act the ability,
in fact, the imperative of helping Taiwan to defend itself.
Every President, Republican and Democrat, has followed that
policy. In the face of the Chinese build-up--and they are more
aggressive now--that is the best way for us to strengthen the
ability of Taiwan to defend itself.
Senator Hagerty. My time has come to a close. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine [presiding]. Absolutely. Ambassador Burns, I
am sitting in while Senator Menendez votes, and it is my turn
in the order.
So, congratulations to you. You are a wonderful public
servant.
I am going to ask you a couple of questions about
assumptions. So, pre-2000, China had to sort of make a case to
the United States every year to be granted Most Favored Nation
status, and it was an annual decision that the President would
make. And China, that annual decision provided a forum for
discussions about human rights issues and such.
In 2000, Congress granted China permanent normal trade
relation status, which paved their path to becoming a member of
the WTO. So, we no longer have that annual determination and
opportunity, and I think possibly we have lost some focus on
some of the human rights and other issues for that reason.
The decision was made because of a belief that if China was
part of the WTO, they would conform themselves to global trade
rules, and I think everyone, whatever their thought at the
time, would say that China's behavior has been disappointing,
that they have not done what we hoped. I am curious, do you
think that was a mistake for us to grant China legal permanent
trade relations in 2000?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
I was not involved in U.S.-China relations at that time. I
was focused on Greece and NATO in those years. And of course,
it is always perilous to be a Monday morning quarterback and
sit in judgment of people I really admire. But personally, the
assumptions that many made about China in those years turned
out not to be accurate.
China took advantage of its presence in the WTO as a so-
called developing country. China then did not meet its
obligations under the WTO, and who suffered? American workers
and American businesses. And you and I have met with a lot of
American businesses who had their IP ripped off by the Chinese
and made their business decisions very difficult.
So, I do think at this point in 2021, I hope there will be
bipartisan support for a very aggressive American policy to
hold China to account. If you read Ambassador Tai's speech of 2
1/2 weeks ago, Ambassador Katherine Tai's speech, the U.S.
Trade Rep, she was very clear about her determination on behalf
of the President to protect American workers and protect
American businesses, and I think that has to be the focus of
our efforts right now.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that answer.
Some of my Republican colleagues actually have filed a bill
to undo the legal permanent trade relations that we accorded
China 21 years ago. It might be hard to get the genie back in
the bottle because supply chains and others have sort of
reformed and recombined to reflect the new reality.
But I think with the best of intentions, there were a lot
of optimism and hopes about China--members of both parties,
Presidents of both parties--that have proven to be wrong. And
we have to be willing, as we were with the Competitiveness Act
we recently passed, to lean much more forward in the
relationship.
There is another assumption, and you touched on it in your
discussion. The United States has a wonderful network of
allies, but China really does not. China really does not. And
we see this again and again. I think it is a statement that is
actually true.
But here is something I worry about. When I see China and
Russia doing joint naval exercises in the Straits of Japan, as
they recently did, or other joint military exercises--they have
done joint military exercises with Iran in the Persian Gulf--I
start to worry a little bit about an assumption that we have
long made in national security thinking that China and Russia
will never be too cooperative. They seem to be combining
frequently now.
They are very different countries, but they both are
authoritarian nations that do not respect democratic norms and
institutions and actually believe democracy is a dying
governmental model. How worried should the United States be
about increasing cooperation between China and Russia,
especially on military matters?
Ambassador Burns. It is a very--it is a reality, and I
think a lot of us maybe 10, 20 years ago would not have
anticipated that China and Russia would begin to work together
strategically, but they are. All the more reason why we need to
deepen our own alliances and partnerships.
I would say this, Senator, and this is just speculative. I
spent 5 years of my career at the White House on Soviet and
Russian affairs. My numbers may be a little bit off, but I
think there are 6 or 7 million Russians living east of the Ural
Mountains in that vast expanse, and there are 300 or 400
million Chinese living below them. The Russians are going to
have to worry long term about economic domination of Russia by
China.
And in response to what Senator Risch asked me, the
Russians ought to be worried about a Chinese nuclear weapons
build-up in the western part of China, about the hypersonic
missile that Senator Hagerty--test that Senator Hagerty just
raised, and the fact that China is completely unconstrained.
Of the five permanent nuclear powers of the Security
Council, it is the only one that refuses to be part of any arms
control regime. We have been part of one for 60 years, since
the Test Ban Treaty of 1963. And so, obviously, that has got to
be a focus for all of us, I would say including the Russians,
going forward.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. I am over my time. I believe
Senator Young by Webex is next up?
Senator Young. Yes, Senator Kaine, Chairman, thank you so
much.
Yes, Mr. Burns, I am sorry I just hopped on, Ambassador,
but congratulations on your nomination, and thank you for your
years of distinguished service.
This week, we have seen public reporting suggesting that
China successfully tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic missile.
Earlier this summer, we saw additional reporting indicating
that China had dramatically increased the size and scope of its
nuclear arsenal. These reports have evoked fears of a new cold
war with China.
These nuclear weapons concerns come amid rapidly escalating
tensions over Taiwan. Our strategic competition, of course, is
nothing new, but I am concerned with the growing risks of
miscommunication or misinterpretation of our actions. In your
view, sir, what is motivating these sorts of provocative
actions from Beijing?
Ambassador Burns. Senator Young, thank you, and thank you
for your leadership on the strategic innovation bill that is so
important to the future of our country.
I think you are right to focus on this issue. Part of what
we will need to do in the U.S.-China relationship is mitigate
the possibility of an accidental conflict and to maintain the
peace between our two countries and in the region. And that
will require our military leadership, the civilian leadership
of the Defense Department, the State Department, and the White
House to have effective communication channels into the Chinese
leadership.
And of course, every administration has wanted to do this,
has worked on it, but we need to work on it very intensively
because, at all costs, we want to compete with China, but we do
not want to find ourselves, in the words of my Harvard
colleague Joe Nye, being ``sleepwalkers'' into a conflict with
China. So, part of the job of an American Ambassador to China,
if I am confirmed, will be to work with my colleagues in the
U.S. Government to make sure we have those effective
communications channels with the Chinese leadership.
And finally, Senator, I would just say to you I completely
agree with you. We should all be concerned by the nuclear
build-up in China, and that has to be a concern for allied
nations as well as the United States.
Senator Young. Well, thank you. I wish you luck. If there
is any way Congress can be constructive in helping open up
those channels of communication, whether it is through visits
to the country, expressing our collective desire to make sure
that we are talking, we avoid any scenarios that our leadership
and our peoples would regret, I am--enlist me in the cause,
sir.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
Senator Young. My State of Indiana, Ambassador, is the most
manufacturing-intensive State in the United States, and our
businesses rely on a diversified supply chain and market
access. Over the years, China has used localization
requirements, intellectual property theft, and forced transfer
of data to hamstring our enterprises that are dependent on
technology.
I firmly believe the United States should advocate for
integrity in digital trade provisions of our trade agreements.
This includes holding bad actors accountable, especially
Communist China. I am currently working on a resolution to
solidify the U.S. commitment to high-standard digital trade
principles.
If confirmed, how will you address continued action by
China that purposefully causes harm to American businesses,
knowing that you will need to coordinate with Ambassador Tai on
this?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
In my opening statement, I focused on this issue of trade
because of the enormous damage to your State and every other
State, to our workers, and to our businesses. This is a high
priority for the Biden administration, and obviously, if
confirmed, I will be working very intensively on this issue
with the White House, with the Commerce Department, the
Treasury Department, and of course, principally with Ambassador
Tai and her colleagues.
Senator Young. Ambassador, accept my apologies if you
discussed this in your opening statement, but could you just
explain why actions like IP theft and data localization
requirements are issues of national security, not just economic
issues?
Ambassador Burns. In thinking about this job, I have been
consulting with a lot of experts on China across the country,
and it has really been interesting to hear. But I think the
great majority of them would say that the focal point, the most
important part of our competition with China will be on
economics and technology in the future.
We are going to have a military competition for power,
which we had with the Soviets in the old Cold War. What
distinguishes our competition with China, which makes it unlike
the old Cold War, is the fact that they seek dominance on
technology, on AI and machine learning, quantum sciences,
biotechnology. They seek to militarize those technologies.
That may be the central focus of the competition. So,
therefore, we in the executive branch and you in Congress need
to unite on a bipartisan basis and be fundamentally focused on
it.
The Chairman [presiding]. Thank you.
Senator Young. And I would say, Ambassador, thank you for
bringing up my legislation. That is the purpose, to address
this threat, technology threat, economic threat, that China
poses to us, the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act. So, I
hope that broadly bipartisan legislation passes before year's
end.
Thank you so much, sir.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you for your leadership.
The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And congratulations, Mr. Ambassador. Thank you for your
long service to this country, and to your family.
Just picking up on some of the points Senator Young made,
and I was pleased to hear you mention in your opening remarks
the issue of China's systematic theft of intellectual property.
That is why Senator Sasse and I teamed up, and we passed a
bipartisan bill here in the Senate called Protecting American
Intellectual Property Act. It is actually incorporated in the
U.S. Innovation and Competition Act, which, as you know, passed
the Senate and is pending in the House.
And the whole idea is that U.S. companies that are
victimized by intellectual property theft do not have just sole
recourse in the United States courts. And so in those
situations where we are not talking about garden-variety
trademark violations, but in fact, systematic theft of U.S.
strategic technology and other cutting-edge technologies, the
U.S. Government would weigh in and be authorized to impose
economic sanctions and penalties. This was a measure supported
by the previous administration and I think also by the current
administration.
I want to flag that because I look forward to working with
you as we get that through the congressional process because
there has to be a price to pay. And when you are talking about
the Chinese Government weighing in and being part of this
theft, you cannot leave it simply to the court system to defend
American companies.
Similarly, I believe China has got to be paying a higher
price for its malign actions and its violation of international
agreements, and we have seen a gross violation of those
agreements in the case of Hong Kong, where China has cracked
down on democracy. Senator Toomey and I passed legislation last
year called the Hong Kong Autonomy Act. It is in--part of the
law now.
This administration has used it to apply sanctions to 24
individuals who were complicit in cracking down on democracy in
Hong Kong. But we would like to see them identify some of the
banks and financial institutions that are aiding and abetting
that activity because the sanctions also apply to them.
But my broader question here relates to how we raise the
price China has got to pay for these malign actions. Yes, we
have got to make sure we strengthen our own position, both at
home and around the world, certainly with our allies, certainly
provide Taiwan with more of the means to defend itself. But how
can we raise the cost to China of the kind of actions they have
taken in Hong Kong, and do you agree that they have felt the
pain at all of international response, for example, in Hong
Kong? Is there more we can be doing?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you very much, and thank
you for authoring that legislation. I do think it was
particularly effective to sanction specific individuals in Hong
Kong who are responsible for the repression of the people of
Hong Kong, and that is similar to the Biden administration
sanctions on those individuals in Xinjiang Province who did the
same.
I do think that we are stronger if we can create global
alliances on all of these issues. So, encouraging the European
Union to be with us, not just in condemning human rights
violations, but sanctioning. And that was the case, they were
with us in sanctions on Xinjiang. And I think Hong Kong is
particularly important.
I mentioned earlier in the testimony I was with Secretary
Albright in Hong Kong on the day of the handover, June 30,
1997, and all of us with Secretary Albright remember the
specific commitments China made, and it has reneged on all of
them. So, this is not just a U.S. concern. It has to be a
global concern.
And I do think one of the changes President Biden has
brought to our strategic policy towards China is to emphasize
our allies and partners on this issue as well as the others
that we have been talking about.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I think you have to
have that multiplier effect in order to make these sanctions
ultimately effective. If not reversing the actions that China
has taken, letting them know that they will pay a higher price
for similar actions going forward.
Just in conclusion, you are obviously going to be our
Ambassador to China and talking about these important issues
between our two countries, but how important is it that we
strengthen ourselves here at home, both in terms of modernizing
our infrastructure and trying to address the depolarization
that we face in this country?
Ambassador Burns. It may be the most important thing we
could do is to invest in our technological future, as the
Senate is doing with your strategic innovation bill, which I
very strongly--that the administration very strongly supported,
and I do, too. And it is to prepare ourselves to strengthen--to
have a clean energy future; strengthen our technology base; be
funding, I would hope, our universities and research
institutions because that is where the cutting-edge technology
is happening.
Supporting our businesses because they are the ones who
make America powerful economically in large part. And so that
strategy is probably the most important thing we can do to
stand up to the China challenge over the next 20 to 30 years. I
do think this is going to be a long-term challenge.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Rounds?
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, first of all, let me just begin by saying
thank you for the time that you spent with us last evening. It
is appreciated, and I most certainly enjoyed the conversation.
As you know, I sit on the Senate Armed Services Committee
and its Strategic Forces Subcommittee. I would be very
interested in your thoughts on China's nuclear stockpile and
its expanding capabilities, specifically with regard to our
challenge right now here within the discussions going on that
some of our members think it is okay if we were to perhaps not
modernize our own triad. In fact, they question whether anybody
really cares whether we have a triad or not.
China--and this is on an unclassified level--they have been
increasing their stockpile. Some folks do not think that we
need to be improving and upgrading and modernizing our own
nuclear triad. I think China is aggressively growing their own,
and I think this is a critical part of their foreign policy
strategy, and I think it is one way in which the PRC in terms
of their diplomatic efforts uses it as a hammer when they deal
with other countries. Could you share a little bit about how
you see that impacting your ability to negotiate with the PRC
once you are there?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you, and thank you for the
conversation we had in your office last evening.
And as I explained to you, one of the curiosities of coming
up for confirmation as a private citizen is that, quite
properly, I do not have access to classified information. So,
in this realm, and Senator Hagerty asked me about it as well, I
am a little bit limited by not having that access. But I will
say this.
Based on the press reports, we should all be concerned by
the build-up of China's nuclear forces in the western part of
China. And then many Members have asked me about these press
reports of these novel delivery systems, these hypersonic
systems. What I think has to bother all of us is the attitude
of the Chinese Government. They do not believe that they should
be constrained in any way, shape, or form by arms control.
The United States submits to that. Russia submits to that,
at least did in the past. Our other nuclear allies--the United
Kingdom and France--do. And so I think it is going to be very
important.
I know the Trump administration made an effort to do this
and was right to do it, to push the Chinese to think about
their obligations, and I think it is very important that we do
that on a bipartisan basis. But certainly, these are troubling
developments, and I said earlier, Senator, the Chinese have
been saying for decades that they would like to have a minimum
nuclear deterrence, and they seem to be quite rapidly moving
away from that older policy of the Chinese Government.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Let me just continue down that line a little bit. It is
more than simply nuclear development. There is also the issue
of artificial intelligence. They will be a key player with
regard to the deployment of artificial intelligence not just in
regard to national defense issues, but in all areas of
technology. We have got before us the opportunity and I think
the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence
made major requests to Congress to fund artificial intelligence
activity and opportunities, not real expensive, but clearly
something that is not just the United States, but China is
working on.
Could you talk about the need for the United States to
continue to take a very active role in the most technologically
advanced fields, including artificial intelligence, in order to
maintain our leadership role not just with regard to defense,
but with regard to trade as well?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
Two years ago, I organized a meeting of the bipartisan
Aspen Strategy Group. I am the Director of the group. And we
focused over 3 days on this issue, and we had some of the best
experts from the U.S. Government and the private sector, the
tech companies come and talk to us. And they identified the
same concern that you have, that China will be competing us for
commercial superiority in AI and machine learning--and this is
their stated 2025 policy--in quantum sciences and
biotechnology.
They are obviously going to try to militarize those
technologies, and the United States cannot let ourselves be in
an inferior position and have the Chinese leapfrog over us on
these technologies 5 or 10 or 30 years from now. So, I think I
agree wholeheartedly with you. We need to make strategic
investments, and the Senate is doing that.
And we need to continue to do that in this strength of the
American economy, innovation, high tech, biotech because it is
likely to be the central arena of competition between us with
China. And if I am confirmed, it will be a central focus. It
already is of the Biden administration, but I will be very
focused on it.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir, and I look forward to
supporting your nomination.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Merkley?
Senator Merkley. Thank very much, Ambassador, for service
over a long career.
I wanted to start with recognizing you have noted that
China is not an Olympian power, and that just catches my
attention because the Olympics in China are just 4 months away
in February. And as we discussed in my office, I am very
concerned about the fact that the International Olympic
Committee has placed the Olympics in a nation that is
conducting genocide against its own people.
And my preference would certainly have been for the Olympic
Committee to say China had failed to follow its 2015 promises
on human rights and that the Olympics were to be moved. That is
not going to happen. The IOC has made that very clear.
However, there are things that can be done to keep China
from using the Olympics to gloss over its horrific human rights
activities. For example, a diplomatic boycott. Another example
would be fiercely defending the right of athletes to express
themselves on what is going on in China while they are in China
performing.
What do you think is--what would you recommend to
essentially try not to have China be able to use the Olympics
as a way to create a cheerful facade over their horrific
activities against minorities in their own country?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
And I used the term ``Olympian'' not to refer, as you know,
to the Olympics, but just to suggest that and if you think
about ancient Greece, China is not all-powerful.
Senator Merkley. No, understood.
Ambassador Burns. On the question of the Olympic Games, the
Winter Games to be held in Beijing, it looks like it is going
to be the most unusual games ever. It looks like, if you look
at the rules and regulations that the Chinese authorities have
worked out with the International Olympic Committee, there will
be really nobody there from around the world because the
precautionary measures that people are being asked to take, and
obviously given a pandemic, will make it almost impossible for
spectators from Japan or the United States to be there. So, I
think you will largely have a Chinese audience.
I think you are right, and I enjoyed our conversation about
this 3 days ago. We obviously want to make sure that the
American athletes, if they are there, and other athletes are
able to speak their minds, are able to have access to the media
to say what they wish to say because they come from democratic
countries. And I hope and trust that the International Olympic
Committee will make that possible.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Ambassador. And I think fierce
advocacy will be very valuable and in coordination with other
nations.
The Olympic Committee members say it is all about the
athletes so we do not really want to bring up ``political
issues'' like human rights. But what they have done is force
the athletes to become unwilling or unwitting participants in
this--well, this effort to put a very bright and happy face on
China at the same time there are such tragic and horrific
practices.
One of the biggest factors is the treatment of the Uyghurs
and essentially engaging millions in slavery, many high-tech
practices, forced sterilization, forced birth control, forced
labor that is slave labor, and in Hong Kong, where they have
stripped the political rights. The Congressional Executive
Commission on China held a hearing in which we heard advocate
after advocate say this is a moment for the United States to
grant P2 status to those who are trying--are particularly
vulnerable in these two situations, both in Hong Kong and, if
you will, among Xinjiang Province, the Uyghur community.
This is status given to groups of special humanitarian
concern. Individuals still have to establish their personal
vulnerability within that group that allows them to apply from
inside or outside the country and that it is the right fit. Is
P2 status for those who are vulnerable in Hong Kong and in
Xinjiang Province something that you would support?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
What I would like to do is check with the State Department,
because I am unsure of the answer to your question, and come
back to you with an answer. Perhaps we can do that in written
form, or I can--we can meet and talk about it.
I do know that President Biden has allowed Hong Kong
residents to stay in the United States on a lengthier basis
than they normally would because of the fear of persecution
should they go back, given what has happened in Hong Kong. But
I am just not aware of what other measures the administration
has taken or is planning, but I am happy to take that question
for the record.
[The response to Senator Merkley's question follows:]
The United States Government is exploring migration policies that
would best support Hong Kongers. The Department of State also remains
focused on the humanitarian concerns of the Uyghur community by
coordinating with UNHCR to ensure it can refer vulnerable Uyghurs to
the United States Refugee Admissions Program for resettlement
consideration without delay and to determine if there are other steps
needed to ensure humanitarian access to resettlement.
If confirmed, I will continue to support policies that show our
unwavering support for the Uyghur community, as well as for people in
Hong Kong, including humanitarian pathways to the United States.
Senator Merkley. Yes, that status of deferred and forced
departure has been granted to those from Hong Kong who are
already in the country.
Ambassador Burns. Right.
Senator Merkley. It is an 18-month provision, has not been
granted to Uyghurs. We had testimony from Uyghurs who have been
here for 4 years because of their high vulnerability in return
and have lost--their families have lost any formal status in
our country, and they are awaiting action.
I will just close with a comment. If the chair feels there
is time to respond, fine, but I am over time. Which is that I
would really love to see champions in our diplomatic team push
for an official determination of genocide in Myanmar because
the actions against the Rohingya fully justify it, just
horrific activities. The hesitation amongst some in the State
Department has been to be critical because there is a fledgling
democracy, except there is no longer a fledgling democracy
because the military conducted a military coup and put Aung San
Suu Kyi under arrest.
When we fail to call out genocide in Myanmar, it undermines
the legitimacy of the strength of our position on genocide
elsewhere, including Xinjiang Province. So, I am encouraging
consistency in calling out such horrific human practices when
they occur.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, welcome. I have long believed China poses
the single-greatest geopolitical threat to the United States
for the next century. There are many domains on which we are
standing up to China. One of the most important concerns
Taiwan, and I worry that the threat to our Taiwanese allies is
becoming acute.
This week, the Chinese filled commercial ships with dozens
of military tanks and practiced their amphibious landing
capabilities in preparation for ``future battlefields.''
Earlier in the month, 149 Chinese aircraft made incursions into
Taiwan's air defense zone over the span of just 4 days. U.S.
commanders have publicly assessed that an invasion of Taiwan is
``much closer to us than most think.''
Meanwhile, Taiwan has been asking the United States to
expedite the delivery of several squadrons of F-16s ordered in
2019. I strongly believe we have to do more to get them what
they need to defend themselves, and I want to ask you a couple
of questions about that.
Number one, how do you see the Chinese threat to Taiwan,
and what should we be doing to deter that threat?
Ambassador Burns. Senator, thank you.
It is a growing Chinese threat to Taiwan, attempts to bully
and intimidate and to send these 149 aircraft into the air
defense identification zone of Taiwan. And you combine that
with the statements of the Chinese leadership, which are very
aggressive and clear, we obviously have a self-interest and
under the Taiwan Relations Act an obligation and commitment to
help deepen our involvement in helping Taiwan to defend itself.
And Congress and the executive branch--and we talked about this
when we met in your office--have that authority and have that
responsibility.
On the F-16 issue, the Biden administration has come
forward with advanced Howitzer sale of $750 million. I think a
lot of experts believe that Taiwan needs a greater asymmetric
defense capacity, needs to spend money on that to repel, as you
say, an amphibious, the threat of an amphibious invasion or an
airborne invasion, whatever the Chinese are thinking of. And I
think that in the Taiwan Relations Act, it talks about the
United States needing to make clear that its deterrent is in
place, the power of our military, in the Indo-Pacific, and our
allies, of course, have to be part of this.
So, I think everyone here who has talked about Taiwan, and
myself included, ought to be more concerned because the Chinese
clearly are on a different path than they were 30 or 20 years
ago.
Senator Cruz. I think one of the most important steps we
can and should take to stand with Taiwan is help prepare and
equip them to defend themselves and to defend themselves
effectively against a serious military incursion from China. I
am intending to introduce legislation, the Taiwan Arms Act,
that raises Taiwan's status for arms sales to that of our
closest allies and partners.
It is important, and I look forward to working with my
colleagues on this committee and other committees to see that
it expeditiously becomes law.
But let me turn to another aspect. One part of the solution
to ensuring that our Taiwan allies have what they need to
defend themselves involve arms sales such as the legislation I
am introducing, the Taiwan Arms Act. Another component of it,
however, derives from our current policy of strategic ambiguity
towards Taiwan and towards Taiwan status. And I am concerned
that that longstanding policy--and it is a policy that has
existed across Democrat and Republican administrations. I am
concerned that it is undermining our efforts to bolster Taiwan.
I have long advocated there is great virtue to clarity in
foreign policy. The State Department is notorious for embracing
lack of clarity, and strategic ambiguity seems to be one of the
favorite tools of Foggy Bottom. In the context of China and
Taiwan, the Chinese Communist Party I believe interprets
ambiguity as weakness and as a signal that we are not committed
to Taiwan's security.
How do you assess our current efforts to deter China, and
what do you think the role that strategic ambiguity has in
those current efforts?
Ambassador Burns. Thank you, Senator.
My own view, and this is also the view, of course, and more
importantly of the Biden administration, is that the smartest
and effective way for us to help deter aggressive actions by
Taiwan--by China, excuse me, across the Taiwan Strait will be
to stay with the policy that has been in place, and that is the
Taiwan Relations Act, the three joint statements of 1972, '79,
and '82, and President Reagan's six assurances of 1982.
They are time-tested. They allow under the Taiwan Relations
Act the executive and Congress to do more, if you choose to do
more, if both branches choose to do more to help Taiwan defend
itself. Clearly, this is a different situation. You are right
about that, but this is a policy that can succeed if we execute
it consistently and with some strength.
And as I said before, and I do not mean to repeat myself,
but maybe the most important thing we could do is maintain the
American military position in Japan, in the Republic of Korea,
in that first island chain, but also out to our Andersen Air
Force Base in Guam, and to be an effective deterrent to keep
the peace. That is also part of the Taiwan Relations Act, that
the United States has a role. Japan has a role.
And I think under the banner or the umbrella of a one China
policy, where we recognize the People's Republic as the sole
legal Government of China that has been the policy since 1979,
we also have this unofficial relationship with Taiwan, and we
can exercise responsibilities within that context. And I think
that is the smartest way to deter the Chinese from trying to
exercise force, as opposed to keeping the peace and having a
more respectful, long-term conversation with Taiwan.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you very much. Thank you.
Thank you, Ambassador, for your answers to the questions
that have been posed.
The record for this particular part of the hearing will
remain open until the close of business on Thursday, October
21. Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted
no later than Thursday. I would urge you, Ambassador, that upon
receipt of questions for the record that you answer them as
expeditiously and as fully as possible so that we can schedule
your nomination for a business meeting.
And with that and the thanks of the committee, you are
excused at this time.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
We have two nominations on the next panel, and we will ask
those nominees to come forward.
[Pause.]
The Chairman. I would ask our nominees to take their seats.
We have two nominations on this second panel. They are Rahm
Emanuel to be the Ambassador to Japan and Mr. Jonathan Kaplan
to be the Ambassador to Singapore.
I understand that Senator Durbin and also Senator Hagerty
will be introducing Mayor Emanuel today and that Senator
Hickenlooper will be introducing Mr. Kaplan.
So, I see Senator Durbin is here with us. Let me turn to
Senator Durbin.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD J. DURBIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS
Senator Durbin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
Risch.
It is an honor to have the opportunity to share a few words
of introduction for Rahm Emanuel to be our next Ambassador to
Japan. Yesterday, a few colleagues and I had a chance to speak
with the new IAEA Director General, Mariano Grossi. I think
several of you may have met with him as well.
We talked about not only Iran's future and nuclear program,
but also North Korea. It reminded me that Japan, one of our
most important allies in Asia, is at the forefront of several
key national security priorities for our Nation. Notably, the
nuclear threat on and from the Korean peninsula, Chinese
actions in the South China Sea, and regional economic pressure,
the undermining of Hong Kong's democracy and threats against
Taiwan.
With the dawn of the AUKUS pact, America has signaled a
national commitment to the Indo-Pacific region. We need to be
certain that our allies and friends and partners like Japan
have a clear understanding of our goals. That is why the
appointment of a new Ambassador to Japan is timely and
critical. Rahm Emanuel is the right person for that
responsibility.
I have known Rahm for more than 30 years. Perhaps his wife
Amy is the only one in the room who has known him longer. I
have worked with him in many capacities, his work as staff
leader in the Clinton White House, as a member of the Illinois
congressional delegation, when he became chief of staff to
President Obama, and most closely when he was mayor of the city
of Chicago. I can tell you what is obvious. He is bright,
energetic, and focused.
Any mayor who can cobble together a budget in the Chicago
City Council is ready for major league diplomacy. He has
repeatedly shown that he can build winning coalitions at every
level, and he has delivered with a legacy that we still enjoy
in the city of Chicago and State of Illinois. We can still see
his good work today in the Chicago Public School System,
transportation modernization, and in the game-changing projects
like the Riverwalk in the city of Chicago.
I understand Senator Hagerty is also going to introduce
Rahm. I thank him for that, and he previously served as
Ambassador to Japan and knows the challenges all too well.
Quite simply, Rahm Emanuel's lifetime of public service has
prepared him to speak for America on the global stage. As such,
I hope this committee will look favorably on his nomination.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Durbin.
I see Senator Hickenlooper is with us. So, let me turn to
Senator Hickenlooper.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN W. HICKENLOOPER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO
Senator Hickenlooper. Thank you, Chair and Ranking Member.
Appreciate your time and effort on this committee.
I am honored to join you today to introduce Jonathan
Kaplan, President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Singapore.
Mr. Kaplan--well, in politics, as you all know, you get to
meet a number of remarkable people, and Mr. Kaplan is one of
the more, if not one of the most, perhaps the most remarkable
person I know. But before I go into some of the accolades on
Mr. Kaplan, let me give a little context.
Singapore is a crucial partner in an important region,
Asia's largest recipient of U.S. foreign direct investment, a
close ally in cooperation on security and defense. There is a
truly dynamic trade relationship with Singapore, and they share
our commitment to the rule of law. It is also a part of the
world that has an enduring sense of possibility.
Both of our countries are diverse, multicultural hubs of
innovation. They are both grappling with the looming threat of
climate change and the rise of China. So, much in common and a
lot to learn from one another, and it is essential to have
someone of great quality to steer this partnership at such a
sensitive moment.
And that leader we have in Jonathan Kaplan, who shares that
enduring sense of possibility. He is a tested entrepreneur who
understands the importance of bringing people together to
achieve common goals to solve problems in the most effective
and efficient ways possible.
He is the chair of EducationSuperHighway, a nonprofit
organization dedicated to bridging the digital divide in
schools. Jon and his team built a bipartisan movement across
all 50 States to bring high-speed Internet to over 99 percent
of American schoolchildren.
He worked with governors like me. In 2016, Colorado
partnered with EducationSuperHighway on Kids Link Colorado and
expanded quality, affordable broadband to schools across the
State. It was a huge success, and these investments proved
critical when learning went online during COVID.
Jon has the mindset of an inventor and an innovator. As an
inventor, he has the patents to prove it. He never accepts
things as they always have been. He is always envisioning how
they could be better and then bringing people together to
create that future.
Maybe you will remember the flip phone video, which he was
behind and responsible for. His numerous business ventures have
transformed how we use not just technology, but how we record
video, as I said, how we play online games, and even how you
get your lunch to go.
He has extensive experience in the East Asian theater. He
has traveled to over 75 countries around the world. He has
worked especially closely with corporate and government
officials in China, Japan, and South Korea. He has exactly the
right perspective and exactly the right experience to represent
the United States in Singapore, a country that embodies the
same commitment to innovation and that same enduring sense of
possibility for this vitally important partner at this vitally
important time.
It has been now almost 4 years since this post was last
filled. It is critical that we act swiftly to confirm a U.S.
Ambassador to Singapore and, hopefully, with a large majority,
which sends a message in and of itself.
So, I support Jon's nomination, and I hope this committee
will do the same.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Hickenlooper.
I see that Senator Hagerty has joined us as well and wants
to join in introducing Senator--excuse me, Mayor Emanuel.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Chairman Menendez,
Ranking Member Risch. I appreciate your holding this hearing.
I want to thank you for allowing me to introduce the person
I think will be the next U.S. Ambassador to Japan. It is a
position that I hold very near and dear to my heart, having
served as our most recent Ambassador to Japan from 2017 to
2019.
And I would like to say this. That representing one's own
country is one of the greatest honors in the world. It really
brings home the importance of the exceptional nation that the
United States is, and it is an incredible honor that is being
bestowed upon those of you that will serve our Nation as
Ambassador. It is certainly an incredible honor that my family
and I cherished, and I feel certain that you will, too.
Today, I am here in a very different role. I am here as a
member of the committee that oversaw my nomination. I am over
here in a different seat to introduce the nominee to be our
next Ambassador to Japan.
While our political backgrounds could not be more different
and I am sure there are many issues upon which we strongly
disagree, but through our recent discussions it has become
clear to me that Mayor Emanuel shares my unwavering conviction
that the U.S.-Japan relationship is the cornerstone for peace
and prosperity in the entire Indo-Pacific region. It is a
region that has become even more dangerous day by day, and that
makes the position of U.S. Ambassador to Japan all the more
important for the United States. This is a position that has
remained vacant for too long.
When I served as U.S. Ambassador in Tokyo, my ability to
directly engage in person with senior Japanese Government
officials, with business leaders, and most importantly, the
Japanese people helped to bring our strategic relationship with
Japan to new heights. During my tenure, tensions in the region
were remarkably high, with North Korea launching multiple
ballistic missiles over Japan and Communist China threatening
Japan's administration of the Senkaku Islands in the South
China--in the East China Sea. The Japanese people and the world
needed to hear directly from the U.S. Ambassador when those
threats occurred, and they did.
As the global security focus continues to shift toward the
Indo-Pacific to counter Russia's aggression and the predatory
actions of Communist China, the U.S.-Japan alliance must remain
the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and security in the
region. And for this posture to hold, the U.S. Ambassador will
need to play a critical role in advancing the relationship.
Today, we have a great threat from Communist China toward
our mutual friend Taiwan. This is a threat that requires a
strong and unified response from both the U.S. and Japan. Mayor
Emanuel understands this critical circumstance and has assured
me that he will do everything in the immense power of the U.S.
Ambassador to Japan to stand strong for Taiwan's freedom, for
their democratic rule.
Our next Ambassador to Japan must be prepared to continue a
strong and clear-eyed stance for America's interest in the
Indo-Pacific. He must stand for the strength of the U.S.-Japan
alliance throughout the region while continuing to support and
strengthen our military presence in Japan. This presence is the
largest complement of U.S. military forces stationed anywhere
in the world. Mayor Emanuel has committed to me that he will be
that Ambassador.
As a former Ambassador, I know that sometimes challenges
occur from within the host nation. Japan has an outdated
judicial system that places that nation at a constant
competitive disadvantage. We have American citizens--today, a
Tennessee citizen--who are caught in the Japanese judicial
system, suffering from unfair and barbaric treatment in the so-
called hostage justice system of Japan. It is cruel, it is
inhumane, and it is unjust.
Mayor Emanuel has assured me that he will make addressing
this sad and difficult situation a top priority if he is
confirmed. This matters a great deal to me, and it matters to
the people of Tennessee. We must stand for the human rights of
U.S. citizens. And when our citizens are unjustly held, they
must be returned home.
The region and the world will need to hear that the
commitment of the United States to defend Japan remains
ironclad and unwavering. That was my message as Ambassador, and
it is a message that I am confident Mayor Emanuel will deliver
if he is confirmed.
While the United States will remain the predominant global
power for the foreseeable future, the emerging set of
challenges in the Indo-Pacific region will require our friends
to stand shoulder to shoulder with us, especially Japan. As I
mentioned, Mayor Emanuel and I have had many long and
productive conversations about this position, both the
challenges of the position and the expectations. I welcome him
today, and I intend to provide him with the bipartisan support
that I was fortunate to receive from this committee during my
U.S. Senate confirmation. A critical post like this deserves no
less from a qualified and capable nominee.
I once again congratulate Mayor Emanuel and his family. I
welcome them here. And as I said at the beginning of my
remarks, I hope this committee takes into consideration the
importance of the position and the consequence for our national
security if this post were allowed to remain vacant any longer.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Hagerty. Thank you for
your service to our Nation as our former Ambassador to Japan.
We appreciate that service and your insights here on the
committee, and we appreciate you lending your bipartisan vote--
voice Mayor Emanuel's nomination.
Let us turn to the nominees. Mayor Emanuel, it is good to
see you again. We welcome you and your family. And I want to
note that your son Zach is with us, who is a U.S. Naval
officer, and we appreciate his service to our country.
I believe that you have the necessary knowledge and
experience to represent us well in Japan. As you know, Japan is
one of our four most important allies in the world. For over 70
years, the U.S.-Japan partnership has played a vital role in
ensuring peace, stability, and economic development in Asia and
beyond. Our bilateral alliance serves as proof that two nations
can overcome past differences and work together towards a
better future.
If confirmed, I trust that Mayor Emanuel's vast experience,
both in public service and in the private sector, will serve
him and our country well as he navigates the opportunities and
complexities of the U.S.-Japan relationship and safeguarding
our partnership, one that is grounded in common interests and
common values. I will look forward to hearing from you about
how you plan to approach Japan and the region as well and the
type of Ambassador you hope to be.
As you are aware, today is also the anniversary of the
murder of Laquan McDonald. My heart goes out to his family on
this day. I believe all of us share that sentiment. And just so
many other victims and their families, as we work to deliver
meaningful reforms to the black and brown communities who
endure injustices every day. And certainly, we will give you an
opportunity to speak to that in the course of this hearing.
Mr. Kaplan, congratulations on your nomination. We welcome
your family as well. Singapore, as I know you appreciate, is
central for our engagement in Southeast Asia and with ASEAN,
and success in Southeast Asia is central to our success in the
Indo-Pacific and with our challenge with China.
While the Biden administration has launched significant
initiatives to bolster the broader regional architecture,
including through AUKUS and the QUAD, I believe that more
attention is needed in Southeast Asia, including on issues like
regional trade engagement and economic statecraft. At the end
of the day, how we integrate with the region's political
economy is far more consequential than our military or security
presence alone, and Singapore is, of course, a key regional
trade and economic partner.
I was encouraged by recent agreements with Singapore to
support our common goals in addressing climate change,
cybersecurity, and supply chain resilience. Overall, I believe
we need to reinvigorate our diplomatic presence and outreach to
Singapore, and I trust that you will be up to that task. I look
forward to hearing your goals for how we can deepen this
important diplomatic relationship even further.
We recently--Senator Risch and I recently had the
Singaporean foreign minister here, and he spoke about how he
desires--he and Singapore desires to see our engagement. But
when we have not had a confirmed Ambassador in Singapore for
almost 5 years now, it is tough to have diplomatic engagement,
which underscores the importance of getting you in place as
soon as possible.
With that, let me turn to the ranking member for his
remarks.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you, both of you, to our nominees for your
willingness to serve, and your families as well.
On the nomination of Ambassador to Japan, our alliance with
Japan is the bedrock of our ability to advance a free and open
Indo-Pacific. Over the past decades, the U.S.-Japan alliance
has become a critical example of how strong defense ties can
bring about stability and prosperity.
As we look forward to working with the new Japanese prime
minister and his team, it is vital that we strengthen and
sustain this critical alliance, especially in the face of
growing regional threats. We have seen important steps in that
direction, including the emphasis on cooperation with Japan,
Australia, and India through the QUAD.
The U.S. and Japan are also working together with other
partners in the region to finance the construction of a
reliable and secure undersea cable connecting Palau to the rest
of the Indo-Pacific as well as bring electricity to Papua New
Guinea. This is the foundation for future U.S.-Japan
cooperation in advanced technology, supply chain
diversification, global health, and other critical areas.
On the security front, we must maintain and strengthen the
credibility of U.S. extended deterrence commitments. I have
said it before, and I will say it again now. A sole purpose
nuclear declaratory policy or any perceived weakening of our
extended deterrence is a betrayal of our alliance in the Indo-
Pacific, including Japan. We must ensure our system is equipped
to provide advanced capabilities to our allies in the region.
To achieve this, Japan must do its part and work with us on
cybersecurity and technology security as committed during the
Suga summit, or the Biden-Suga summit.
However, certain parts of the State Department that come up
with reasons not to provide these critical capabilities are a
major impediment on this issue. If confirmed, you are--Mayor
Emanuel, you are going to see the security environment we face
firsthand, and I expect that you will encounter instincts and
policies that would weaken our security ties with Japan. We
should not tolerate those.
On the nomination, Mr. Kaplan, to be Ambassador to
Singapore, if confirmed, you will be our steward in one of our
closest partners in Southeast Asia. Idahoans know just how
important our security partnership with Singapore is. We are
proud to host, and have for some time, Singaporean F-15 pilots
and their families as they train at Mountain Home Air Force
Base in Mountain Home, Idaho. We should all support expanding
our security cooperation with Singapore, building on the
memorandum of understanding renewed in 2019.
On the economic side, I want to hear how you will apply
your private sector background to growing economic cooperation
with Singapore, including on supply chain issues. Singapore is
an important trading partner for the State of Idaho.
On the defense side, Singapore has made clear that while it
seeks a close relationship with the United States, it also
seeks to maintain cooperation with China, including through
increased defense ties. Another critical task for our next
Ambassador is to work with Singapore on the issues where China
seeks to exert pressure or undue influence in the country.
And along with the chairman, I want to underscore the
meeting that we had that was, I think, a very significant and
forward-looking meeting we had with the people from Singapore.
I look forward to hearing your thoughts on all of those issues.
With that, I yield back, Mr. chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
We will turn to our nominees. We ask you to summarize your
statements in about 5 minutes. Your full statements will be
included in the record, without objection.
And we will recognize Mayor Emanuel first.
STATEMENT OF HON. RAHM EMANUEL OF ILLINOIS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO JAPAN
Mr. Emanuel. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
as President Biden's nominee to serve as the United States
Ambassador to Japan. I appreciate the confidence that President
Biden has placed in me, and I am grateful for the consideration
of this distinguished committee.
Over 23 years in public service, there has been one
constant in my life--Amy, my wife of 27 years. Six elections,
two White House appointments, and one nomination later, she is
the reason I am here today. Amy is living proof of the timeless
truth that behind every successful person is an astonished
spouse.
Together, we have raised three great children. Zach
graduated from UCLA and is serving as an intelligence officer
in the United States Navy. Ilana, a Brown graduate, joined a
cable news network, and Leah is a junior at Princeton.
This post has been held by distinguished Americans--Vice
President Walter Mondale, Speaker Tom Foley, Senator Majority
Leaders Howard Baker, Mike Mansfield, and Ambassador Caroline
Kennedy. This long list also includes a member of this
committee, Senator Hagerty. I want to thank him for his words
and his comments earlier. If confirmed, I will continue the
example he and his predecessors set and ensure America's
interests in the region remain paramount.
An Ambassador is only as effective as the civil and Foreign
Service professionals and U.S. armed forces who surround them.
In Japan, these Americans have advanced our Nation's ideals
without an appointed Ambassador for 2 years. I want to take
this opportunity to thank them for their patriotism and
professionalism to our mission in Japan, and I hope soon to
serve our country alongside them.
We are at a critical juncture in our foreign policy, in
American foreign policy in this region. What we build in
partnership with Japan over the next 3 years will determine
America's posture for the next 30. The challenges and
opportunities we face underscore the imperative of
strengthening our bonds with our closest ally, Japan.
For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United
States and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and
prosperity in a free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance
advances our shared interests and shared values. If confirmed,
my top priority will be to deepen these ties while we confront
our common challenges.
China aims to conquer through division. America's strategy
is security through unity. That regional unity is built on the
shoulders of the U.S.-Japan alliance. If confirmed, I will draw
on my two and a half decades of public service. As senior
adviser to President Clinton and chief of staff to President
Obama, I served as a trusted adviser on domestic and national
security issues.
As mayor, my administration made it a priority to bring the
world to Chicago and Chicago to the world. During my tenure,
Chicago led the Nation in corporate relocations and foreign
direct investment for 7 consecutive years. I also presided over
the most active sister city organizations in America.
As mayor, I traveled to Japan to meet with public and
private sector leaders and signed the Japan-Chicago Partnership
Agreement with the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
eight additional ministries, marking the first time the
Japanese Government entered into a formal agreement with a
North American city.
In addition, the Governor of Tokyo signed the Chicago
Climate Charter, a first-of-its-kind municipal agreement. This
trip laid the groundwork for deepening Chicago and Japan
relations, including corporate relocations by two preeminent
Japanese companies, DMG Mori and Beam Suntory, and many
cultural exchange initiatives.
Two people inspired me to enter public service nearly 30
years ago. My mother, Marsha Emanuel, has spent her entire life
serving others as a nurse, social worker, and a leader of CORE,
the Congress On Racial Equality, in Chicago, where she was
instrumental in the integration of Chicago's beaches and
housing in the early '60s.
This past October 3 marked the 2-year anniversary of my
father's passing. Dr. Benjamin Emanuel immigrated to this
country in 1953 with just $13 in his pocket after fighting in
Israel's War of Independence. He campaigned for national
healthcare during the early '60s and quit the AMA over its
opposition.
He then sued the City of Chicago for lead in household
paint and started a pediatrics practice based on one rule. No
child was rejected because their parents could not pay. Through
his years, he built his practice into one of the largest in
Chicago.
If confirmed, this will be the first professional pursuit I
will undertake without my best friend, my father, by my side.
The drive and values I have come from my parents, who always
loved and supported me, even though I did not become a doctor
like my older brother.
For my mother and father, America was a place of
possibility. In his wallet, my father carried a picture of the
boat that brought him to the United States. That photo
represents what he instilled in me and my two brothers, the
beacon of hope, possibility, and endless opportunity this
country is to the world.
I wish he were here today. First, while my mother is proud,
he would be shocked and amazed that I am sitting here. And
second, it would reaffirm his belief in that special place we
all love, America.
And the final thing I have to say is the first thing I want
to do, work closely with this committee and the Congress as a
whole to ensure that we work seamlessly across the aisle,
across the Capitol, and across the Pacific to advance America's
interests in the vital Indo-Pacific region.
I would like to thank this committee for your consideration
of my nomination. If confirmed, I intend to work with you to
promote our economic prosperity, strengthen our national
security, and ensure our democratic values remain paramount to
the U.S.-Japan alliance.
Under your leadership, Mr. Chairman, working with the
ranking member, Senator Risch, this committee has continued its
proud bipartisan tradition of putting country ahead of party.
That is a mission and a mandate I proudly share.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Emanuel follows:]
Prepared Statement by Hon. Rahm Emanuel
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee:
It is an honor to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to
serve as the United States Ambassador to Japan. I appreciate the
confidence that President Biden has placed in me, and I am grateful for
the consideration of this distinguished committee.
Over 23 years in public service, there has been one constant: Amy,
my wife of 27 years. Six elections, two White House appointments, and
one nomination later, she is the reason I am here today. Amy is living
proof of the timeless truth that behind every successful person is an
astonished spouse.
Together, we've raised three great children. Zach graduated from
UCLA and is serving as an Intelligence Officer in the Navy. Ilana, a
Brown graduate, joined a cable news network. Leah is a junior at
Princeton.
This post has been held by distinguished Americans--Vice President
Walter Mondale, Speaker Tom Foley, Senate Majority Leaders Mike
Mansfield and Howard Baker, and Ambassador Caroline Kennedy. This long
list also includes a member of this committee--Senator Hagerty. If
confirmed, I will continue the example he and his predecessors set, and
ensure America's interests in the region remain paramount.
An Ambassador is only as effective as the Civil and Foreign Service
Professionals, and U.S. Armed Forces who surround them. In Japan, these
Americans have advanced our nation's ideals without an appointed
Ambassador for two years. I want to take this opportunity to thank them
for their patriotism and professionalism to our Mission in Japan, and I
hope to soon serve our country alongside them.
We are at a critical juncture in American foreign policy in this
region. What we build in partnership with Japan over the next three
years will determine America's posture for the next 30. The challenges
and opportunities we face underscore the imperative of strengthening
our bonds with our closest ally, Japan.
For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United States
and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a free
and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests and
shared values. If confirmed, my top priority will be to deepen these
ties while we confront our common challenges.
China aims to conquer through division. America's strategy is
security through unity. That regional unity is built on the U.S.-Japan
alliance.
If confirmed, I will draw on my two-and-a-half decades of public
service. As Senior Advisor to President Clinton and Chief of Staff to
President Obama, I served as a trusted advisor on major domestic and
national security issues.
As Mayor, my administration made it a priority to bring the world
to Chicago, and Chicago to the world. During my tenure, Chicago led the
nation in corporate relocations and foreign direct investment for seven
consecutive years. I also presided over the most active sister cities
organization in America.
As Mayor, I traveled to Japan to meet with public and private
sector leaders and signed The Japan-Chicago Partnership Agreement with
the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the eight additional
ministries, marking the first time the Japanese Government entered into
a formal agreement with a North American city. In addition, the
Governor of Tokyo signed the Chicago Climate Charter--a first-of-its-
kind municipal agreement. This trip laid the groundwork for deepening
Chicago and Japan relations, including corporate relocations by two
preeminent Japanese companies--DMG Mori and Beam Suntory--and many
cultural exchange initiatives.
Two people inspired me to enter public service nearly 30 years ago.
My mother, Marsha Emanuel, has spent her entire life serving others as
a nurse, a social worker, and head of CORE--the Congress of Racial
Equality--in Chicago, where she was instrumental in the integration of
Chicago's beaches and housing in the early 1960s.
October 3rd marked the two-year anniversary of my father's passing.
Dr. Benjamin Emanuel immigrated to this country in 1953 with just $13
in his pocket after fighting in Israel's War of Independence. He
campaigned for national health care during the early 1960s and quit the
American Medical Association in protest over its opposition. He then
sued the City of Chicago for lead in household paint and started a
pediatric practice based on one rule: No child was rejected because
their parents could not pay. Through his years, he built his practice
into one of the largest in Chicago.
If confirmed, this will be the first professional pursuit I will
undertake without my best friend--my father--by my side. The drive and
values I have come from my parents, who always loved and supported me--
even though I didn't become a doctor like my older brother.
For my father and mother, America was a place of possibility. In
his wallet, my father carried a picture of the boat that brought him to
the United States. That photo represents what he instilled in me and my
two brothers: the beacon of hope, opportunity, and endless possibility
this great country is to the world.
I wish he was here today. First, while my mother is proud, he would
be shocked and amazed that I was sitting here. Second, it would
reaffirm his belief in that special place we love--America.
The final thing I have to say is the first thing I want to do: work
closely with this committee and the Congress as a whole to ensure that
we work seamlessly, across the aisle, across the Capitol, and across
the Pacific, to advance America's interests in the vital Indo-Pacific
region.
I would like to thank this committee for your consideration of my
nomination. If confirmed, I intend to work with you to promote our
economic prosperity, strengthen our national security, and ensure our
democratic values remain paramount through the U.S.-Japan alliance.
Under your leadership, Mr. Chairman, working with Ranking Member
Senator Risch, this committee has continued its proud bipartisan
tradition of putting country ahead of party. That is a mission and a
mandate I proudly share.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mayor.
Mr. Kaplan?
STATEMENT OF JONATHAN ERIC KAPLAN OF CALIFORNIA, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE
Mr. Kaplan. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am proud and honored
to be asked to serve our country as the Ambassador to the
Republic of Singapore, and it is my privilege to appear here
before you today.
I would like to begin my remarks by thanking President
Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in
me. I am also grateful to share this day with my friends,
family, and especially my daughter, Samantha.
Finally, I would like to thank Senator Hickenlooper for his
words of introduction and to the hard-working professionals at
the State Department and the White House for their steadfast
support of my nomination throughout this process.
Vice President Harris noted during her August visit to
Singapore our world is embarking on a new era, one with many
new challenges and exciting new opportunities. Our partnership
with Singapore is critically important to strengthen our
relationship and defend our positions within the Indo-Pacific
region. For 55 years, U.S.-Singapore diplomacy has fostered a
strong friendship, a mutual respect, and a steadfast commitment
to one another.
The United States and Singapore's enduring partnership is
based on mutual economic interests, robust security and defense
cooperation, and strong people-to-people ties. Our two
countries are close partners in support of a rules-based
economy and unwavering security throughout the region.
Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, Singapore is a
vital economic partner to the United States. More than 5,400
U.S. companies are registered in the city-state, and these
businesses provide responsible, sustainable investment for the
region and directly support more than 215,000 American jobs
here at home.
In 2003, the United States and Singapore signed a free
trade agreement, our first bilateral goods and services
agreement with any Asian country and the cornerstone of a now
$90 billion trade partnership. The United States is the largest
foreign investor in Singapore with more than $270 billion in
direct investments, making Singapore the largest recipient of
U.S. investment in the Indo-Pacific.
If confirmed, I plan to strengthen our bilateral trade
relationship, advance an economic agenda that promotes a shared
prosperity, further secure our economic resiliency and access
to supply, and work closely with Singapore to tackle the
climate crisis.
Singapore is a critical partner in enabling strong U.S.
security presence in the region. It is Southeast Asia's largest
purchaser of U.S. military equipment, with more than $20
billion invested in both direct commercial sales and foreign
military sales over the past decade.
Singapore's agreement to purchase the F-35B aircraft
highlights the historically close relationship between our air
forces and exemplifies our close security cooperation. The
cornerstone of this partnership is the 1990 U.S.-Singapore
Memorandum of Understanding, which governs our presence in
Singapore and allows for the rotational deployment of both U.S.
littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. If confirmed, I look
forward to the opportunity to strengthen our security
cooperation and defend a rules-based international order, which
has supported peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.
The United States and Singapore have also benefitted from a
strong law enforcement and home security partnership. This work
strengthens the security of our citizens, our companies, and
our nations by combatting the difficult challenges of
commercial crime, terrorism, cybercrime, and illicit trade.
Personal relationships are the foundation of a strong and
secure Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore people-to-people
ties are robust, and Singaporeans are active participants in
U.S. educational and exchange programs.
Prior to the pandemic, more than 4,000 Singaporeans were
studying in the United States, and more than 1,000 Americans
studied in Singapore. In fact, more than half of Singapore's
cabinet ministers have studied in the United States, including
the current prime minister, who studied at Harvard.
The United States and Singapore have also bonded together
through our third-country training program. For more than 10
years, the program has provided technical assistance and
educational opportunities to over 1,500 ASEAN officials,
drawing on the depth and breadth of the U.S.-Singaporean
friendship and our expertise.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
committee to advance the United States interests in Singapore,
to create an even stronger set of relationships between our two
countries, and to help further a secure and rules-based Indo-
Pacific region overall.
Mr. Chairman, members of this committee, I thank you for
the opportunity to appear here today, and I look forward to any
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kaplan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jonathan Eric Kaplan
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am proud and honored to be asked to serve our
country as the Ambassador to Singapore and it is a privilege to appear
before you today.
I'd like to begin my remarks by thanking President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for their trust and confidence in me. I'm also
grateful to share this day with my friends, family, and especially with
my daughter, Samantha. Finally, I'd like to thank Senator Hickenlooper
for his words of introduction and to the hardworking professionals at
the State Department and the White House for their steadfast support of
my nomination throughout this process.
Over the past several decades, I have had the pleasure to visit
more than 75 countries, 22 of them within Asia. I've been a successful
executive, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. I've built diverse teams
with common purpose and have led large organizations through difficult
times and within challenging environments.
As Vice President Harris noted during her August visit to
Singapore, our world is embarking on a new era--one with many new
challenges and exciting new opportunities. Our partnership with
Singapore is critically important to strengthen our relationships and
defend our positions within the Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore
diplomacy has fostered a strong friendship, a mutual respect, and a
steadfast commitment to one another.
For 55 years, the United States and Singapore have forged an
enduring partnership based on our mutual economic interests, robust
security and defense cooperation, and strong people-to-people ties. Our
two countries are close partners in support of a rules-based economy
and unwavering security throughout the region.
Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, Singapore is a vital
economic partner for the United States. More than 5,400 U.S. companies
are registered in the city-state, and these businesses provide
responsible, sustainable investment for the region and directly support
more than 215,000 American jobs here at home. In 2003, the United
States and Singapore signed a Free Trade Agreement, our first bilateral
goods and services agreement with an Asian country, and the cornerstone
of a now more than $90 billion trade partnership.
The United States is the largest foreign investor in Singapore,
with more than $270 billion in direct investments and making Singapore
the largest recipient of U.S. investment in the Indo-Pacific. If
confirmed, I plan to strengthen our bilateral trade relationship,
advance an economic agenda that promotes a shared prosperity, further
secure economic resiliency and our access to supply, and work with
Singapore to tackle the climate crisis.
Singapore is a critical partner in enabling a strong U.S. security
presence in the region. It is Southeast Asia's largest purchaser of
U.S. military equipment, with more than $20 billion invested in both
direct commercial sales and foreign military sales over the past
decade. Singapore's agreement to purchase the F-35B aircraft highlights
the historically close relationship between our air forces and
exemplifies our close partnership. The cornerstone of our security
cooperation is the 1990 U.S-Singapore Memorandum of Understanding,
which governs our presence in Singapore and allows for the rotational
deployment of both U.S. littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. If
confirmed, I will look for opportunities to strengthen our security
partnership and defend the rules-based international order, which has
supported peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific
The United States and Singapore have also benefited from a robust
law enforcement and homeland security partnership that strengthens the
security of our citizens, our companies, and our nations by combating
the complex challenges of commercial crime, terrorism, cybercrime,
border security, and illicit trade.
Personal relationships are a foundation of a strong and secure
Indo-Pacific region. U.S.-Singapore people-to-people ties are robust,
and Singaporeans are active participants in U.S. educational and
exchange programs. Prior to the pandemic, more than 4,000 Singaporeans
were studying in U.S. universities, while more than 1,000 Americans
studied in Singapore. In addition, more than 350 Singaporeans
participated in other cultural and educational exchanges in the United
States in 2019, most notably through the Fulbright Program, the Young
Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, and the Southeast Asia Youth
Leadership Program. More than half of Singapore's cabinet ministers
have studied in the United States, including the current Prime Minister
who studied at Harvard University. Over the past decade, the United
States and Singapore have partnered together through the Third Country
Training Program to provide technical assistance and educational
opportunities for over 1,500 ASEAN officials, drawing on the depth and
breadth of U.S. and Singaporean friendship and expertise.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this Committee
to advance the U.S. interests in Singapore, to create even stronger
relationships between our two countries, and help to further a secure
and rules-based Indo-Pacific region overall.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear here today, and I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you both.
We will start a round of 5-minute questions. Before I
recognize myself for that, let me ask some questions that are
on behalf of the committee as a whole. They speak to the
importance that this committee places on responsiveness by all
officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will
be seeking from you. So, I would ask each of you to provide a
``yes'' or ``no'' answer to the following questions.
Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff, when invited?
Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to keeping the committee fully
and currently informed about the activities under your purview?
Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
consultation while policies are being developed, not just
providing notification after the fact?
Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
requests for briefings and information requested by the
committee and its designated staff?
Mr. Emanuel. Yes.
Mr. Kaplan. Yes.
The Chairman. Thank you. The nominees have both responded
``yes'' to all those questions.
Well, let me start off. Mayor Emanuel, I want to talk to
you about our previous nominee. We were talking about China a
lot, and Japan is going to play a big role in that. Given the
realities of our new era of strategic competition with China,
what do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance needs to concentrate
and act upon to be capable to meet the new and emerging
regional challenges? In essence, how do we get them to be all
in?
Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the question.
As we discussed yesterday, I think the world has learned a
lot in COVID. We exposed some of our vulnerabilities, and I
think China has been exposed for their venality. You can ask
that of India. You can ask that of the people leaving Hong
Kong. You can ask that of what has happened now to Australia in
that area, and you can also see it by how Philippines have
reacted to what has happened to their fish fleet out and in
their border.
The region is desperate for America's leadership, and that
was seen recently with AUKUS. The entire strategy in the
region, when we repeat the words ``Indo-Pacific,'' that
actually was an architectural frame first deposited by former
Prime Minister Abe. And we have all adopted it, which means
that our ally sees their vision as one that we have adopted and
will advance.
Every effort we make in bringing our allies together not
only militarily or strategically, but also with economic
integration, also with cultural and political, is built on the
shoulders of a U.S.-Japan relationship. And to me, the way we
confront China, their entire strategy, as I think everybody can
see, is to literally make sure that all roads--it is a one-way
road to Beijing's benefit.
And the countries in that area know that. They are
desperate for America all in, and Australia showed they are
ready to bet long on America. That is also true of Japan, our
longest, deepest ally in the region. And what we must do is
make that a cornerstone of both military efforts, strategic
efforts.
And I would conclude on this one point. The recent prime
minister gave a speech and said that they are going to raise
their budget in defense spending above 1 percent, which has
been the norm. That means for the first time--I know that
Senator Hagerty must have been lobbying on that constantly--it
is happening.
Making sure that they do the type of weapons acquisitions
that are interoperable with us, but also part of our strategic
blueprint and frame makes that a key opportunity. Because I
think now not just in the region, but in this particular
friendship and partnership, it is at an inflection point. As I
said in my remarks, and I want to echo it again, what we do
over the next 3 years will determine our presence, our vision
for the next 30 in the region.
The Chairman. Let me turn to Japan in terms of the context
of being one of the world's leading technology industries,
especially in fundamental technologies like semiconductor
components. How do we facilitate greater cooperation between
the United States and Japan on tech and innovation, and how do
we make steps to better integrate those efforts with a regional
strategy more broadly?
Mr. Emanuel. Well, Mr. Chairman, I see this as a unique
opportunity. Whether it is on intellectual property, whether it
is on infrastructure investment, whether it is on supply chain,
we have a partner that is begging for America's continued
investment window. When Australia, by way of example, bet long
on the United States, China's reaction was to say we want to
end TPP. That was an attempt to say we are going to be the
dominant player.
Everything we do has to send one message, one signal. It is
a good bet to bet long on the United States. And Japan has a
huge partnership, whether it is in the pharmaceutical space,
the IP in general, infrastructure, supply chain, to be that
partner. And you can see that already by President Biden and
his partnership is not only in the QUAD, the two meetings they
have had, but also in his discussions with individual or with
the Japanese prime minister.
The issue of supply chain, the issue of microchips is key
to that strategy, and I think Japan is ready for the type of
next stage in U.S.-Japan relationships. And that as we make
these investments, it is an opportunity to actually start to,
as I would say, tighten the economic integration of the largest
and the third-largest economy. When those two are tight, it is
a very, very strong force.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Lastly, as I noted earlier, I would like to give you an
opportunity to address the committee concerning Laquan
McDonald. So, take a moment to do so.
Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the
opportunity to address the question.
Seven years ago, a young man had his life taken on the
streets of the city of Chicago. He had all the promise ahead of
him, and a police officer took his life, killed him. I said
then I am the mayor, and I am responsible and accountable for
fixing this so this never happens again.
And to be honest, there is not a day or a week that has
gone by in the last 7 years I have not thought about this and
thought about the ``what ifs'' and the changes and what could
have been. And I think we all know that over the last 10 years,
there is not a city in this country, regardless of size, that
has not dealt with the gulf between police activities and the
oversight and accountability that is necessary, and Chicago is
no different.
As soon as events happened, IPRA, the oversight authority,
is on the scene. Shortly after that, the State's attorney
opened an investigation, and not too far from then, the U.S.
attorney and the FBI opened an investigation. And you have
three ongoing investigations happening simultaneously of that
night and events thereof.
As you know, there is a longstanding protocol and practice
that nothing is released in the middle of an investigation for
fear of either prejudicing a witness or endangering the
prosecution. That was the practice longstanding not just in
Chicago, but across the country.
And as recently as May 2 of this year, the New York Times
wrote a story saying--or reported a story that there is no
uniform standard or policy for the release of police video. It
does not exist today, and it did not exist back in 2014 and
2015, except for the policy that had been place about the
integrity of an investigation. And you do not want to prejudice
a witness. You do not want to prevent a prosecution because of
premature release of video or any prima facie evidence.
Now that view and that principle runs headlong into another
very important value, and that is the deep suspicion, distrust,
and skepticism that exists in the community about the
authorities investigating the authorities and getting to the
bottom of what happened. And the longer an investigation goes
on, the greater the distrust and the greater the skepticism
about what is really happening here, that it is not about
finding out what happened and getting to the bottom of it, but
this is a whitewash and a cover-up.
And you have this kind of tension to conflict between the
integrity of an investigation, so you do not harm it, and the
deep, well-deserved, and well-earned distrust by the community
in the authorities. Now I see in that--and this is my view--
that the last person you want to make a unilateral decision
about the release of a video while the FBI and the U.S.
attorney, the State's attorney, and IPRA are investigating is a
politician. It should be made by professionals.
The moment a politician unilaterally makes a decision in
the middle of an investigation, you politicize that
investigation and, more importantly, you may have endangered
the prosecution in bringing somebody to justice.
Second, I would say in the first term of my tenure, I made
a number of changes that dealt with oversight accountability,
and it is clear to me those changes were inadequate to the
level of distrust. They were, on the best, marginal. I thought
I was addressing the issue, and I clearly missed the level of
distrust and skepticism that existed, and that is on me.
In addition, I would say, third, the point of afterwards,
there was a number of inquiries both by the inspector general,
a special prosecutor, all looked at what happened and the
events afterwards, and nobody suggested or concluded that
anybody in my office or I, myself, did anything improper.
Now this committee is in the possession of a lot of letters
of support, from the leadership of the Black Caucus in Chicago
to the leadership in the House, Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker;
Majority Leader Hoyer; Whip Clyburn; the chairmen of the two
committees, Greg Meeks, your sister committee in the House;
Chairman Adam Schiff.
You also have letters from the Chamber of Commerce and the
Chicago Federation of Labor and Building Trades. All speak to
my professional capacities. You also have a letter from Pastor
Marvin Hunter. He is a reverend on the West Side of the city of
Chicago. And the reason that is relevant is he speaks to my
person and my character, not just my professional abilities.
And he is Laquan McDonald's great uncle.
We have prayed together over the last couple of years,
gotten to know each other. Gotten to talk about if we had a
magic wand how we would fix what is broken in our criminal
justice system. Talked about current events. We have even
argued about the Cubs and the Sox.
But most importantly, we have gotten to find a common
understanding, and I am appreciative of his support for my
nomination, as I am of the other leaders in Chicago and the
leaders here in the House that I served with. And I am
appreciative of what they have said.
That all being said, Mr. Chairman, it does not take away
from the fact that a grave tragedy occurred 7 years ago to this
day on the streets of the city of Chicago, and that tragedy
sits with me, as it has every day and every week for the last 7
years.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
And you mentioned letters in the possession of the
committee. All of those letters will be included in the record,
including Mr. McDonald's relative.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
The Chairman. Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Hagerty has an important engagement and has asked
me to yield to him.
The Chairman. Happy to have you defer to Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty?
Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Ranking Member Risch
and Chairman Menendez. I will have to confess that that
important engagement is my ninth grade daughter's parent-
teacher conference that is coming up, and I appreciate your
accommodating me to take care of that.
The Chairman. That is a super important engagement.
Senator Hagerty. Indeed, sir. Thank you.
Mayor Emanuel, I would like to talk about the relationship
between the United States and Japan. As you know, we have a
critically important economic relationship with Japan. In fact,
Japan is the number-one investor in my home State of Tennessee,
more than all the other nations combined, in fact. That has
been a vital and critical relationship with my home State.
But today, there exists a real impediment to that
relationship. It has to do with the case of a U.S. citizen, a
Tennessee citizen named Greg Kelly, and it is in our Nation's
interest to resolve this situation quickly.
I would like to go through the facts. Greg Kelly of
Tennessee was arrested in Tokyo, Japan, on November 19, 2018.
Greg, a lawyer at Nissan, was charged by a Tokyo prosecutor
with conspiring to underreport Carlos Ghosn's compensation as a
Nissan director. Greg's defense attorneys plan to present their
closing arguments next Wednesday, October 27, 35 months after
Greg was deceived into leaving his home in Tennessee and he was
arrested in Japan.
Let me underscore that. It has been 35 months to get to
this point where his defense attorneys are actually able to
close their case. For reasons that defy logic, a verdict is not
expected until March of next year, 18 months after the trial
began and more than 3 1/2 years after Greg's trial--after Greg
was first detained.
Here is the injustice. Impartial Japanese expert observers,
including private corporate lawyer Keiko Ohara, have said that
this matter should have been handled internally, not in a
courtroom. Media reports indicate even Prime Minister Shinzo
Abe held this view. Former Japanese prosecutor Nobuo Gohara and
criminal accounting specialist Yuji Hosono have publicly stated
Japan's judicial system has violated Greg's human rights and
that there was no reason to arrest him because there was no
criminal violation.
Mr. Kelly's lawyers believe the evidence introduced at his
trial made abundantly clear that no crime was committed. In
reality, this was a coup by those within Nissan management who
resisted further integration into the parent Renault, and they
were willing to do anything to take down someone standing in
their way.
I have conveyed this concern directly to the cabinet level
in Japan. I have let them know that America is the largest
investor in Japan, that American executives see this as an
issue that rightfully should have been resolved in a corporate
boardroom, not in a prosecutor's office. This is a terrible
message to send to the rest of the world.
It is bad for Japan's brand, and it is devastating to any
American that happens to get caught in this system. With this
type of justice system, I fear that American executives will
start thinking twice about doing business in Japan.
So, here is the duty. Our embassy has a responsibility to
protect U.S. citizens, to protect Mr. Kelly from this
injustice. Mayor Emanuel, if you are confirmed as Ambassador,
will you make it matter of top priority to see that Mr. Kelly's
name is cleared and he is returned to the United States as soon
as possible?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator Hagerty, as you know, we have talked
about this. The good news is there is Japanese media here. So,
I want them to hear exactly, if I am fortunate to have the
support of this committee. I have already started to inquire
about this, and I want a report on my desk. You and I both know
that if you start asking that, that goes from here to up here
as a top priority.
Number two, this is a constituent. I was a former
congressman. I am going to not treat this as a piece of
business as being an Ambassador. I am going to treat this as
would a former congressman approach when a constituent is in
trouble and underscore what I think is an important point right
now. Number-one responsibility of an embassy and an Ambassador
is to make sure of the safety and ensure the safety of a U.S.
citizen on foreign soil.
You have my word. As I said to you privately, I am saying
it publicly. Again, I am not confirmed, and I wish I--hope I do
get the confidence of this committee. But I know that the
Japanese media is here. So, they can hear it directly.
This is not just another piece of business to be checked
off. I am going to be approaching this subject as a former U.S.
congressman who knows what it means when you have a constituent
at heart.
Senator Hagerty. Well, thank you very much. I intend to
support your confirmation, and I appreciate your taking on this
matter of critical interest to Tennesseans and to my
constituent, but also a matter of critical national interest
for our two nations.
Thank you.
Mr. Emanuel. Senator, I have had a ninth grader, a 9-year-
old on my watch, three of them. You get the medical slip right
now. I would get over there.
Thank you.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me thank both of our nominees for their willingness
to serve our Nation in critically important positions.
Mr. Kaplan, later today I am going to be chairing a hearing
of the U.S.-Helsinki Commission on the freedom of the media. We
will have the OSCE representative Ribeiro, who is the
representative for the freedom of the media. I mention that
because when people think of Singapore, and I have been to
Singapore, you know its economic power, and you know what it
means as a strategic location in the shipping lanes. You
recognize the importance of this economic partnership that the
United States has with Singapore, including the free trade
agreement.
But there is another part of Singapore. It is a rigid
country. It is ranked by Reporters without Borders as 160th out
of 180 in its annual World Press Freedom Index behind its
neighbors such as Cambodia and Myanmar.
So, my question to you, President Biden has made it clear
that our foreign policy is going to be wrapped in our values,
and freedom of the media is critically important for any
democratic state. How will you make this a priority, that the
safety of reporters and the freedom of the media will have a
voice in our mission in Singapore?
Mr. Kaplan. Thank you very much for that question, Senator.
You know, for 55 years, the United States and Singapore
have been incredible partners. We have been partners on
counterproliferation. We have been partners on maritime
security. We have been, as you said so eloquently, incredible
trading partners and economic partners.
And when it comes to fundamental freedoms, especially
freedom of the press, which is an incredibly important topic
for us as a country for sure, you know, I think this is an area
where, if I am confirmed, we are going to have to engage with
the Singapore Government. The nice thing is friends are able to
talk about difficult topics. They may not want to change. We
are going to want them to change, but we are going to have a
dialogue.
This is an area of fundamental freedoms. This is a topic of
importance for the administration, and this is a priority for
me.
Senator Cardin. Will you make your office available for
those in Singapore who need a voice in regards to the freedom
of the media?
Mr. Kaplan. Absolutely.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Mr. Kaplan. Again, globally, this is an important issue. It
is not just an issue that is personally important to me, but is
important to the United States and to the administration
overall.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Mayor Emanuel, it is good to see you. Thank you for your
willingness to continue to get involved in helping our
communities. You have taken on some tough assignments, from the
chief of staff of a President to being a congressman dealing
with the day-to-day activities of keeping the constituents
happy to being a mayor of Chicago.
I want to talk about one issue in regards to our
relationship with Japan. We can talk about a lot of different
issues. We have already talked about some of the military
aspects.
We have 50,000 troops stationed in Japan. We are in a
process of negotiating the special measures agreement that will
deal with a transition--you already mentioned the 1 percent,
but the transition to the post World War II concept of Japan
being a strategic partner of the Western powers in dealing with
protecting democracy.
So, I just really want to get your thoughts as to how you
will be engaged with our committee, with Congress, and
certainly with the Defense Department and the White House as we
talk about Japan's modernization of its military capacity and
commitment and how that will affect U.S. military presence in
Japan and the current arrangements that we have between our two
countries?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
As we have talked before, Japan today willing to go from 1
percent to 2 percent is a sea change in thinking. It is a
reflection that they know they have a greater role to play and
they have greater threats. Not just the percentage of a number,
but what that number would reflect. What are they looking at
buying. What are they looking at adding. That is essential for
their security and also essential for our partnership and that
effort.
I do think not just in that 2 percent and that strategy, I
do not think it gets lost on all of us that they were the first
country to articulate the idea of a free and open Indo-Pacific.
That has now become the nomenclature and the term that we use,
they use, and our other allies do.
And it is also a bulwark that it makes sure that China
hears that this is a part of the world that we are going to
stay in, that our ally, our number-one ally in the region is
now upping its game in a way that could not happen before. If
you look over the span of the last 60 years, Japan has moved
forward each time in taking a more critical and a more, for
lack of a better way of saying it, forward-leaning effort.
But I would like to also stress the military hardware is
one thing. It is just a component when you link up the United
States and Japan. It is also the opportunity to seek climate
change investments, infrastructure investments, IP protection,
IP investments. Those are not challenges. Those are
opportunities.
And so, when we do that together not only do we send a
signal to China, but more importantly, we send a signal about
America. We are strong because of our allies and our unity.
China has one strategy, a one-way road to Beijing's
benefit, and everybody in that region--most importantly,
Japan--know that a United States doubling down on its
commitments in the Indo-Pacific area makes them more secure,
makes the region more safe and open. And it is a values-based
system, not based on one country's proclivity. And anything
that challenges that must be met with the united force of all
of our allies and friends in the region.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mayor Emanuel, you and I have talked about this, but I want
to underscore again this particular subject. As you know, our
extended nuclear deterrence underpins U.S. security
architecture in the Indo-Pacific, and of course, a part of that
is strategic ambiguity. You maybe heard our discussions a bit
about consideration at least of U.S. adopting a sole purpose
statement, as opposed to strategic ambiguity.
I would urge that when you go to the Indo-Pacific and you
hear not only from Japan, but from all of our partners there,
their concerns about this, I hope you will convey that in the
strongest terms to the current administration. Can I get your
thoughts on that?
Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Ranking Member Risch.
It is a good question, and I would--as I said to you
privately, you and I know that the last time there was a review
of our posture in the region, there was no country--and not
just in the region, internationally, around the world--no
country was greater consulted and whose views were greater
considered as we enunciated our policy than Japan. While I am
not privy to those conversations today, I would be shocked that
it was not following that pattern, that Japan's security
interests are paramount to the articulation and vision as we
look to the policy.
And I will just say nothing about the current events,
whether that is what is happening in North Korea, what China
just did over the last 2 weeks vis-a-vis Taiwan or with the
hypersonic, has given anybody any sense that as we review this
policy, it has to be done in consultation with our allies and
friends in the area. And none more important than Japan.
And so when I articulate it, but it is not me, it is
President Biden who has said everything we do there is built on
the shoulders of the U.S.-Japan friendship, that is where the
rubber hits the road exactly on that area.
Senator Risch. Well, I am glad to hear that. And with your
experience, I have no doubt that you are able to deliver tough
messages sometimes when people do not want to hear it. So, I
will be----
Mr. Emanuel. Senator, Mr. Ranking Member, I think it can be
said, a moment of self-awareness, nobody has ever walked out of
a meeting saying, ``I wonder where Rahm stands on this?'' So,
you have my assurance.
Senator Risch. That is comforting. Thank you so much for
that.
Mr. Kaplan, I really am impressed with the fact that the
administration has seen fit to appoint someone with your
qualifications from the private sector, a capitalist, if you
would, to Singapore. Our trade relationship with Singapore, I
think, is not very much appreciated by most Americans, and your
appointment there I think will help underscore that.
In Idaho, they are one of our important trade partners. We
have enjoyed a great relationship with them, and of course,
they have the troops stationed there that are in constant
training. So, appreciate you doing that. I hope that you will
take into consideration how important they are as a trading
partner and continue to encourage that. It is a great benefit
both ways.
So, thank you much.
Mr. Kaplan. I look forward to it. Thank you, sir.
Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations to
both of the nominees.
Mr. Kaplan, your background of work in Asia makes you
uniquely suited for this position, and Mr. Mayor, it is good to
see you here. The Japan-U.S. relationship requires that an
Ambassador go to Japan and the Japanese understand this is
somebody who is very close to the President, that they really
want to see an Ambassador who has a direct line to the
President. And you do, and I believe that is the reason you
have been chosen.
I appreciate you sharing at length about Mr. McDonald
because what a tragedy. And I was a mayor, and every day in
cities, beautiful things happen, and tragic things happen. And
that is the case in any city, and you cannot be a mayor,
especially of a city like Chicago, without picking up some scar
tissue on the way.
But your description of what you learned along the way, the
levels of distrust that some in communities feel toward people
in power, toward politicians, toward police, I had to learn and
then relearn those lessons often in my time as the mayor of a
majority African-American city. And I am sure, since Chicago is
a much bigger city than Richmond, Virginia, those lessons were
challenging and painful for you during your entire tenure, but
you served in an admirable way.
I want to just ask you one question that really it is maybe
a little bit about Japan's domestic politics, which Ambassadors
do not get involved in. But you pointed out accurately that the
U.S. network of alliances in the Indo-Pacific is incredibly
important as we think about the China threat. And there is no
alliance that is more important than the U.S.-Japan alliance.
I am very excited that numerous Presidents now have
invested in this notion of the QUAD and that--and President
Biden is really operationalizing it beyond strategic dialogue
to do vaccine diplomacy and other things. But as I look at the
QUAD, there is an obvious omission, and that is South Korea.
South Korea should be in that, and yet the challenges
between Japan and South Korea have been of longstanding--you
know, longstanding historical challenges. What might you be
able to do as an Ambassador to Japan to help encourage closer
and closer relationships between these two nations that are
such great allies of the United States and have so much in
common in terms of the threats that they face in the region?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator Kaine, thank you for the question.
I think that Japan, I mean, to be--Japan has a new prime
minister, and there is a new election. That will also be true
in the spring of the coming year in South Korea. I think we are
both familiar, having run for office, what that does.
As a general principle, and this has been articulated by
the President, and I have heard him in different situations in
the prior--when I wore a different hat than mayor, but as a
chief of staff. I think as it relates to this as a general kind
of 10,000 feet, you never want the 20th century to rob us of
the opportunities of the 21st century.
Not that those are not heartfelt and serious, and they are.
So, it is, one, keeping people focused on the future and our
commonality, not what divides us. And the United States and our
Ambassador both from the United States here, but also in South
Korea can play an important role in facilitating that focus on
the future rather than any tensions that legitimately exist
about the past.
And that said, and I am aware like you of politics, which
is not a bad word, is nobody at this point, you do not want to
embarrass or shame any one of the two parties publicly. So, the
goal would be to keep the private conversations moving forward
so there is no sense in a public way that they have been from
their own respective roles and responsibilities to their
publics are not cornered from the opportunity to make the most
of the 21st century.
What Japan faces, South Korea, the United States, I see
the--what people refer to as either climate change,
infrastructure, IP protection, investments in the supply chain,
those are not challenges. They are tremendous opportunities for
greater integration, greater advancements of our cooperation,
and strengthening a rules-based system that all three share.
So, from the challenges, make them opportunities for
greater cooperation between the three parties. Two, focus on
the 21st century opportunities, not the challenges of the 20th
century, and do not let the 20th century rob us of what we can
build together, the three. And third, do not do anything that
surprises people in public so they have the opportunity to be,
for lack of another way of saying it, to lean forward in a
collaborative and productive way.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that.
And Mr. Kaplan, I am going to be very proud to support your
nomination. I am just going to ask you a question about press
freedom, the same question that Senator Cardin asked. There is
so much right in the U.S.-Singapore relationship. The low
ranking of Singapore on global press indices is a continuing
challenge, and I will look forward to--I am confident you will
be confirmed, and I will look forward to working with you on
this.
Mr. Kaplan. If I am confirmed, I will obviously look
forward to working with you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much. Thanks, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
And Mayor Emanuel and Mr. Kaplan, I very much look forward
to our exchange today and appreciate the testimony you have
already provided. And let me also thank your families for
supporting you. To Amy and to Zach, who I had the opportunity
to meet in person but had spoken to before, and to Ilana and
other family members, Leah, who are watching. And thank you,
Mayor, for sharing your personal story and journey and what
that has brought to you in your decades of public service.
And to Mr. Kaplan and your daughter, Samantha, and other
members of your life who are with us today, it is wonderful to
have both of you in front of us and to have this chance to
interact with you about these two important positions that have
been vacant for too long with two absolutely vital Indo-Pacific
partners for the United States.
I am, as I think you both know, the chair of the
Appropriations Subcommittee responsible for our foreign
assistance. Japan is also a major donor in development
assistance in the region, and one of the reasons I worked with
a number of my colleagues to help create the Development
Finance Corporation was so that we had a new and more modern
tool, more capable of partnering with JBIC and ADB, the Asian
Development Bank and Japanese investment entity.
How do you believe, Mr. Mayor, that we can use the DFC to
more closely partner with Japan's development entities, and how
do you think partnering with our regional allies, whether it is
Australia or Japan, South Korea, others, in development finance
that might actually create a new chapter in providing
alternatives that are more transparent, that are more
sustainable for the development of the region?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator Coons, thank you for that question.
I do want to take one second and personally, as I have
privately, thank you publicly. When you were on a CODEL to
Korea, you personally called Zach to check in on him. In a high
order, you made one Jewish grandmother and mother very happy,
and that is a very tall order. So, I want to thank you,
Senator, for doing that personally.
On a serious note, in the process of talking to a lot of
people, one, I did not realize that Japan is an actually larger
investor in infrastructure around the region than China. We
hear a lot about belt and roads, about the China plan. Japan is
actually by about a number of about 75 billion in U.S. dollars
bigger than China in the region. That is a big asset with our
ally.
Second, on top of it, if you do polling among the public in
the region, Japan is the most popular country. Again, a big
asset in our partnership.
Third, as I have repeated--as I said earlier and I want to
repeat, the architecture from Prime Minister Abe lives on and
is now adopted by all, which is a free and open Indo-Pacific.
I think making these investments in infrastructure, our
creative financing, our strategy to make an opportunity both
for these type of economic opportunities that would exist and
infrastructure that is linked in with the United States and
Japan. And two, because we will do it in a way that is open,
based on a rules-based system, it will stand in direct contrast
to the violations of China's belt and roads that does not meet
the standards of OECD standards.
And I think that opportunity for us to talk to future
countries that may be looking at the United States or Japan and
say here are the way we are going to do this so you do not
become debt dependent like often happens with China. That is a
key opportunity with an ally, a popular ally who shares the
same values and commitment to a rules-based system. That is
something that we want to harness to our strategic overall
interests in the region.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Let us talk a little bit more, if we can, about the modern
digital economy and ways in which trade and better integration
with Singapore, with Japan, with the region would actually
serve our interests. The digital trade agreement between the
United States and Japan that we concluded in 2019 could be a
useful starting point.
Singapore has been a leader in creating digital trade
agreements with its trading partners, and USTR Katherine Tai
recently met with her Singaporean counterpart, and they
expressed an intent to work together on digital trade. I would
be interested in hearing from both of you, if I can, how we
could advance work with Japan and with Singapore to set rules
and standards for the digital economy that can serve as a model
for the region, model for the world, and help provide a more
attractive alternative to digital authoritarianism.
Mr. Emanuel. Do you want to go first?
Mr. Kaplan. Sure. Thank you so much for that question.
I think, as I said, since 2003, we have enjoyed an
incredible free trade agreement with Singapore, and the $90
billion that is passing between our borders is a critical
component to the economic success of really the region and of
both countries. And I think as the world moves digital, I think
it is going to be incredibly important for me, if I am
confirmed, to make sure that Singapore understands this, make
sure that we are involved in these discussions, make sure that
as Japan and other countries in the Indo-Pacific region start
to develop these agreements that the United States is right
there front and center.
Mr. Emanuel. I want to echo my friend. Ambassador-to-be,
hopefully, Kaplan has said we talked about this in our
training, and I would just say, again, if I have the
opportunity to be confirmed, work alongside. A digital writing
of the rules is exactly what we want to be doing by saying this
is a rules-based system, not based on one country's own self-
interest, but what stands the test of time for all the
countries in the party.
And as somebody who has been a student of our politics,
talking about it this way, approaching the digital piece of the
economy, the writing of rules gets us away from the kind of
what I would call hunger games of our politics the moment you
say the word ``trade'' or the moment you talk about that. But
dealing with writing the rules goes to the strength of a
partnership based on a values-based, rules-based system rather
than going and dealing with I think the weaker part of our
politics.
And I think that would advance our interests in the region,
and it is very clear that the Ambassador to the USTR for the
United States, she has made that clear as well.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you both. Mr. Mayor, you have
demonstrated your diplomatic skill with the breadth of who
introduced you today. You were both introduced by wonderful
colleagues. I look forward to visiting Japan and Singapore in
the future and to working with you in your roles.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us
virtually?
Senator Van Hollen. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And congratulations to both of these nominees. I wanted to
get back in person, but the scheduling prevented that.
So, to Congressman Emanuel, good to see you back on Capitol
Hill. I want to ask you about the North Korean threat because,
as you know, just a few days ago, North Korea launched a
ballistic missile into the waters off of Japan. This has been
part of a pattern over many, many years as North Korea has also
strengthened its nuclear weapons capacity.
Japanese Prime Minister Kishida said in response to the
most recent launch, ``We cannot overlook North Korea's recent
development in missile technology and must work with them and
the threat--work to address the threat in the region.''
So, a number of years ago, Senator Toomey and I worked
together. The Congress passed something called the BRINK Act,
the Otto Warmbier BRINK Act. And it requires the executive
branch to impose secondary sanctions on financial institutions
that are helping North Korea escape the sanctions regime. I
think we need to do a better job at making sure that we are
imposing those sanctions because it seems to be a pretty leaky
sanctions regime right now.
But given the interest that Japan and, of course, South
Korea have in addressing the ongoing threat of North Korea,
what should this administration be doing, the Biden
administration be doing, and what will you do, if confirmed as
our Ambassador to Japan, to help address this threat?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator Van Hollen, thank you for the
question.
I would like to note since we usually--since we were in the
first--our classes together when we got elected to Congress, we
talk to each other by first name, but Senator Van Hollen. Look,
I think North Korea's recent actions in just the past month, a
number of tests of new missiles and new offensive weapons, has
alerted Japan and South Korea to the collaboration and
cooperation that is essential with the United States of having
a common front. And my intention is to work as a representative
for the United States Government and doing everything to
facilitate, as I think I said to an earlier question, that we
make sure that we deal with 21st century issues as allies and
partners and not let the 20th century rob or mug that
opportunity.
This is a serious challenge as it relates to security, and
it is security related to both South Korea and Japan. And
therefore, it is a security concern for the United States. And
it will be one of the top priorities I will have is to work on
that collaboration and understanding so there is a united front
with the United States, Japan, and South Korea.
And I will be put--you know, obviously, this is much
higher, if I was to be confirmed, than my pay grade, but I will
be putting my oar in the water to pull alongside and make sure
that the objectives laid out by the Secretary of State, the
President of the United States, as we confront this common
challenge is make sure that it is executed upon and that it
stays front and center.
Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that. Look, I think
the new administration, the Biden administration is still sort
of framing its approach to North Korea. But I think this most
recent missile test underscores the importance of determining
exactly what approach we are going to take and, obviously,
working closely with our allies Japan and South Korea and
others.
Speaking about security arrangements and allies, the QUAD
has become an increasingly important sort of structure for
addressing security and economic and other issues in the Indo-
Pacific region. Can you talk a little bit about how you
envision working with Japan to strengthen the QUAD partnership?
Mr. Emanuel. I mean, you are exactly right, and I would
say, if you could, we could hold the QUAD up, and what the
President is doing is taking something that was a bipartisan
concept started in prior administrations and really has
evolved, including under President Trump and prior to that
President Obama, and President Biden has put some real meat on
the bones, and it is not an accident. That is, the QUAD, both
virtually and in person, is the only entity that he has met
with now twice in his short tenure as President.
And all the parties--India on its own border, Australia
with the recent change in the nuclear sub, nuclear-powered sub
acquisition, and then Japan with its own recent budget on its
defense investment--know that the partnership here is an
essential one for the strategic interests as we--all the
parties confront a threat both by China and any threat
strategically or militarily.
And so I see the QUAD as the President has enunciated, as
the backbone of both economic and security interests in the
region of the United States and working with our closest allies
who have the same sense that this is an important--for now a
very, very important tool for America's foreign policy in the
area in strategic interests being articulated and acted upon.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, and Mr. Chairman,
thank you. And my best to Amy and the family, and I look
forward to supporting your nomination.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Merkley?
Senator Merkley. Oh, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you both. Extensive records of public service.
And Mayor, there is no question, as members of the Senate have
pointed out, you have an extensive depth and breadth of public
service that brings a tremendous amount of knowledge to serving
the United States, when confirmed.
But I feel it is important to explore one piece that you
have made reference to. We received on the committee a letter
from a dozen aldermen, State representatives, State senators, a
county commissioner, asking we take a close look at the
question of systemic racism and how the role of city leaders
working closely with police departments sustains inequities.
And certainly in my home State, we have wrestled with this.
My largest city, Portland, has a predominantly white police
force. It has a record of shootings and shootings of members of
the minority community, black and Hispanic citizens, that has
been a very contentious issue.
And Chicago had this as well. 2010 to 2015, police fired
528 cases. They hit citizens 262 times. They fatally shot 92
individuals. Of those who were hit, 94 percent were members of
minority communities, Asian, black, or Hispanic.
When you and I met--and I appreciated your comments and
thoughts--you said kind of the big mistake you made was that
you took at full faith an evaluation from a group of police
officers that the shooting of Laquan McDonald was a ``good
shooting,'' a term that apparently the police use. That group
of officers that rendered that, was that an official police
review board?
Mr. Emanuel. We said, Senator--and I thank you for the
question--and I think there are two parts. So, I would like to
address both, if I could?
Senator Merkley. But please do not eat up all my time.
Mr. Emanuel. Oh, no, I will not.
Senator Merkley. I know that is a great tactic, but I
really wanted to get to the heart of this, and I just want to
understand since that is the key thing that you said was a
mistake. I want to understand was an official police board that
rendered that evaluation?
Mr. Emanuel. No, no. The police leadership the next morning
after a police-involved shooting reviews a shooting.
Senator Merkley. It was the morning after?
Mr. Emanuel. Right. Yes, yes. Right.
Senator Merkley. So, you had conveyed to me that that kind
of shaped your thinking up through the eventual release the
following--a year later, and then your public commentary in
November of 2015.
My understanding is that the mother of Laquan McDonald
learned about the nature of the shooting when she was called by
the funeral house who said to her, ``Do you realize your son
was shot multiple times? That his body is riddled with
bullets.'' She did not know apparently at that point. That
information had not been shared with her.
And then her attorney subpoenaed records in November of
2014, and when the attorney subpoenaed records, did that
trigger the conversation that filled you in? I know you have
said you never saw the videos, but filled you in on the fact
that this was an unusual case where a child had been shot 16
times?
Mr. Emanuel. As I said in the answer to Chairman Menendez,
there is an investigation going on by three entities--the U.S.
attorney, the State's attorney, IPRA. They were the ones
dealing with this, and as I believe, you do not want a
politician to make a unilateral decision while those
investigations are going on because it would violate a
sacrosanct protocol and principle of ensuring that nothing is
out prior to an investigation being wrapped up.
Senator Merkley. Yes, Mayor, but that was not my question.
My question was when her attorneys sought the evidence from the
city, is that when you learned about the nature of what had
happened from the city attorney or from the police or----
Mr. Emanuel. As I said, when the video became public is
when I learned what happened and the consequence and what
happened that night.
Senator Merkley. Okay. So, in December, the family viewed
the tapes, and the city required that they enter into a
nondisclose agreement. That is a pretty significant decision.
You are saying you had no idea of the circumstances of the
shooting? No one had told you that a child had been shot 16
times or that the child was lying on the ground, that a
revolver was reloaded? You had no idea in December when the
family reviewed the tapes?
Mr. Emanuel. Senator, is that situation, the family
approached the city about a settlement. An NDA is a standard
practice at that time, and also the public information, as you
know, when the city council is asked to work with the family,
come up with the resources for the compensation, all the
members of the city council heard that, and it passed 50 to 0.
So, that was the kind of description that was in the public
domain when it was voted on.
Senator Merkley. Yes. Of course, I did not ask about the
NDA. I asked if at that point you were briefed on the details
of the shooting?
Mr. Emanuel. Oh, I am sorry. The details were in the public
domain when the corporation counsel briefed the aldermen.
Senator Merkley. So, in February and March, the city
reached out proactively. Please, Chairman, can I finish a few
questions here?
The Chairman. I do not know about a few questions, but this
has been explored, and it is now almost 2 minutes over. So, I
will give you another minute.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I will submit questions for the record so that you can
address these things. But I think that in this time of national
reckoning with the challenge of Black Lives Matter, when
aldermen and State representatives and State senators say this
was an issue that there was close cooperation during your time
as mayor between the mayor's office to essentially discourage
the release of information and to not develop significant
reforms, which I know that you have a story to tell about the
reforms. And I will submit questions for the record so you can
tell that story.
I think it is important for this committee to actually
weigh this. And so thank you for meeting with me before. Thank
you for addressing this now.
But just to clarify, because all these things happened--the
family requested the video. The city attorney reached out
proactively before there was a lawsuit to ask for a settlement.
The settlement was approved in a less than 1 minute meeting
with no public discussion. It seems hard to believe that all
those things happened, and yet you were never briefed on the
details of the situation when you were leading the city.
Mr. Emanuel. Since you brought up the aldermanic letters,
as you will see also here, the leadership of the Black Caucus
has signed a letter in support of my nomination. Those are the
members that worked with me. That does not take away from the
fact, as I have said before, and I want to repeat because I
think it is important, all those are not technicalities.
This is a tragedy that happened, as you know, as you have
made reference to what is going on in Portland. And as I said,
no city of any size has not confronted the gulf and the gap
that exists between police practices and the oversight and
accountability. I made efforts of them. They missed the mark
because they totally missed how deep that distrust is and, as
in the reverend or the pastor's letter, how broken the system
is that we all relied on.
Senator Merkley. Yes, and I did note that----
The Chairman. The chair--the chair would just say to my
distinguished colleague I have allowed you to go 4 minutes over
the 5 minutes. So, I think that questions for the record would
be appropriate.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Kaplan, before we adjourn this hearing, I do not want
you to think you are not the object of my affection for the
position you are going to have. So, let me ask you, Singapore
along with other countries in the region face a time of
increasing geopolitical uncertainty with China's growing
assertiveness in the Pacific. What is your assessment of how
Singapore's thinking on China has evolved in recent years?
How do we influence Singapore's approach towards both
confronting and competing with China in a way that aligns it
more with our values, which I believe they generally share,
versus the values that China is promoting?
Mr. Kaplan. Thank you very much for that question.
The U.S. must engage with China from a position of
strength, and strength comes from our partnerships and our
partnerships within the region. We have talked about this
throughout this hearing, and I believe that Singapore is a
tremendously strong partner of the United States. They are
involved in our F-35 program. We have naval operations that we
do with them. As the ranking member mentioned, we train their
air force.
So, if I am confirmed, I look forward to continuing to work
with the Government, continuing to come up with ways for us to
support a partnership that addresses these threats that China
continues to bring upon not just the United States, but the
world overall.
The Chairman. Enduring support for ASEAN is critical to the
United States posture in the Indo-Pacific and central to the
engagement with our partnership with Singapore. When the
foreign minister was here, we had a significant conversation
about ASEAN.
What steps would you take to help Singapore in bolstering
ASEAN centrality in the Asia-Pacific region?
Mr. Kaplan. Well, I think the President and the Secretary
of State want to have a multifaceted approach to the region.
They have AUKUS. We have QUAD. And of course, we have ASEAN.
And Singapore is a founding member of ASEAN. The United States
has always been a firm supporter of ASEAN. The Secretary and
the President have reaffirmed their commitment to ASEAN.
And again, if confirmed, I look forward to working with the
Government, working with industry, working with Singapore to
ensure that everyone knows that we are behind ASEAN. Singapore
remains an important part of ASEAN, and ASEAN will play a
critical role in the safety and security of the region.
The Chairman. And finally, Mayor Emanuel, I want to just go
back to Japan very quickly, but importantly. We need--and I
said this to leaders from both countries who have come to visit
us here in Washington. We need Japan and South Korea to
understand that their unity along with us is critical to deal
with the regional security questions and certainly with North
Korea.
And I think, in my 30 years of doing foreign policy between
the House and the Senate, this is not one of the best moments I
have seen between the two countries. I hope you will use, upon
confirmation, your efforts to try to get the Japanese from
their side and then we will get our person in South Korea to do
the same to find some common ground.
There are historical issues. I understand that. But the
security of both nations and its people should supersede their
common interests in that regard. Is that something we can count
on you to try to do?
Mr. Emanuel. A hundred percent, Mr. Chairman. And I would
just, in the remaining minutes here, say this is, no doubt
there has been highs and lows in the relationship between Japan
and South Korea. I think that given what North Korea has done
and is doing, what China has done and is doing, makes this an
opportunity in an organizing way to have both parties try--
meaning the United States, Japan, and South Korea--to now focus
on what is not a theoretical threat, but a reality, as the
recent test just the other day by North Korea has shown. That
this is not theoretical, given the sub test that was just--
submarine test that was just done.
So, that, to me, underscores there is a level of urgency
for all parties to now find the common ground, focus on the
future, focus on what binds us together, and not allow tensions
of the past and disagreements to actually in any way endanger,
and I do think--endanger the relationship.
I would close with one other thought. China, Russia, North
Korea are trying to find cracks and fissures in the alliances
between the United States and Japan, the United States and
South Korea, the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Our
job, as a facilitator, is to create the bonds of unity that we
speak with one voice, one interest, and one imperative. This is
one of, if not the highest priority to find that unity so we
can confront the attempt by China and North Korea to divide us.
The Chairman. Finally, as in all relationships, the
question of press freedom of Singapore was raised earlier. In
this case, more than 475 U.S. children have been kidnapped in
Japan, and the U.S. has named Japan a top three worst offender
of international parental child abduction. There has been no
significant improvement between since Japan acceded to the
Hague Convention on the civil aspects of international child
abduction in 2014.
So, when you are confirmed, I hope that you will make one
of your priorities to get the Japanese Government to understand
that when you enter into an international convention and when
American children are involved, we certainly expect you to live
up to your obligations under the convention.
Mr. Emanuel. And Mr. Chairman, I would underscore at this
point, if I was fortunate to get the committee and the full
Senate's support to be confirmed, your word is your bond. If
you signed into an agreement to be trusted as a partner and
ally, you must uphold the principle of that agreement.
The Chairman. All right. This record for this hearing will
remain open until the close of business tomorrow, Thursday,
October 21. To members of the committee, please ensure that
questions for the record are submitted no later than Thursday.
To our nominees, I would just urge you upon receipt--
inevitably, there will be questions for the record--that you
answer them expeditiously and fully so that then we can
consider your nominations before the committee for a business
meeting.
And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
adjourned.
Mr. Emanuel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Kaplan. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 1:37 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. As you know, the U.S.-China Phase One Agreement requires
China to change several of its regulations concerning intellectual
property protection. However, many of the ways that China undermines
intellectual property protections are through informal coercion or
outright theft.
If confirmed, how will you help to ensure that China fully
implements and complies with the intellectual property
requirements in the U.S.-China Phase One Agreement?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that we closely monitor the
PRC's implementation of its IP commitments under the Phase One
Agreement. Along with our interagency partners, we will hold the PRC
accountable using the full range of tools we have and develop new ones
in order to defend U.S. economic interests from the PRC's harmful
policies and practices. As we enforce the terms of the Phase One
Agreement, I will also work with allies and partners and press Beijing
bilaterally to address our concerns with the PRC's unfair, non-market
practices that distort competition by propping up PRC state-owned
enterprises and limit market access, and its coercive and predatory
practices in trade and technology.
Question. The Chinese Government has not provided sufficient
details regarding how it intends to comply with several of the
intellectual property obligations contained in the U.S.-China Phase One
Agreement, including those related to biopharmaceutical innovation.
If confirmed, how will you help to ensure that China complies with
its intellectual property obligations under the U.S.-China
Phase One Agreement?
Answer. The IP Chapter of the Phase One Agreement identified 133
IP-related commitments that the PRC must take action on, including
related to biopharmaceutic innovation. If confirmed, I will ensure that
we closely monitor the PRC's implementation of all its IP commitments
under the Agreement. Along with our interagency partners, we will hold
the PRC accountable using the full range of those tools we have and
develop new ones in order to defend U.S. economic interests from the
PRC's harmful policies and practices.
Question. As Ambassador, will you commit to making the case of Kai
Li and his return back to his family a priority?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate for the immediate and
unconditional release of all those wrongfully or arbitrarily detained,
and for the immediate lifting of travel restrictions for those subject
to coercive exit bans in the PRC. I will work closely with the Special
Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and the Bureau of Consular
Affairs to resolve the case of Kai Li and the cases of other U.S.
citizens wrongfully detained or subject to coercive exit bans by the
PRC.
The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is unacceptable, has
been condemned by the global community, and is inconsistent with
China's international human rights commitments.
USICA
Question. As you know, earlier this year, the Senate passed a
sweeping China competitiveness legislation that included this
committee's Strategic Competition Act. This legislation puts core
American values and human rights at the heart of our foreign policy,
replenishes sources of our national strength here at home, supports our
alliances and stability, and prioritizes fair economic competition.
What are your thoughts on the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act?
Answer. I strongly support the Senate's passage of the Innovation
and Competition Act and the leadership of the Foreign Relations
Committee on this vital issue. This bill will strengthen the ability of
the United States to compete with China in the decades ahead. As
Secretary Blinken has made clear--our domestic renewal and our strength
in the world are completely entwined. A key component of the policy is
revitalization of our democracy and economy here at home. This also
requires we invest in American workers, companies and technologies to
outcompete the PRC.
Question. What should the United States be doing to deter and
respond to such aggression in the digital space?
Answer. All instruments of national power are available to respond
to malicious cyber activity, including diplomatic, information,
military, economic, financial, intelligence, law enforcement, and
public attribution capabilities. We collaborate with our like-minded
partners to uphold our shared vision for a cyberspace that allows all
to prosper and to hold accountable those that would use it to cause
harm and sow instability.
Shared concerns regarding the PRC's malicious cyber activities are
bringing countries around the world together to call out those
activities, promote network defense and cybersecurity, and act to
disrupt threats to our economies and national security. We cannot
protect against malicious cyber activity on our own. Our allies and
partners are a tremendous source of strength, and our collective
approach to cyber threat information sharing, defense, and mitigation
helps hold countries like the PRC to account.
We have raised our concerns about specific incidents, including the
Microsoft Exchange hacks, as well as the PRC's broader malicious cyber
activity with senior PRC Government officials, making clear that the
PRC's actions threaten security, confidence, and stability in
cyberspace. The United States and our allies and partners are not
ruling out further actions to hold the PRC accountable.
Question. How can the United States strengthen its cooperation with
like-minded countries to promote collective norms and values
surrounding cyberspace and other emerging technologies?
Answer. The United States takes a whole-of-government approach to
combating malicious cyber activities. As part of that effort, the
Department has achieved international consensus on the elements that
make up a framework of responsible state behavior and is building a
robust coalition of likeminded states who are willing to hold
irresponsible states accountable when they transgress the framework,
including through the imposition of consequences when appropriate. In
July 2021, 38 countries joined the United States in calling out the
PRC's role in the Microsoft Exchange hacks.
In addition, the Department is also ramping up its coordination of
U.S. interagency efforts to develop policies and processes to respond
quickly to destructive, disruptive or otherwise destabilizing cyber
incidents. The Department also works to promote cybersecurity due
diligence globally and to strengthen transnational cooperation in the
fight against cybercrime.
Question. How should the United States evaluate critical supply
chains and protect itself from chokehold vulnerabilities and security
risks? If confirmed, as Ambassador, what would you see as your role in
China?
Answer. More secure and resilient supply chains are essential to
our national security, our economic security, and our technological
leadership. The administration's efforts to diversify supply chains,
support increased trade between like-minded partners, and encourage
best practices to screen potentially threatening investments will help
to build resilience and reduce the impact of PRC coercion. The COVID-19
pandemic has exposed vulnerabilities in our global supply chains for
critical products, including medical equipment, supplies, and
semiconductors. If confirmed, I will support the administration's
efforts to build diverse, secure, and resilient supply chains for the
future.
Question. In addition to export control measures, what other
actions do you believe the United States should take to limit the
Chinese Government's access to technologies that enhance its military
capabilities and facilitate repression in Xinjiang and Hong Kong?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage the full breadth of
authorities available to us to protect our economic and national
security interests, and support enhanced investment screening efforts.
I will support the Biden-Harris administration efforts to ensure the
PRC cannot exploit U.S. capital markets to support the PRC's national
strategy of military-civil fusion and PLA military modernization and
the use of PRC surveillance technology in human rights abuse. If
confirmed, I would also work with our allies and partners to encourage
and strengthen national security-focused investment screening
mechanisms to mitigate the risks of concerning third-country
investments, including from PRC-backed companies making third country
investments.
Question. Do you see opportunities for technology collaboration
with China? How would you propose the United States pursue these
opportunities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue cooperation with the PRC where
it is in our interest, and in consultation with the Congress, our
allies and partners, and other stakeholders.
South China Sea
Question. I welcomed the Trump administration's clarification of
our legal position on China's unlawful claims in the South China Sea.
But as you know, international law is not self-enforcing, and having
now taken this position, it is critical that we make our legal position
a reality, not just a rhetoric.
How would you, if confirmed, intend to implement this approach? And
how would you plan to work with partners and allies to forge
unified approach to the South China Sea?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has reaffirmed the July
2020 policy statement on the U.S. position on maritime claims in the
South China Sea and regularly consults with partners and allies to
support international law in this crucial waterway. We have made clear
that we stand with Southeast Asian claimant states in resisting PRC
coercion. The administration is committed to upholding a free and open
South China Sea. As a result of U.S. efforts with allies and partners
in Asia and beyond, we have seen a greater willingness by countries to
underscore the importance of making and pursuing maritime claims in
accordance with international law.
Question. How can the United States--working with our partners in
the international community--be effective in supporting the people of
Hong Kong? If confirmed, what role would you expect to play as
Ambassador?
Answer. The United States must stand with the international
community on Hong Kong. We must create global partnerships on this
issue in both condemning human rights violations and abuses as well as
considering responsive actions including sanctions. This is not just a
U.S. concern, but a global concern. If confirmed, I will continue
President Biden's policy of emphasizing the role of our allies and
partners on Hong Kong, as well as other areas of human rights concern
in the PRC.
Hostage Diplomacy
Question. I am relieved about the release of Michael Kovrig and
Michael Spavor, however, I am disturbed by implications of ``hostage
diplomacy'' in an apparent trade for Meng, which may incentivize China
to continue this type of troubling behavior.
Do you share this assessment? As Ambassador, how will you approach
any similar cases that may arise?
Answer. The Department of Justice said it reached the decision to
offer a deferred prosecution agreement with Ms. Meng based on the facts
and the law, and an assessment of litigation risk.
If confirmed, I intend to raise individual cases with the PRC
Government and insist that U.S. citizens wrongfully or arbitrarily
detained be released, that coercive exit bans be lifted, and that the
PRC refrain from using such measures in the future.
Human Rights
Question. The Chinese Government is openly hostile to universal
human rights and democratic values. We have seen this over and over
again, including in its continuous abuses in Tibet and of the Uyghur
population in Xinjiang.
If confirmed, what will you do to defend fundamental human rights
in China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote accountability for
People's Republic of China (PRC) officials responsible for genocide and
crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and other human rights abuses in
Tibet and elsewhere in the PRC. I will also support efforts to protect
human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic minorities.
If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote
accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include but not
limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: visa
restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and financial
sanctions.
I will also commit to meet regularly with members of civil society
and to raise specific cases of arbitrary detention or human rights
violations directly with the PRC Government.
International Organizations and Standard Setting Bodies
Question. The Chinese Government has demonstrated an increasingly
malign presence and willingness to abuse their positions in
international organizations and standard setting bodies.
If confirmed, as Ambassador, what would you do to address these
issues in China?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) seeks to advance its
national agenda in a manner that often undermines the independence,
impartiality, and transparency, of international organizations. Through
partnerships, we have had some success at defending against these
attempts and upholding the rules-based international order. In China I
will seek to broaden these partnerships to shore up international
resolve. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to ensure
that international organizations operating in China, including those
affiliated with the U.N. system, remain aligned with U.N. principles
and values, including relating to human rights, and do not
inappropriately promote PRC policies to third countries. If confirmed,
I will also confront PRC hypocrisy as it rhetorically espouses ``true
multilateralism'' while coercing countries to support its unilateral
objectives in international organizations.
Question. If confirmed, do you think you will be able to support
Special Envoy Kerry by diffusing China's conflation of issues with
climate, and create some space for progress on working to enhance
China's climate ambition?
Answer. Yes. The United States is engaged in stiff competition with
the PRC, but also has an interest in working together on vital
transnational challenges, such as climate. We reject the linkage of
action on climate to other issues in the bilateral relationship, and we
have made this clear to the PRC. We are taking action on climate
because it is an existential crisis, and we discuss this with the PRC
because that is what responsible nations do--and that is what we have
done with other countries around the world to raise the global
ambition. As two large nations, we both have responsibilities, and that
is why we are engaging and exploring areas where our interests align.
The Biden administration is right to seek effective channels of
communication with Beijing, in order to manage this competition
responsibly. Climate is one of several transnational issues where our
interests align, and former Secretary of State John Kerry works
tirelessly on this issue. The PRC is by far the largest emitter of
carbon in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis
without the PRC doing substantially more to reduce its emissions at the
pace and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5
degrees Celsius as the science requires.
Nury Turkel
Question. Nury Turkel serves as the Vice-Chair of the United States
Commission on International Religious Freedom, appointed by House
Speaker Pelosi. For decades, he has shed light on the PRC's atrocities
against the Uyghur community and advocated for political dissidents and
refugees. Because of Turkel's human rights work and now serving in on a
U.S. Government commission, the PRC has engaged in a campaign of
harassment against his family members-specifically his ailing parents.
Despite Turkel's efforts to reunite with his ailing parents in the past
12 years, Chinese security will not let them leave China to be with
their two US citizen sons and five grandchildren born in the US. I
understand that Deputy Secretary Sherman raised Turkel's case during
her trip to China in July. However, we are not aware of any concrete
follow-up related to Turkel's parents' passports. Further delay may
signal to the Chinese Government that the U.S. Government is not
serious about securing the elderly Turkels departure from China.
Can you commit to reviewing and prioritizing the Turkels' case;
including sharing with us any specific, concrete steps that the
Biden administration is considering taking next?
Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously on their
behalf with the PRC Government and work to secure their reunification
with Mr. Turkel and with their other children and grandchildren.
Question. How would you navigate the situation if the Chinese
Government insists on passing the Anti-Foreign Sanctions Law in Hong
Kong, and American and other international firms are forced to decide
whether to comply with Chinese law or US law?
Answer. Hong Kong's success as an international business hub has
been built on a transparent regulatory framework and adherence to the
rule of law. This law, if imposed, will further undermine the
transparency that has been the bedrock of Hong Kong's business
environment. Failure to comply with U.S. sanctions can result in civil
and criminal penalties under U.S. law. If confirmed, I will advocate
for U.S. businesses operating in Hong Kong, provide these companies
with my best advice on Hong Kong's operating environment, and will
advise companies with questions about their sanctions compliance
obligations to contact OFAC.
Question. What is your assessment of how the U.S. Government should
respond to the potential passage of Article 23 legislation in Hong Kong
which will further increase the potential penalties for foreign NGOs
and pro-democracy activists in the city?
Answer. I am very concerned by the potential passage of Article 23
legislation. When attempts were made to introduce this legislation in
2003, Hong Kongers made clear that they did not agree with the
legislation, which would severely curb their rights and freedoms. I was
with Secretary Albright in Hong Kong on the day of the handover in
1997. I clearly remember the specific commitments Beijing made, which
it has failed to meet. The PRC's actions have undermined Hong Kong's
``high degree of autonomy'' and Hong Kongers' rights and freedoms
protected under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. If confirmed, I
will work with the administration to support people in Hong Kong and
will continue to stand up for the human rights and freedoms they are
guaranteed.
Question. Taking into account the current Evergrande crisis, what
is your view of Blackrock's recent call for investors to triple their
equity holdings in China? How would you navigate a situation where
there was a sudden string of property firms defaulting and American
investors were caught in the middle? What would you say to the
financial executives who will be lobbying you to increase and deepen
ties between US and Chinese financial markets? Is this in our
interests? What steps should the United States take to protect the
international financial system from CCP digital surveillance that
undermines human rights and freedoms?
Answer. There are significant concerns regarding the lack of
transparency in the PRC financial market and the recent series of
politically-driven regulatory actions. If confirmed, I will continue to
monitor these risks from the field and will work to raise awareness for
U.S. and global investors, in support of efforts by the Treasury
Department and other economic agencies.
Beijing's recent actions to strengthen political control over
financial markets--and the broader economy and society--are drawing
international attention to the risks of doing business in an economy
that is required to operate at the behest of an autocratic regime, even
when this is at odds with market principles.
The United States must continue to demonstrate the strength of our
own financial system, including the value of transparency, openness,
rule of law, and respect for privacy. If confirmed, I intend to work
closely with the American business community to help remove barriers to
its success in China.
Question. Further to this issue, billions of USD is currently
invested in Chinese technology firms with ties to the Xinjiang
surveillance state, as well as in Chinese state-owned banks which fund
firms with ties to the PLA. Can this be justified in the era of
ethical--or ESG investing?
Answer. Certain transactions with PRC firms can create exposure to
a range of risks. These risks include sanctions, human rights abuses,
threats posed by the PRC national strategy of military-civil fusion,
thefts of intellectual property, and other threats to U.S. national
security and technological competitiveness. The President took an
important step in issuing Executive Order 14032 on June 3, 2021,
``Addressing the Threat from Securities Investments That Finance
Certain Companies of the People's Republic of China.'' If confirmed, I
will work to ensure that the U.S. business community and other U.S.
parties, such as state and local governments, are aware of these risks,
including those outlined in the Xinjiang Supply Chain Business Advisory
and applicable U.S. laws, and will encourage them to conduct heightened
human rights due diligence on their investments in high-risk markets in
line with the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and
OECD Guidelines on Multinational Enterprises. If confirmed, I will also
work with allies and partners on these issues.
Question. In the Spring of this year, H&M faced a major boycott of
its goods in China because it refused to source Xinjiang cotton. Do you
agree that something is wrong when firms which take the moral stance
are punished while those who continue to source cotton farmed by
slaves' benefit? Do you agree that the time has come to level the
playing field, correct the market inefficiency which encourages the use
of slave labor, and that the best and easiest way of doing this would
be to introduce a ban on cotton from Xinjiang, similar to that proposed
in the United States?
Answer. As a matter of law and policy, the United States is opposed
to forced labor. At the June 2021 G7 Summit in Cornwall, United
Kingdom, the world's leading democracies stood united against forced
labor, including in Xinjiang, and committed to ensure global supply
chains are free from the use of forced labor. USTR Katherine Tai and
the other G7 trade ministers said in their October 22 statement they
are seriously working to identify areas for strengthened cooperation
and will continue working together to protect individuals from forced
labor, to ensure that global supply chains are free from the use of
forced labor, and those who perpetrate forced labor are held
accountable. The Department is working across multiple bureaus and the
interagency to end forced labor and hold those accountable who
knowingly contribute to these human rights abuses in our global supply
chains. If confirmed, I will support and advocate for the end of forced
labor and elimination of human rights abuses in our global supply
chains.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the anomalous health incidents that
have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family members.
Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of one's
health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed,
the health, safety, and security of Mission China staff, their family
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need. If confirmed,
I commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO in Mission China
during my first working day at the embassy to discuss past reported
anomalous health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the
safety of Mission China staff and ensure that all protocols regarding
anomalous health incidents are being followed appropriately.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO in Mission China during my first working day at the embassy to
discuss past reported anomalous health incidents so that I am most
prepared to protect the safety of Mission China staff and ensure that
all protocols regarding anomalous health incidents are being followed
appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Please describe, in detail, what U.S. policy towards
China should be.
Answer. The U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential and
complex bilateral diplomatic relationship in the world. How we manage
this relationship will be the biggest geopolitical test that the United
States faces in the 21st century. We will compete vigorously with China
where we should, including on jobs, the economy, on critical
infrastructure, and on emerging technologies. We will cooperate with
China in areas that are in our national interest, including climate
change, counter-narcotics, global health security, and
nonproliferation. Finally, we will challenge the PRC in areas we must,
including when it takes actions that are contrary to American values
and interests and that threaten American national security and the
security of our partners and allies or undermine the rules-based
international order, including on human rights.
Question. What are the top 2 to 3 issues in U.S.-China relations?
Answer. I highlighted the top issues on the U.S.-China agenda in my
October 20 testimony to the Foreign Relations Committee. If confirmed,
I look forward to regular consultations with committee members and
staff.
We will compete vigorously with the PRC where we should, including
on jobs and the economy, critical infrastructure, and emerging
technologies. As President Biden has said, when the United States
competes on a level playing field, ``there's no country on Earth . . .
that can match us.''
We will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest,
including on climate change, counternarcotics, global health, and
nonproliferation. The world cannot solve the climate crisis unless the
PRC does more to reduce their emissions. And it is to our benefit to
maintain engagement between our people, including students, scholars,
diplomats, and journalists so long as America's laws are respected.
Finally, and crucially, we will challenge the PRC where we must,
including when Beijing takes actions that run counter to America's
values and interests; threaten the security of the United States or our
allies and partners; or undermine the rules-based international order.
Question. What do you think are the strengths and weaknesses of the
Indo-Pacific strategy declassified at the end of the Trump
administration? Which parts would you continue, if confirmed?
Answer. I welcome the bipartisanship that has shaped and
characterized our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and if confirmed I
look forward to continuing these efforts. As Vice President Harris
stated during her August 24 speech in Singapore, the United States will
continue to pursue a free and open Indo-Pacific that promotes our
interests and those of our allies and partners. Our alliances and
partnerships are a unique advantage for the United States. If
confirmed, I will work to continue strengthening our treaty alliances,
particularly with Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines,
Thailand, and Australia. If confirmed, I will work multilaterally,
through longstanding institutions, like ASEAN and APEC, which remain
central to the region's architecture. I will also work with new,
results-oriented groups, like the Quad.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I welcome the bipartisanship that
has shaped and characterized our engagement in the Indo-Pacific, and
the Biden administration has continued to focus on allies and partners.
If confirmed I look forward to continuing these efforts. As Vice
President Harris stated during her August 24 speech in Singapore, the
United States will continue to pursue a free and open Indo-Pacific that
promotes our interests and those of our allies and partners. Our
alliances and partnerships are a unique advantage for the United
States. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our treaty alliances,
particularly with Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines,
Thailand, and Australia. If confirmed, I will work multilaterally,
through longstanding institutions, like ASEAN and APEC, which remain
central to the region's architecture. I will also work with new,
results-oriented groups, like the Quad.
Question. Do you agree the U.S. and China are in a strategic
competition that encompasses military, economic, technological,
political, and ideological competition?
Answer. Yes, the Biden-Harris administration has based its policy
on a sober assessment of strategic competition. We will continue to
strengthen our own competitive hand to out-compete the PRC and work
closely with our allies and partners on our shared vision. We are
approaching Beijing from a position of strength and engaging in robust
diplomatic, economic, technological, and military competition. That
said, we should also cooperate with Beijing when our interests align.
Question. The Chinese Government has doubled down on its ``all or
nothing'' negotiating strategy, demanding the U.S. meet its ``two
list'' criteria--most of which are fundamentally incompatible with U.S.
policy and national interests--before China is willing to cooperate
with the U.S. on key issues. How should the U.S. engage--and how will
you do so in your role if confirmed--with its counterparts if the
Chinese Government refuses to cooperate without us meeting their list
of demands?
Answer. The U.S. is not beholden to any list of demands from the
PRC Government. We reject the linkage of action on transnational
challenges, such as climate, to other issues in the bilateral
relationship. Strategic competition, however, does not, and should not,
preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S. national interest.
If confirmed, I will make clear to my PRC counterparts that we will
welcome the PRC Government's cooperation on issues where our interests
align and where the PRC has a global responsibility to act such as the
climate crisis, global health security, strategic stability, counter-
narcotics, and nonproliferation, while being clear-eyed about the
challenges that our relationship with the PRC poses, and will work with
the interagency and our allies to overcome those challenges.
Question. Do you think the Foreign Service is prepared to execute
sustained competition with China? Are there any changes or reforms that
need to be made to ensure our diplomatic corps is better positioned to
advance these goals? What are some ideas you have in this vein that can
be executed in Mission China?
Answer. Yes. The Foreign Service is prepared to execute sustained
competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC), as it has with
strategic competitors in generations past. As part of this effort, the
Department is realigning resources and personnel and developing nimble
new organizational structures and strategic approaches. The Department
also continues to benefit from Congressional funding to support this
new effort, such as the Counter China Influence Fund (CCIF).
All of our foreign posts have dedicated ``China Watchers''--
reporting or public diplomacy officers covering the PRC as part of
their portfolio. These China Watchers collaborate with interagency
colleagues to monitor and counter PRC problematic behaviors in State's
global network of posts and missions, under the strategic direction of
Chiefs of Mission. In 2019, the Department established the Regional
China Officers (RCOs) program, which has recently expanded to 19
officers. RCOs help assess and respond to problematic PRC behavior at
the sub-regional, regional, and global levels, in coordination with
posts' ``China Watchers'' and leadership.
Mission China also continues to work tirelessly and under
increasingly difficult conditions to engage the PRC on several
important challenges and matters of shared interest, and to provide the
best possible reporting back to Washington. To enhance our
effectiveness in achieving these diplomatic efforts, Mission China
continues to require support for the facilities and personnel
appropriate to match the PRC's rapidly expanding resources and
capabilities.
Question. Do you commit to messaging to China the dangers and risks
of its destabilizing actions against Taiwan?
Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris Administration has repeatedly
underscored to the People's Republic of China (PRC) that the PRC's
actions are destabilizing, risk miscalculations, and undermine regional
peace and stability. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to emphasize
those points to Beijing and to undertaking efforts to shine a light on
those PRC actions and PRC rhetoric.
Question. What should we be doing now to deter China from
aggressive and destabilizing action in the Taiwan Strait?
Answer. This is a priority for the Biden-Harris Administration,
which continues to take steps to strengthen deterrence in the Western
Pacific. First, we have continued to make available to Taiwan the
defense articles and services necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. In doing so, we are in
particular focused on helping Taiwan implement an asymmetric defense
strategy that best aligns Taiwan's resources and advantages against the
threat posed by the PRC. Second, we are building international support
for the maintenance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and for
Taiwan, as the joint statements between President Biden and former
Prime Minister Suga and President Moon respectively as well as the G7
Leaders Communique, Joint AUSMIN statement, and increasing unilateral
messaging from other allies and partners illustrates. Third, we are
supporting Taiwan beyond our security cooperation to demonstrate the
strength of our partnership, push back on the PRC's destabilizing
pressure tactics, and elevate Taiwan's contributions to the
international community--we have donated COVID vaccines to Taiwan,
restarted Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) talks, and
advocated for Taiwan's membership or meaningful participation in
international organizations.
Question. Do you commit that, in your role, you will always pursue
policies that enable the Taiwan people to choose their own future?
Answer. Yes, and if confirmed, I would continue to support a
peaceful resolution of cross-strait issues, consistent with the wishes
and best interests of the people of Taiwan. I would urge Beijing to
cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure against Taiwan,
and instead engage in meaningful dialogue with Taiwan. I will support
the longstanding U.S. policy to assist Taiwan in maintaining maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy.
Question. What are your views on exercising economic, financial,
and other tools to limit China's ability to benefit from Hong Kong as a
financial center--both to impose costs for violating a treaty and to
deter action against Taiwan? That would a bit more than some individual
visa sanctions.
Answer. I think it was particularly effective to sanction specific
individuals in Hong Kong who are responsible for the repression of the
people of Hong Kong. If confirmed, I will continue to consider all
available policy tools to impose costs on Beijing for its actions in
Hong Kong, including sanctions and highlighting unacceptable PRC
behavior through joint messaging with partners and allies.
Question. The PLA has established its first overseas military base
in Djibouti, and the U.S. is concerned about PLA presence at Ream in
Cambodia. How would you address this issue, if confirmed?
Answer. Strategic competition, including military competition, with
the PRC will remain a major feature of the bilateral relationship for
the foreseeable future. The U.S. Government is closely watching the
PLA's activities in Djibouti. I have serious concerns about the PRC's
military presence and construction of facilities at Ream Naval Base on
the Gulf of Thailand. Maintaining an independent and balanced foreign
policy is in the best interests of the Cambodian people. If confirmed,
I will make this a priority issue.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Strategic competition, including
military competition, with the PRC will remain a major feature of the
bilateral relationship for the foreseeable future. The U.S. Government
is closely watching the PLA's activities in Djibouti. I have serious
concerns about the PRC's military presence and construction of
facilities at Ream Naval Base on the Gulf of Thailand. Maintaining an
independent and balanced foreign policy is in the best interests of the
Cambodian people. If confirmed, I will make this a priority issue. If
confirmed, I am open to providing more information about this issue and
the administration's policy to respond to PRC overseas basing during a
closed briefing after I have had the opportunity to consult on the
specifics with the Department of State, Department of Defense, and
National Security Council.
Question. Do you commit that you will not advocate for or take
steps to restore China programs under Mutual Education and Cultural
Exchange Act without prior and meaningful congressional consultation?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Secretary's goal of
working with this Committee and Congress to ensure this Administration
meets the China challenge. I commit to prior and meaningful
consultations with Congress on this issue.
Question. Do you support the designation of certain PRC entities
under the Foreign Missions Act?
Answer. Organizations in the United States that are wholly owned or
effectively controlled by a foreign government ought to operate
transparently and in accordance with U.S. laws. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the Office of Foreign Missions to advance that
goal.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. It is my understanding that the
Foreign Missions Act (FMA) permits the Secretary to treat certain types
of non-diplomatic organizations as ``foreign missions'' for FMA
purposes. It is also my understanding that the issue of whether any
particular organization is eligible and should be treated as a foreign
mission under the FMA requires a fact-specific review. As a general
matter, organizations in the United States that are wholly owned or
effectively controlled by a foreign government ought to operate
transparently and in accordance with U.S. laws. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the Office of Foreign Missions to advance that
goal.
Question. What are your views on the issue of undue influence
actors in the PRC in U.S. universities?
Answer. This is a major concern and high priority for the U.S.
Government. A clear understanding of the organizations and entities
Beijing uses to attempt to influence U.S. society is important. They
must be held to the same standard as all organizations operating in the
United States. Of particular concern are activities that lack
transparency and attempt to hide or downplay their affiliations and
objectives.
If confirmed, I will continue to promote transparency on the topic
to relevant stakeholders within the United States, including state and
local governments, universities, and business associations, as
appropriate.
Question. Do you think there should be greater scrutiny of foreign
donations and contracts between U.S. universities and donors from
countries that do share our interests, such as China and Russia? If so,
how can Mission China contribute to that goal?
Answer. I am supportive of measures to ensure that donations and
contracts between U.S. universities and foreign entities benefit the
United States and are not subject to undue foreign influence, including
by the Government of the People's Republic of China. If confirmed, I
will encourage Mission China to support the State Department's efforts
to educate and inform educational institutions about their possible
exposure to undue foreign influence through such arrangements.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am supportive of measures to
ensure that donations and contracts between U.S. universities and
foreign entities benefit the United States and are not subject to undue
foreign influence, including by the Government of the People's Republic
of China. If confirmed, I will also ensure Mission China supports the
State Department's efforts to educate and inform educational
institutions about their possible exposure to undue foreign influence
through such arrangements.
Question. If confirmed, will you highlight corrupt Chinese
practices, including by government officials and PRC companies
operating in the domestic and foreign markets?
Answer. If confirmed, I will push back on corrupt or coercive
political and economic practices that damage our interests and those of
our partners, including control over resources, predatory lending
practices, and the abusive use of new security technology.
Question. In your view, what are the implications of China being
able to pressure and punish U.S. persons and companies into accepting
or at least not pushing back on the political positions of the Chinese
Government, even when those positions undermine the fundamental
political principles and values of the United States? What can and
should private sector actors be doing to address this issue? What is
the proper role of the U.S. Government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to
consider the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will also stress
the importance for U.S. companies to ensure they avoid complicity with
forced labor in the PRC, adhere to U.S. sanctions, and align their
activities with the high standards of responsible business conduct we
expect from U.S. firms. While we are not asking U.S. companies to
advocate actively for our foreign policy, we expect them to take
positions that align with American values and U.S. law. If confirmed, I
will work to help U.S. companies to build resilience against PRC
efforts to coerce them to take positions at odds with human rights, the
rule of law, and responsible business conduct.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. U.S. companies face a difficult
balancing act in China. Many, from large multinationals to smaller
firms operating in the U.S. heartland, have longstanding business
relationships and operations in the PRC, whether in manufacturing or
sourcing their goods and inputs for Chinese and global markets, or
selling to Chinese consumers.
If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to consider
the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will also stress the
importance for U.S. companies to ensure they avoid complicity with
forced labor in the PRC, adhere to U.S. sanctions, and align their
activities with the high standards of responsible business conduct we
expect from U.S. firms. While we are not asking U.S. companies to
advocate actively for our foreign policy, we should expect them to take
positions that align with American values, their own corporate values,
and the expectations of their shareholders. If confirmed, I will work
to help U.S. companies to build resilience against PRC efforts to
coerce them to take positions at odds with human rights, the rule of
law, and responsible business conduct.
In instances where American corporations are publicly or privately
coerced by the PRC to take actions that violate their corporate values
or are punished for taking corporate positions that run counter to the
PRC's false political or human rights narratives, I will, if confirmed,
work to provide them with all available U.S. Government support. I also
commit to working with like-minded partners to discourage companies
from third countries from backfilling commercial opportunities when
American companies stand their ground against the PRC or must refrain
from pursuing opportunities due to their compliance with U.S.
sanctions. Effective resistance to PRC coercion is most successful when
we stand together with our partners and allies to encourage the
business community to do what is right in China.
Question. In your view, what are the goals of ``One Belt, One
Road''?
Answer. The Belt and Road Initiative uses projects spread across
125 countries to create new markets for Chinese exports, new sources of
energy and other raw materials for the PRC's factories and power
plants, and new avenues for rewriting international rules and standards
to serve Beijing's own interests.
Unlike the United States and most G20 countries, PRC state-backed
lending disregards international standards and best practices that
stress transparency, sustainability, and quality. Beijing's state banks
generally do not consider debt sustainability risks in the borrowing
country, conceal or obfuscate the amount and terms of the country's
loans, and discourage borrowing countries from reporting through
borrower non-disclosure arrangements. Instead of fair competition, the
PRC channels billions of dollars in government subsidies to its
exporters and civil engineering companies, allowing it to unfairly
undercut its global competitors. BRI projects also often fail to
implement international labor standards and environmental and social
safeguards.
If confirmed, I will promote development that emphasizes democratic
governance, social and economic safeguards, transparency, and
sustainable financing. I will work with our allies and partners to
shine a spotlight on how the PRC's opaque loans and investments
threaten fiscal stability and good governance while contributing to
developing countries' unsustainable debt loads.
Question. The Trump Administration undertook a major push to keep
products from China's Huawei out of 5G networks in countries across the
world, especially in allied nations in Europe. Multiple countries have
chosen to exclude Huawei from their emerging 5G networks, including the
United Kingdom, Czech Republic, Poland, Sweden, Estonia, Romania,
Denmark, and Latvia.
How will you address the issue of keeping 5G networks clean from
Chinese equipment and the consequent security hazards?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration views 5G security as a top
priority because the stakes for securing these networks could not be
higher. The United States advocates for a vibrant digital economy
worldwide that enables all citizens to benefit from the promise of 5G
and future telecommunications networks. At fora such as the Quad, the
U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council, the G7, and at the upcoming Third
annual Prague 5G Security Conference, and in our bilateral
relationships, the Department actively promotes 5G network security and
vendor diversity, in partnership with the interagency, as part of that
approach.
Question. The Trump Administration undertook a major push to keep
products from China's Huawei out of 5G networks in countries across the
world, especially in allied nations in Europe. Multiple countries have
chosen to exclude Huawei from their emerging 5G networks, including the
United Kingdom, Czech Republic, Poland, Sweden, Estonia, Romania,
Denmark, and Latvia.
Looking beyond 5G, what other emerging technologies do you think
would create risks for the United States and its allies if we
have an undue reliance on untrusted vendors? Are there areas
you will prioritize, and how so?
Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration views emerging
technologies, infrastructure, and energy as critical to the U.S. future
national security and economic prosperity. Advanced and future
telecommunications technologies--5G, 6G, and beyond--as well as the
semiconductors and microchips that are integral to those and so many
other technologies, are high priorities. So too is the responsible
stewardship of trustworthy artificial intelligence (AI) that is
developed and used in line with democratic values and respect for human
rights. Supercomputing, cloud computing, data storage, and quantum
information technologies are already changing the way we live--a trend
that will only increase. Advanced energy--from renewable energy and
storage to microreactors and fusion energy--will power these
technologies. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners,
companies, universities, and civil society organizations that promote
democratic values and share a commitment to design and deploy
technology for the benefit of all people.
Question. Do you commit that you will not advise Secretary Blinken,
the President, or any other official to sacrifice other U.S. interests
for the sake of an agreement with or promises from China on climate
change?
Answer. I reject the linkage of action on climate to other issues
in the bilateral relationship. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has
noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the
U.S.-PRC relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests.
We will compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where we should,
and we will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest,
including on climate change. The PRC is by far the largest emitter of
carbon in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis
without the PRC doing substantially more to reduce their emissions at
the pace and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5
degrees Celsius, as the science requires. This is a major issue for the
entire world, as well as in our relationship. At the end of the day,
this Administration will look at what Beijing does--not what it says it
will or will not do--to determine whether the PRC is serious about
climate action.
Question. Do you commit that you yourself will not take any steps
to trade other U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement with or
promises from China on climate change?
Answer. Yes, I commit that I will not take steps to trade other
U.S. interests for the sake of an agreement or promises from the PRC on
climate change.
Question. To the best of your understanding, does Mr. Kerry have
authority to be involved in any other issues in our China policy, other
than climate?
Answer. No. As Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, former
Secretary of State John Kerry's role is to lead U.S diplomatic efforts
worldwide to reassert U.S. climate leadership and raise global ambition
to meet the daunting climate challenge. His climate diplomacy work is
closely coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts.
Question. If Mr. Kerry begins playing a major role in non-climate
aspects of the U.S.-China relationship, what will you do to remedy
that?
Answer. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate (SPEC) Kerry has not
done so. His role is to lead the U.S. diplomatic efforts worldwide to
reassert U.S. climate leadership and raise global ambition to meet the
challenge. His climate diplomacy work will continue to be closely
coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on pushing the PRC to take
stronger and faster climate action. I have very high regard for John
Kerry and his experience and effectiveness as a negotiator.
Question. Mr. Kerry and Secretary of Commerce Raimondo have both
said that if we cooperate with China on climate and commercial ties, it
will help us to cooperate in other areas. Do you agree with that
assessment?
Answer. I agree with the administration's competitive approach to
the PRC. I believe we should continue to strengthen our own competitive
hand vis-a-vis the PRC. This does not preclude cooperation in areas
where our interests align, such as climate. If confirmed, I will pursue
cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest, and in
consultation with the Congress, our allies and partners, and other
stakeholders.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I agree with the administration's
competitive approach to the PRC. The United States will compete
vigorously with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with the
PRC where it is in our interest.
I believe we should continue to strengthen our own competitive hand
vis-a-vis the PRC. This does not preclude us from raising areas where
we have concern with the PRC's actions nor from cooperating in areas
where our interests may align, such as climate. If confirmed, I will
pursue cooperation with the PRC where it is in our interest, and in
consultation with the Congress, our allies and partners, and other
stakeholders.
Question. Mr. Kerry stated in a Bloomberg interview on September 22
in response to a question about ``how one trades off climate against
human rights'' (the interviewer's exact words): ``Well life is always
full of tough choices in the relationship between nations. Even as
there were egregious human rights issues [with the Soviet Union], which
Ronald Reagan called them out on, we had to find a way forward to make
the world safer and protect our countries and act in our interests. We
can and must do the same thing now. Yes, we have issues.but first and
foremost, this planet must be protected.''
Do you agree that climate should come ``first and foremost'' in the
U.S.-China relationship?
Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a
critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests. This
administration will compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where
we should, and we will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our
interest. Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the cooperation
side. The United States is committed to working with the international
community and the PRC on climate as an urgent issue, and I hope Beijing
will engage with us on the same basis.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. As Special Presidential Envoy
Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone issue, and other
aspects of the U.S.-China relationship will not be traded for separate
U.S. interests. This administration will compete, and compete
vigorously, with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with
the PRC where it is in our interest.
The administration has consistently said climate change is an area
where our interests align, and has regularly raised with the PRC the
importance of taking bold actions to address the climate crisis. There
is simply no way to solve the climate crisis without the significant
emission reductions from the country that today leads the world with
28% of global emissions.
The United States is committed to working with the international
community and the PRC on climate as an urgent issue, and I hope Beijing
will engage with us on the same basis.
Question. Do you think there is a ``tough choice'' between
promoting human rights in China and coming to an agreement on climate?
Answer. No, as Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate
is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests. We will
compete, and compete vigorously, with the PRC where we should, and we
will cooperate with the PRC where it is in our interest, including on
climate change. Human rights will remain a major priority issue on the
U.S. agenda with China.
Question. In various publications, you've written we need China to
``mitigate environmental catastrophe or engineer a stable, global
economy,'' or cooperate with China on ``transnational threats'' such as
``combatting piracy and drug and crime cartels and responding to
pandemics of the future.'' You've also written that we share interests
with China and Russia on ``climate change, terrorism, Iran, and North
Korea'' and ``proliferation.'' Are there other issues where you have a
similar view? What do you think China is willing to do in each of these
issue areas?
Answer. I am clear-eyed about the challenges that our relationship
with the PRC poses and, if confirmed, will work with the interagency
and our allies to overcome them. Strategic competition does not, and
should not, preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S.
national interest to do so. In fact, we will welcome the PRC
Government's cooperation on issues such as the climate crisis, global
health security, strategic stability, counter-narcotics, and
nonproliferation when our interests align.
We actively seek the PRC's cooperation in efforts to constrain
Iran's nuclear program, as it has no interest in seeing Iran develop a
nuclear weapon and the profoundly destabilizing impact that would have
in a region upon which China depends for its oil imports.
On climate issues, the PRC is by far the largest emitter of carbon
in the world today. The world cannot solve the climate crisis without
the PRC doing substantially more to reduce their emissions at the pace
and magnitude required to limit global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees
Celsius, as the science requires. This is a major issue for the entire
world, as well as in our relationship. At the end of the day, this
Administration will look at what Beijing does--not what it says it will
or will not do--to determine whether the PRC is serious about climate
action.
Question. The Chinese Communist Party is cracking down against
financial institutions, technology companies, and individual wealth
accumulation. What is your assessment of the future of China's economy,
and what risks do these regulatory changes present to U.S. businesses
in China or with supply chains in China?
Answer. The PRC's increasingly intrusive business regulations,
political demands, and national security laws are contributing to a
deteriorating investment climate and rising political risk for
companies. If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to
consider the risks of doing business with the PRC. I will make every
effort to help U.S. businesses to succeed in China.
Question. How will you strengthen the economic corps in Mission
China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the Mission China
economic corps has the resources and support they need to advance a
foreign policy for the middle class, to ensure American businesses are
positioned to compete and win on a global stage, and to confront the
PRC's economic abuses.
[Additional Response--11/8/2011]. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure the Mission China economic corps has the resources and support
they need to advance a foreign policy for the middle class, to ensure
American businesses are positioned to compete and win on a global
stage, and to confront the PRC's economic abuses. If confirmed, I will
ask my Country Team to assess ways in which the economic corps could be
strengthened, and if needed, work with State Department colleagues and
Congress to identify corresponding resources.
Question. What will you ask the economic corps in Mission China to
prioritize? Please be specific.
Answer. We must hold the PRC accountable for failing to play by the
rules on trade and investment, including its theft of intellectual
property, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods, and unfair labor
practices. These actions harm American workers and businesses. The best
way to meet this challenge is to form common cause with U.S. allies and
partners to confront the PRC's anti-competitive, market distorting, and
coercive behaviors. If confirmed, I will also work to create a level
playing field for U.S. businesses, coordinating with Congress and
interagency partners, including the Office of the U.S. Trade
Representative, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of
Commerce, and the Department of Agriculture, along with partners and
allies to develop policies that counter the PRC's abusive and unfair
economic practices.
Question. In particular, how would you, if confirmed, and the
economic corps at Mission China help deal with the PRC's growing use of
laws and regulations to pressure foreign companies not to comply with
U.S. laws, including our sanctions laws?
Answer. President Biden is firmly committed to taking on the
challenge of the PRC's abusive and unfair practices. The best way to
meet this challenge is to work alongside U.S. allies and partners to
confront the PRC's anti-competitive, market distorting, and coercive
behaviors. If confirmed, I will work to create a level playing field
for U.S. businesses, coordinating with Congress and interagency
partners, including the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, the
Department of the Treasury, the Department of Commerce, and the
Department of Agriculture to develop policies that counter the PRC's
abusive and unfair economic practices and hold Beijing accountable when
it employs them.
The administration should not be deterred from taking actions to
hold Beijing accountable for human rights violations, the erosion of
Hong Kong autonomy, and other problematic behavior. If confirmed, I
will work to help American businesses to succeed, while also
encouraging the business community to consider the risks of doing
business with the PRC. If confirmed, I will also support and encourage
U.S. businesses to respect human rights in line with the U.N. Guiding
Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for
Multinational Enterprises.
Question. Do you agree on the need to move certain supply chains
out of China?
Answer. I fully support the Biden-Harris administration's effort to
realize resilient, diverse, and secure supply chains to ensure our
economic prosperity and national security, including by encouraging
American companies to diversify their People's Republic of China (PRC)
sourcing and supply chains to create more resilient supply chains that
can reduce vulnerabilities to economic coercion and other PRC actions.
Chief among our concerns are the PRC's use of state-led, non-market
interventions, to capture large portions of value chains in sectors
crucial to U.S. national and economic security. Our approach must also
reflect other vulnerabilities, such as pandemics and other biological
threats, climate shocks and extreme weather events, and cyber and
terrorist attacks. The PRC has used its dominance of critical sectors
as economic leverage to advance its own geopolitical agenda, including
numerous cases of economic coercion against trading partners who do not
fully support Beijing's policies. If confirmed, I would support U.S.
efforts to diversify critical supply chains beyond China to avoid the
unacceptable risk that the United States could be placed in a similar
situation.
Question. Do you agree with the need to reduce our reliance on
China overall in terms of supply chains? If so, what sectors or items
would fall into either of these categories for you?
Answer. I fully support the Biden-Harris administration's effort to
reduce U.S. reliance on the PRC for critical supply chains. Chief among
these are the critical sectors noted in Executive Order (E.O.) 14001 on
public health supply chains and E.O. 14017 on America's Supply Chains,
which identified semiconductors and advanced packaging, high-capacity
batteries, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals, and active
pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs), and supplies necessary for
responding to the COVID-19 pandemic. The Administration's efforts to
review supply chains related to six industrial bases--for defense,
energy, transportation, information, and communication technology
(ICT), public health, and agriculture and food--may yet identify
additional critical sectors of concern with respect to the PRC's
current or prospective dominance that may merit further action.
Moreover, American companies must ensure that their PRC supply
chains are free of forced labor, including those for silica-based
products, and those for cotton and tomatoes produced in Xinjiang. As
President Biden made clear at the G7 Summit, the United States will not
tolerate forced labor in our supply chains.
Question. What will you do to help U.S. companies achieve either of
the goals of reducing reliance on China in terms of supply chains and
moving certain supply chains out of China, and to withstand costs
imposed by the PRC Government of doing so?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with U.S. companies to
reduce our reliance on the PRC for critical supply chains. This
includes actively engaging with industry and other key stakeholders,
including labor and civil society, to fully understand the complex
nature of supply chains that originate in the PRC as well as the risks
and vulnerabilities that they pose. I will also work within the
Administration to use the full extent of our trade, commercial and
diplomatic tools to support U.S. firms' efforts to diversify, as
appropriate, their PRC-based critical supply chains and sourcing
activities. I will also vigorously defend the interests of U.S.
companies if PRC authorities punish them for actions taken to support
resilient supply chains in the U.S. national interest.
Question. The Biden Administration updated a Trump-era executive
order addressing the threat of securities investments by Chinese
companies linked to the People's Liberation Army. The Trump
Administration formed the ICTS process to protect against untrusted
information communications technology and services in U.S. supply
chains. The SEC is taking a stronger stance on Chinese companies not
abiding by accounting and auditing standards. There is greater
attention on the presence of PRC companies listed in capital markets
that also work with the Chinese military or are potentially complicit
in human rights abuses. The State Department can play a role in
providing valuable information to support some of these processes. It
can also advocate inside the interagency for rigorous enforcement of
these tools.
Do you commit to making this a priority?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my interagency colleagues to
hold PRC firms to the same audit compliance standards that apply to
other companies around the world as a requirement for listing in U.S.
financial markets. I would also work with our allies and partners to
encourage and strengthen national security-focused investment screening
mechanisms to mitigate the risks of concerning third-country
investments, including from PRC-backed companies making third country
investments. If confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris
Administration efforts to ensure the PRC cannot exploit U.S. capital
markets to support PLA military modernization and the use of PRC
surveillance technology in human rights abuse.
Question. If so, what steps will you take to do so?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage the full breadth of
authorities available to us to protect our economic and national
security interests, and support enhanced investment screening efforts.
I would confront unfair and inappropriate trade practices--including
intellectual property theft for commercial and military enhancement and
coercive economic practices, use of state subsidies, dumping of goods,
and unfair labor practices.
Question. You supported TPP. Would you advocate inside the
administration for the U.S. joining CPTPP, especially now that China
has made a bid for it?
Answer. Trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of the
Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. The
administration's approach to trade is focused on supporting American
working families, defending our values, and protecting the long-term
prosperity and security of the United States. As President Biden has
said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S.
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements,
including in the Indo-Pacific. The United States is working with allies
and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to identify ways to address
specific trade issues such as infrastructure, the digital economy, and
energy.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I will faithfully
represent the administration's trade policies. The administration's
approach to trade is focused on supporting American working families,
defending our values, and protecting the long-term prosperity and
security of the United States. As President Biden has said, the United
States is focused on making investments in U.S. workers and U.S.
competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements, including in the
Indo-Pacific. Ambassador Tai has stated, ``We will create durable trade
policy that benefits a broad range of stakeholders by rebuilding trust
with our workers and aligning our domestic and foreign policies.''
Question. PRC military modernization and expansion is dramatically
shifting the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. Do you commit to
ensuring the U.S. does not weaken its defense posture in the Indo-
Pacific, or take any measures that would lessen our security
commitments to our allies and partners in the region?
Answer. The Peoples Republic of China's (PRC) military build-up and
coercive activities highlight Beijing's increasing comfort with
employing military forces to achieve its foreign policy objectives. The
United States and its allies and partners will continue to make every
effort to strengthen our ability to deter and defend against
aggression, and the administration has been clear that our security
commitments to our allies and partners will remain strong and credible.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes. The Peoples Republic of
China's (PRC) military build-up and coercive activities highlight
Beijing's increasing comfort with employing military forces to achieve
its foreign policy objectives. The United States and its allies and
partners will continue to make every effort to strengthen our ability
to deter and defend against aggression, and the administration has been
clear that our security commitments to our allies and partners will
remain strong and credible.
Question. What do you think is motivating China's massive nuclear
build-up?
Answer. China's build-up highlights why the administration will
pursue strategic stability measures to reduce the dangers from the
PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with
actions to bolster deterrence in the region. Because Beijing is the
least transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapons states, accurate
assessments of its nuclear intentions are difficult. I defer to the
Intelligence Community for a specific assessment of the factors driving
the PRC's rapid nuclear build-up.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. China's build-up highlights why
the administration will pursue strategic stability measures to reduce
the dangers from the PRC's growing nuclear arsenal. These efforts will
be paired with actions to bolster deterrence in the region. Because
Beijing is the least transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapons
states, accurate assessments of its nuclear intentions are difficult. I
defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific assessment of the
factors driving the PRC's rapid nuclear build-up. If confirmed, I
commit to brief you and your staff after I have had the opportunity to
consult within the administration.
Question. In light of China's nuclear build-up, do you think it is
the right decision for the United States to adopt a `sole purpose
doctrine' or a `no first use' policy, based on information that's in
open source?
Answer. I understand the concerns expressed among some allies and
partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding potential U.S.
adoption of a no-first-use or sole purpose policy. In the face of the
PRC's rapid nuclear build-up, the Administration will ensure our
strategic deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and that our
extended deterrence commitments to our allies and partners remain
strong and credible, while also taking steps to reduce the role of
nuclear weapons in U.S. national security strategy. The ongoing
analysis within the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review
will inform the Administration's approach to nuclear posture and
policy. I do not want to get ahead of that process.
Question. Do you believe that unilateral U.S. nuclear reductions
would enable the United States to negotiate with Russia and China from
a position of strength?
Answer. I would never support unilateral reductions that endanger
U.S. security or weaken U.S. negotiating leverage. The U.S. should
maintain a modern, credible and effective nuclear deterrent.
Question. What do you think would incentivize China to engage in
arms control discussions?
Answer. The Administration hopes that Beijing will come to see that
arms control is in its own security interest, as such measures would
contribute to reducing the risk of military crises and would manage the
threat of destabilizing arms races. U.S. allies and partners will be
key to success in these efforts. If confirmed, I commit to consulting
with Congress at an appropriate time on potential measures to be
pursued with Beijing.
Question. If we are not able to commence discussions on arms
control with China, what should the U.S. be doing instead to address
various arms controls issues we have with China?
Answer. Given the PRC's rapid military expansion, the United States
and its allies and partners need to strengthen their ability to deter
and defend against aggression. Beijing's nuclear build-up highlights
that there is a need for crisis communication, risk reduction, and
strategic stability. These efforts will be paired with actions to
bolster deterrence in the region.
Question. Do you think the United States should cooperate with
countries where we have concerns about compliance with the Biological
Weapons Convention on biotechnology, pathogen research, and other
categories of biological research that could be weaponized or serve a
dual-use function?
Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate
with countries of compliance concern on specific biological research
where we believe there is significant potential that information,
technology, or material we provide could be used for nefarious
purposes. In this vein, I strongly support oversight of life sciences
dual use research of concern. It is important, however, to continue
dialogue with those countries to clarify and resolve compliance
concerns. Further, if certain countries have the only access to certain
pathogens, then the United States must find a way to ensure that public
health experts can continue their necessary collaborative work to be
able to protect us from naturally occurring outbreaks and accidents,
while minimizing risks to our national security.
Question. Would you work to limit cooperation with the PRC on
biotechnology, and to increase scrutiny of any such cooperation?
Answer. The United States has oversight policies and regulations
for federally funded research. These policies require careful
consideration of risks and benefits of proposed research, and where
appropriate, measures to mitigate those risks. Policy development is
led by the National Security Council and by the White House Office of
Science and Technology Policy and decisions about the funding of
specific research proposals are made by the responsible funding agency.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the ISN and AVC Bureaus on
issues concerning the PRC to ensure that policy development considers
both our international obligations and the international implications
of policy choices.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing engagement with industry,
academia, the health research community, and other stakeholders outside
traditional national security circles on the United States' compliance
concerns with respect to the Biological Weapons Convention? If so, what
three steps will you take to make good on this commitment, should you
be confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with the AVC Bureau
to engage those outside traditional national security circles (e.g.,
industry, academia, the health research community) and with
international counterparts about United States' concerns regarding
other countries' compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention. The
State Department plans to engage those outside (and inside) traditional
national security circles in the run up to the BWC Review Conference
and during the BWC Review Conference itself through bilateral
engagements and briefings, NGO roundtables, workshops, and public
outreach events.
Question. Do you think the U.S. Government should be funding
research with China on pathogens, viruses, and toxins? If so, do you
think the State Department should have a role in reviewing whether such
proposals are in the national security interests of the United States?
Answer. It is my view that the United States should not cooperate
with countries of compliance concern on specific biological research
where we believe there is significant potential that information,
technology, or material we provide could be used for nefarious
purposes. It is important, however, to continue dialogue with those
countries to clarify and resolve compliance concerns. Further, if the
PRC has the only access to certain pathogens, the United States must
find a way to ensure that public health experts can continue their
necessary collaborative work to be able to protect us from naturally
occurring outbreaks, while minimizing our national security risks.
The United States has federal funding and oversight for research
that might pose safety or security risks and require additional
oversight by Departments that fund such research. These policies
establish a high bar for funding based on a careful assessment of risks
and benefits and require steps to mitigate any risks. The AVC Bureau
would be consulted if the proposed cooperation raised any potential
issues related to compliance with the Biological Weapons Convention.
Question. What is your assessment of the strategic threat China
presents in the Arctic?
Answer. China is pursuing greater influence in the Arctic, seeking
to leverage investments in scientific research and critical
infrastructure to secure footholds and extend its soft power across the
region. We coordinate closely with allies and partners in the Arctic on
the protection of critical infrastructure and to keep Arctic states at
the forefront of governance in the region
Question. According to the 2019 National Drug Threat Assessment,
fentanyl and other highly potent synthetic opioids continue to be the
most lethal category of illicit substances in the United States. The
2020 DEA report on fentanyl flows to the United States highlights that
China remains the primary source of fentanyl and fentanyl-related
substances trafficked into the United States, increasingly through
Mexico. Mexican transnational criminal organizations are producing
increased quantities of fentanyl and cartels such as the Sinaloa and
the New Generation Jalisco cartel are the primary trafficking groups
responsible for smuggling fentanyl into the United States from Mexico.
Please explain your understanding of the actions and steps the
Chinese Government needs to take to reduce, and eventually
eliminate, the transshipment of fentanyl precursor chemicals to
Mexico.
Answer. The PRC is the primary source for precursor chemicals used
to manufacture fentanyl, opioids, methamphetamine, and other synthetic
drugs globally. Addressing this challenge is an Administration
priority. If confirmed, I will support this priority and coordinate
closely with interagency partners to raise this issue through bilateral
channels and multilaterally with allies and partners. If confirmed, I
will press the PRC to take a number of actions that could reduce the
transshipment of fentanyl precursor chemicals, including the
investigation and prosecution of the use of false documents and
shipping labels, implementation of ``know your customer'' regulations.
Diminishing shipments of fentanyl precursors from the PRC to Latin
American transnational criminal organizations to stop flows to the
United States will require tangible working-level with Beijing and
cooperation with allies and partners, including in Congress. If
confirmed, I also will work with interagency partners to utilize all
available tools to promote accountability for illicit actors involved
in the fentanyl supply chain. I look forward to close continued
consultation and cooperation with Congress on this issue.
Question. Please describe your understanding of U.S. concerns with
Chinese malign behavior in the Western Hemisphere.
Answer. The Secretary called our competition with the PRC a
defining challenge for the 21st century. The PRC represents a serious
challenge to U.S. interests in the region, with its growing security
ties and opaque infrastructure investments that undermine transparency
and sovereignty. The Department does not oppose Beijing's engagement
and investment throughout the region. The Department, however, echoes
the long-standing calls from Latin American capitals that PRC actions
respect local laws and interests, particularly regarding the human
rights of all, including workers, and protections for the environment.
Question. Do you agree with these concerns?
Answer. The Department seeks to strengthen the Western Hemisphere
as a coalition of resilient democracies that champions our shared
values. The Department does this by working with allies and partners,
with a sustained commitment in virtually every dimension of our
bilateral and multilateral relationships. As Secretary Blinken has made
clear, we do not seek to force our partners to choose between the
United States and the PRC. We offer a partnership that works in our
interests and those of our partners, undergirded by our shared values
of democratic governance; respect for human rights; entrepreneurship;
transparency; inclusive economic growth; environmental stewardship; and
diversity, equality, and inclusion.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend to
diminish Chinese malign influence in the Western Hemisphere region?
Answer. I support the Administration's efforts to build on our
shared values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We
welcome our allies and partners' expertise and resources to support the
region's COVID-19 response, entrepreneurship, and sustainable
infrastructure. We support high-standard investment in infrastructure
and transparent economic development that creates jobs essential for
regional pandemic recovery. We employ a diverse range of tools to
strengthen regional prosperity, security, and democracy, from
diplomatic engagement to technical exchanges, public diplomacy and
targeted foreign assistance, and partnership with the private sector
and civil society.
Question. Please describe your views about Chinese illegal,
unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing in the waters of the Western
Hemisphere?
Answer. IUU fishing by foreign vessels in our Western Hemisphere
waters, particularly by PRC-flagged and PRC-associated vessels, raises
serious concerns. The Department works with the interagency community,
including U.S. Coast Guard, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration, and the U.S. Agency of International Development, to
improve diplomatic and enforcement tools and to promote respect for
maritime sovereignty and international standards in environmental and
labor practices. IUU fishing activities negatively affect coastal
countries in South America, Central America, and the Caribbean, whose
coastal communities rely on fishery resources. The actions of a large,
primarily PRC-flagged fishing fleet that targets squid in the high seas
outside of South American exclusive economic zones have raised
substantial concerns. Analysts have linked this fleet to IUU fishing
activities in the past, and its behaviors, such as vessels turning off
identification systems for periods of time, have raised questions about
the fleet's activities. Analysts have most frequently cited PRC-
associated vessels as engaging in IUU fishing activities in other
countries' jurisdictions. PRC-associated vessels around the world also
engage in other concerning behavior--including overfishing, using
forced labor, operating in disputed waters accompanied by the Chinese
Coast Guard, and reinforcing unlawful maritime claims in the South
China Sea.
Question. Please explain how you would convey U.S. concerns about
IUU fishing in the Western Hemisphere to the Chinese Government.
Answer. If confirmed, I would recommend continuing to raise our
concerns about IUU fishing in the Western Hemisphere to the PRC in
bilateral meetings, as well as through public statements and
cooperation with like-minded coastal, fishing, and market states. IUU
fishing remains a growing global concern. The Department urges the PRC
to operate transparently about its fishing activities, enforce its own
stated ``zero-tolerance'' policy regarding IUU fishing, and fulfill its
flag state responsibilities to monitor and control its fleet.
Question. Please describe your concerns about the objectives of
Chinese military engagement throughout Latin America.
Answer. The United States must maintain its substantial edge in
military cooperation and sales to the hemisphere. The PRC's growing
military engagement with the hemisphere remains limited but is growing
and requires close attention.
Question. Please describe your concerns about the purpose of the
so-called space station and the threat it presents to national
security.
Answer. We have publicly discussed our concerns regarding the
People's Liberation Army's efforts to develop bases around the world.
Those concerns apply to the ground station in Argentina that support's
the PRC's space operations. We would be happy to provide you with more
detail about our national security concerns about that particular
facility in a closed session.
Question. Chinese companies such as ZTE and Huawei have made
significant inroads in Latin America. Chinese surveillance system
providers have updated security and telecommunications infrastructure
in countries like Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela, among others,
and have sought to export Chinese surveillance techniques and equipment
throughout the region.
Please describe the threat Chinese surveillance systems present to
the safety and security of citizens in these countries.
Answer. The Chinese Communist Party seeks to obtain sensitive
personal data around the world. The PRC could compel PRC-linked
companies to provide access to data, facilities, and equipment to
security and intelligence services, potentially including those
companies that export communications equipment and services around the
world, including in the Western Hemisphere. The financing of ``safe
cities'' in the region, often through the sales of surveillance
technology, is not altruism--it is potentially unimpeded access to bulk
surveillance data and the export of the tools of authoritarianism.
Question. Chinese companies such as ZTE and Huawei have made
significant inroads in Latin America. Chinese surveillance system
providers have updated security and telecommunications infrastructure
in countries like Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, and Venezuela, among others,
and have sought to export Chinese surveillance techniques and equipment
throughout the region.
How does the proliferation of Chinese telecommunications
infrastructure in Latin America threaten U.S. national security
interest?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about the dangers of
installing networks that can be manipulated, disrupted, or controlled
by governments that have no regard for privacy or human rights. In the
PRC, where vendors are beholden to the whims of the PRC, this control
is spelled out explicitly in the Chinese National Intelligence Law:
``Any organization and citizen shall, in accordance with the law,
support, provide assistance, and cooperate in national intelligence
work, and guard the secrecy of any national intelligence work they are
aware of.'' There can be no trust when a company lacks meaningful
judicial recourse to challenge government overreach. These vendors
could provide the PRC the capability and opportunity to disrupt or
weaponize critical applications and infrastructure.
These concerns are not hypothetical--we have all seen news reports
of the PRC attempting to coerce countries by withholding COVID-19
vaccines or threatening economic or trade retaliation if they do not
allow Huawei access to their markets.
Question. What is your assessment of the human rights situation in
China?
Answer. Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign
policy. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing genocide and
crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, against members of
ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including Uyghurs,
who are predominantly Muslim. The PRC continues a government policy of
widespread forced labor, including through the continued mass arbitrary
detention of more than one million Uyghurs, and members of other Muslim
minority groups in Xinjiang. The PRC Government is repressing Tibetans'
distinct language, religion, and culture. It is eroding Hong Kong's
autonomy and democratic institutions and processes. The PRC continues
to detain lawyers and other human rights defenders and to curtail the
freedoms of expression, religion and belief, and movement throughout
the country. The United States has called on the PRC to respect the
human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to adhere to its obligations
with regard to Hong Kong.
If confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for those
responsible for PRC human rights violations and abuses and support
efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and
ethnic minorities.
Question. What additional tools are available to the United States
Government to incentivize the Chinese Government to improve its human
rights record?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to
promote accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include
but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government:
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and
financial sanctions.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I will consider all
appropriate tools to promote accountability for those responsible to
end abuses, to include but not limited to, actions already implemented
by the U.S. government: visa restrictions, import restrictions, export
restrictions, and financial sanctions.
In consultation with the White House and within the State
Department, I will actively consider additional tools to incentivize
the PRC government to improve its human rights record.
Question. Do you commit to implementing laws passed in the 116th
Congress on both Hong Kong and Xinjiang?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit that you will prioritize investigating
forced labor issues in China to inform broader interagency efforts such
as sanctions and issuance of withhold release orders?
Answer. Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign
policy. If confirmed, I will ensure that the PRC is held accountable
for its human rights abuses and support efforts to protect human rights
in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic minorities.
[Additional Response]. Human rights and democracy are at the core
of U.S. foreign policy. The sanctions against two PRC nationals for
their role in serious human rights abuses in Xinjiang, and the release
of an updated business advisory pointing to growing evidence of the use
of forced labor in Xinjiang demonstrate the administration's continuing
commitment to human rights. If confirmed, I will implement the
administration's priorities, ensure that the PRC is held accountable
for its human rights abuses, including forced labor, and support
efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and
ethnic minorities.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing this issue even if it
endangers U.S. climate goals with China?
Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a
critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-China
relationship will not be traded for U.S. interests.
Question. Do you commit to contributing to ensuring that U.S.
Government financing does not touch--in any way, shape, or form--any
entity in China that engages in forced labor?
Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses in the PRC span
multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials continue to obstruct
international efforts to identify and monitor these abuses. If
confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris Administration's steadfast
commitment to combat forced labor.
Question. Should the Development Finance Corporation invest in
solar projects that source equipment from China until the United States
has a fuller understanding of how prevalent forced labor is in solar
panel and other related supply chains in China?
Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses in the PRC span
multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials continue to obstruct
international efforts to identify and monitor these abuses. Addressing
this will require work with allies and partners, as well as a whole-of-
government effort to diversify solar supply chains away from the PRC
and end their dominance of the sector. If confirmed, I will work to
support the Biden-Harris Administration in its steadfast commitment to
combat forced labor while promoting the global clean-energy transition
with secure, diversified supply chains.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Forced labor and human rights
abuses in the PRC span multiple sectors and regions, and PRC officials
continue to obstruct international efforts to identify and monitor
these abuses. The world's largest producers of silicon metal and
polysilicon have known ties to forced labor programs in Xinjiang, which
could taint global solar supply chains and other industries that rely
on silicon metal and products, such as electronics, automobiles, and
shampoos, deodorants, and skincare. DFC is exploring opportunities in
the solar sector to support geographical diversification of the supply
chain as well as technologies that may not have the same reliance on
traditional solar panels. In the meantime, I believe we must carefully
scrutinize PRC sourcing of each solar project that comes before the
board on a case-by-case basis. Addressing this will require work with
allies and partners. If confirmed, I will work to support the Biden-
Harris administration in its steadfast commitment to combat forced
labor while promoting the global clean-energy transition with secure,
diversified supply chains.
Question. Do you believe Beijing should have the honor of hosting
the 2022 Olympics while it is conducting ongoing human rights abuses,
including crackdowns on nearly all types of civil liberties, a genocide
against the Uyghur minority, and obliterating Hong Kong's autonomy at
the expense of thousands of protestors?
Answer. If confirmed, I will closely review the issue of China
hosting the Winter Olympics in 2022, particularly in light of its
abhorrent human rights record and genocide and crimes against humanity
in Xinjiang.
The administration will consult closely with Congress, allies and
partners to define our common concerns and establish a shared approach
to the PRC in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Developing a position on the
Beijing Winter Olympics is important. If confirmed, I will closely
review the issue of China hosting the Winter Olympics in 2022,
particularly in light of its abhorrent human rights record and genocide
and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.
Further, if confirmed, I will consult closely with Congress,
allies, and partners to define our common concerns and establish a
shared approach to the PRC in advance of the 2022 Beijing Games.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the American
Olympic Committee to ensure the safety of our athletes while in Beijing
or while trying to exit China after the 2022 Olympics?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Olympic Committee
to help ensure the safety of American athletes in Beijing. I am deeply
concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or wrongful
detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign citizens.
As a former Consular Officer serving in Egypt, I understand protecting
U.S. citizens overseas is a fundamental obligation of the U.S.
Government.
The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is unacceptable, has
been condemned by the global community, and is inconsistent with
China's international human rights commitments. If confirmed, I will
raise arbitrary or wrongful detentions and coercive exit bans at every
opportunity. I will also call on Beijing to end arbitrary travel
restrictions imposed on U.S. citizens and other foreigners in China.
Question. Do you believe that the United States Government should
execute a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Olympic Games to be held in
Beijing? Please explain your answer.
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders
in developing our approach in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing
Games.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I agree that developing an
appropriate U.S. Government posture for the Beijing Winter Olympics is
important, and I will participate in these discussions in consultation
with the White House and Department of State, if I am confirmed. If
confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders on our approach
in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games.
Question. The recent deal between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
and the Canadian Government to engage in hostage diplomacy was a win
for the CCP. How do you intend to keep Americans safe when traveling
within China?
Answer. The use of human beings as bargaining leverage is
unacceptable, has been condemned by the global community, and is
inconsistent with China's international human rights commitments.
I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or
wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign
citizens. As a former Consular Officer serving in Egypt, I understand
protecting U.S. citizens overseas is a fundamental obligation of the
U.S. Government. If confirmed, I will raise arbitrary or wrongful
detentions and coercive exit bans at every opportunity. I will also
call on Beijing to end arbitrary travel restrictions imposed on U.S.
citizens and other foreigners in China.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to pursuing release for all
Americans who are being held as hostages or are detained on political
grounds with a robust engagement within the interagency to secure their
immediate release?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of
arbitrary or wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit
bans on foreign citizens. Protecting U.S. citizens overseas is the U.S.
Government's highest priority.
If confirmed, I will raise arbitrary or wrongful detentions and
coercive exit bans at every opportunity and pursue the release of all
Americans imprisoned. I will also call on Beijing to end arbitrary
travel restrictions imposed on U.S. citizens and other foreigners in
China.
Question. The CCP has detained millions of Uyghurs and put them
into internment camps with little to no hope of escape or reuniting
with their loved ones. This includes family members of American
citizens, especially as retribution for speaking out about the
atrocities committed against their community and families. If
confirmed, do you commit to raising these cases directly with the CCP?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising individual cases with the
PRC Government directly, including cases of family members of U.S.
citizens affected by these atrocities and other human rights defenders.
If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners and the
international community in calling on the PRC to end atrocities in
Xinjiang, immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily
detained, abolish internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also
continue pressing for the international community to protect those from
Xinjiang who seek asylum and to resist PRC pressure to forcibly return
these asylum-seekers back to the PRC.
Question. China is ranked #177 out of #180 on Reporters Without
Border's (RSF) 2020 Press Freedom Index, indicating one of the most
restrictive and oppressive environments for journalism in the world.
What is your assessment of freedom of the press in China, and if
confirmed, do you commit to working with civil society on bolstering
press freedom in country?
Answer. Unfortunately, the pandemic has provided a pretext for
repressive governments to intensify pressure on independent media. The
hostile environment that media now face in these countries means that
freedom of expression is even more crucial in alerting the public to
abuses and corruption and in countering dangerous misinformation and
disinformation.
I am deeply concerned with the increasingly harsh surveillance,
harassment, and intimidation of U.S. and other foreign journalists in
the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC Government's harsh
rhetoric, promoted through official state media, toward any news it
perceives to be critical of PRC policies, has provoked negative public
sentiment leading to tense, in-person confrontations and harassment,
including online verbal abuse and death threats of journalists simply
doing their jobs. We have called on the PRC Government to release
citizen journalists arrested and detained for their work covering the
pandemic.
If confirmed, I will continue to call on PRC officials to ensure
that journalists remain safe and are able to report freely.
Question. According to RSF, China jailed the most journalists
globally in 2021, totaling more than 115 persons. If confirmed, what
actions are available to you to advocate for the release of these
journalists?
Answer. Many foreign journalists say they face the toughest
conditions reporting in the PRC since 1989. I also know the number of
U.S. reporters in the PRC right now is roughly half what it was just
two years ago. The United States draws on a range of diplomatic tools
to advocate for press freedom online and offline, and to protect
journalists and media workers worldwide. In her July 26 meetings with
PRC officials in Tianjin, Deputy Secretary Sherman specifically raised
the importance of media access, freedom from harassment, and press
freedom for journalists working in the PRC. If confirmed, I will
continue to call on PRC officials to ensure that journalists remain
safe and able to report freely.
Question. Does the definition of human rights include the right to
``safe, clean, healthy, and sustainable environment?'' why or why not?
Answer. The United States recognizes that climate change and
environmental degradation can affect the enjoyment of human rights. A
``right'' to a clean environment has no agreed definition in
international law. In our view, trying to define a right detracts from
the important work of ensuring that States have strong environmental
laws and enforcement.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the rights of all
individuals to freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, and
expression, which includes the freedom to seek, receive, and impart
information. These rights protect environmental defenders, facilitate
public awareness of environmental information, and contribute to good
environmental policy making.
Question. Last year, Beijing implemented the ``National Security
Law'' in Hong Kong, which effectively put Hong Kong's legal system and
law enforcement under Beijing's control and severely undermined China's
international treaty obligations to respect Hong Kong's autonomy and
the rights protected in the Basic Law.
How will the Biden administration address these violations of
international law?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to consider
all policy tools available, including sanctions, highlighting
unacceptable PRC behavior through joint messaging with partners and
allies, and exploring ways to support Hong Kongers that fear
persecution.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The Biden-Harris administration
will continue to consider all policy tools available to address
Beijing's failure to meet its commitments, including sanctions of
individuals involved in the implementation of the National Security Law
or other actions that have reduced Hong Kong's autonomy, highlighting
the National Security Law and other unacceptable PRC actions through
joint messaging with partners and allies, and exploring ways to support
Hong Kongers that fear persecution.
Question. Will you commit to continue imposing costs on Beijing for
its oppressive actions in Hong Kong?
Answer. The Department will consider all available policy tools to
impose costs on Beijing for its actions in Hong Kong, including
responsive policies such as sanctions.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes. Since the implementation of
the National Security Law, the United States has sanctioned 42 Hong
Kong or PRC nationals. If confirmed, I will work with the Department to
continue considering all available policy tools to impose costs on
Beijing for its oppressive actions in Hong Kong, including responsive
policies such as sanctions.
Question. Do you believe that our government has effectively taken
measures to counter Beijing's actions in Hong Kong? Please explain your
answer.
Answer. The Department of State, often in concert with the
Departments of the Treasury, Homeland Security, and Commerce, as well
as the White House, has undertaken a number of actions to counter
Beijing's escalatory actions in Hong Kong, including issuing the Hong
Kong Business Advisory warning of emerging risks, sanctioning senior
PRC and Hong Kong officials, authorizing Deferred Enforced Departure
for Hong Kongers in the United States, and pursuing sustained joint
messaging with likeminded allies and partners. If confirmed, I will
continue to pursue policies that hold Beijing to account for its
unacceptable actions to undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and stifle the
democratic freedoms of people there.
Question. Various countries globally have forcibly returned Uyghurs
to China at the request of the CCP. What actions can you take,
specifically within the interagency, to end this practice?
Answer. I am clear-eyed about the challenges that our relationship
with the PRC poses and, if confirmed, will work with the interagency
and our allies to overcome them.
If confirmed, I will work with likeminded partners and the
international community in calling on the PRC to end atrocities in
Xinjiang, immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily
detained, abolish internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also
continue to press other governments to protect those subjected to PRC
atrocities, harassment, and surveillance, including those seeking
asylum. I will also work within the interagency to ensure we leverage
all possible tools to combat PRC Government transnational repression
and will work with civil society to identify perpetrators of these
abuses that expand well beyond the PRC's borders.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am clear-eyed about the
challenges that our relationship with the PRC poses and, if confirmed,
will work with the interagency and our allies to overcome them.If
confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to urge third
countries to act to avoid complicity in the PRC's human rights
violations and abuses committed against Uyghurs and other ethnic and
religious minorities from Xinjiang, including by providing protection
to and preventing the forcible return of individuals seeking to flee
the PRC's repressive policies. I will also work within the interagency
to ensure we leverage all possible tools to combat PRC government
transnational repression and will work with civil society to identify
perpetrators of these abuses that expand well beyond the PRC's borders.
Question. The Chinese Government continues to ``Sinicize''
religions, which the Congressional Executive Commission on China
describes as ``a campaign that aims to bring religion in China under
closer official control and into conformity with officially sanctioned
interpretations of Chinese culture.'' These policies affect Christians,
Muslims, Han Buddhists, Taoists, and many others. What can the Biden
Administration do to support freedom of religious practice for the
people of China, free from interference and enforced conformity?
Answer. I share your concerns regarding the ongoing deterioration
of freedom of religion or belief in the PRC. The PRC demonstrates
blatant disregard for freedom of religion or belief and exercises
extreme hostility toward members of all religious and spiritual
communities, particularly Muslim Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists,
Protestants, Catholics, and Falun Gong.
If confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and
partners to condemn these abuses against members of minority religious
groups, and I will consider all appropriate tools to promote
accountability for those responsible and to deter future abuses. I will
also continue to press the PRC to uphold its international commitments
with respect to freedom of religion or belief for all individuals and
call on the international community to condemn with a united voice the
PRC's genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang.
Question. Various bureaus within the State Department have been
developing programs with civil society to bolster internet freedom in
China. How can you, if confirmed, assist with this endeavor?
Answer. If confirmed, I will remain committed to the principle that
people everywhere should enjoy the human rights online that are
inherent to their dignity offline.
For over a decade, the U.S. Department of State has funded programs
to advance Internet freedom globally-and especially in Internet-
repressive environments such as the People's Republic of China, where
governments and other actors actively restrict the right of individuals
to be free from arbitrary violations of their privacy and deny
fundamental freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly, and association
online.
These programs support research to identify the greatest threats to
Internet freedom, seek to secure and safeguard protections for human
rights online under the rule of law through policy advocacy, support
essential digital security capacity-building and emergency response
services for civil society organizations and members of at-risk and
vulnerable populations, and support the development, localization,
deployment, and operation of anti-censorship circumvention tools that
allow unrestricted access to the open, interoperable, reliable, and
secure Internet.
Question. Do you believe that internet shutdowns are a threat to
human rights?
Answer. In May, Secretary Blinken condemned the use of partial or
complete government-imposed Internet shutdowns, among other tactics, to
prevent the exercise of freedom of expression online. I believe that in
addition to restricting the exercise of human rights, Internet
shutdowns disrupt access to essential services such as healthcare and
emergency services, and negatively affect the economy. If confirmed, I
will raise U.S. concerns bilaterally and will support the U.S.
Government's continued participation in multilateral fora that raise
awareness, such as the G7 and the President's Summit for Democracy
process, and our efforts in multi-stakeholder coalitions to address
Internet shutdowns such as the Freedom Online Coalition, where I
understand the United States plays a leadership role.
Question. Big Tech companies like Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn, and
others have been forced to cease or significantly scale back their
operations in China due to the CCP's encroaching demands on free
speech. Most of these companies are American and inherently want to
provide access for free speech and dialogue online.
How will you engage with the Chinese Government on this particular
issue?
Answer. Beijing's use of propaganda and disinformation overseas
through its state-owned media platforms to undermine and interfere in
democracies, while restricting freedoms of the press and speech in
China, is a serious concern for the U.S. and our allies. If confirmed,
I will work with like-minded allies and partners to define an
affirmative, rights-respecting vision for the global information space,
build resilience against these threats, and expose the PRC's activity.
I will also raise these areas of concern directly with the PRC
Government.
Question. How will you engage with American companies on free
speech and human rights issues?
Answer. Defending freedom of expression in the global information
space is a priority concern for me. Beijing's use of propaganda and
disinformation overseas through its state-owned media platforms to
undermine and interfere in democracies, while restricting freedoms of
the press and speech in China, is a serious concern for the United
States and our allies. The PRC continues to target its own citizens, as
well as the people of the United States and countries around the world,
through well-resourced state-run media operations.
If confirmed, I will encourage the business community to consider
the risks of doing business with the PRC and ensure they are aware of
Beijing's disinformation and propaganda efforts. If confirmed, I will
also support and encourage U.S. businesses to respect human rights in
line with the U.N. Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and
the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
If confirmed, I will support efforts of the Global Engagement
Center (GEC) and other bureaus in the Department to counter PRC
coercive and corrupting information activities and boost understanding
of the tactics, techniques and procedures the PRC uses to advance its
interests in the information space.
Question. In my China-Europe report released last year, I laid out
a strategy to combat malign Chinese influence at and within the United
Nations. Are you familiar with this report and its recommendations?
What are your views on these recommendations?
Answer. The United States and Europe share interests in ensuring
that qualified and independent candidates are selected to lead the
U.N., its specialized agencies, and related organizations; reforming
key institutions to be more effective, accountable, and transparent;
and using our combined influence to protect the values, principles, and
institutions that have built and kept the peace, fostered sustainable
development, and promoted respect for human rights for more than 75
years. If confirmed, I would consistently engage allies and partners at
senior levels on our multilateral priorities, expanding outreach beyond
European countries and the European Union to include allies and
emerging partners in other regions.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I am familiar with the report and
its recommendations. I agree that the United States and Europe, working
together with other developed and developing countries, should build
upon existing efforts and strengthen transparency, accountability, and
good governance throughout the U.N. system. I also agree with the
report's recommendations that the United States and its partners share
interests in ensuring that qualified and independent candidates are
selected to lead the UN, its specialized agencies, and related
organizations; reforming key institutions to be more effective,
accountable, and transparent; and using our combined influence to
protect the values, principles, and institutions that have built and
kept the peace, fostered sustainable development, and promoted respect
for human rights for more than 75 years. If confirmed, I will engage
allies and partners at senior levels on our multilateral priorities,
expanding outreach beyond European countries and the European Union to
include allies and emerging partners in other regions. If confirmed, I
would also appreciate the opportunity to continue consultations with
you and your staff on these matters.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with the U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations, the Assistant Secretary for
International Organizations, and the Secretary to combatting this
malign influence at every opportunity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Ambassador to
the United Nations, the Assistant Secretary for International
Organizations, and the Secretary to defend and strengthen the rules-
based international order. The Bureau of International Organization
Affairs has established a new office focused in part on advancing this
effort, including opposing efforts by the PRC to reshape the
international system. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs to address the PRC's harmful efforts
both within China and in international organizations.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with Congress and
my office about campaigns to elect qualified, independent candidates to
important posts like Doreen Bogdan-Martin to lead the International
Telecommunication Union (ITU)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to ensure appointment
and election of qualified, independent candidates to leadership
positions in the U.N. system, including the U.S.-nominated candidate
for Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication Union, Ms.
Doreen Bogdan-Martin. U.S. candidates are critical to ensuring the U.N.
operates effectively and in line with its foundational principles and
values. They bring strong technical and policy skills that enhance the
performance and outcomes within the U.N. system, which, in turn,
bolster our efforts on U.N. reform and good governance.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with your interagency
partners as you push back on CCP goals in the International
Organization space?
Answer. The United States' Mission to China can provide critical
support to Department and interagency efforts to strengthen and defend
the rules-based international order, including through international
organizations. This includes analyzing how the PRC seeks to reshape
international values and principles or to use international
organizations to advance its unilateral priorities, such as the Belt
and Road Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with interagency
partners based in Beijing as well as through interagency processes to
assist in the development and implementation of strategies to address
these challenges.
Question. In March 2020, the Peace Corps evacuated nearly 7,000
volunteers across the globe, including from China. The Peace Corps in
China had already been slated to close and the Peace Corps was in the
process of phasing out new cohorts of volunteers. Do you believe that
the Peace Corps should have a mission in China? Please explain your
answer.
Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders
in determining whether to resume Peace Corps operations.
Question. The Dalai Lama is the most important spiritual leader of
Tibet and self-selection of its next leader should be paramount to you,
if confirmed. In 2011, Chinese leadership asserted that only China
should be able to select the next Dalai Lama and no recognition should
be given to any other succession candidate.
Who do you believe should select the next Dalai Lama?
Answer. The matter of the Dalai Lama's succession should strictly
be left to Tibetan Buddhists to decide in accordance with their faith,
beliefs, and traditions. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting
Tibetans' religious freedom, including their ability to select,
educate, and venerate their religious leaders, like the Dalai Lama and
the Panchen Lama, according to their own beliefs and without government
interference.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to engaging directly with
the Chinese on this religious freedom and human rights issue?
Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
human rights, democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and
to standing up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If
confirmed, I will always be willing to speak out on behalf of our
values and the rights of the people of China. Also, if confirmed, I
plan to work with the Office of the U.S. Special Coordinator for
Tibetan Issues, and will press Beijing to return to direct dialogue
with the Dalai Lama or his representatives, without preconditions, to
achieve meaningful autonomy and religious freedom for Tibetans.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to publicly disavowing
Chinese meddling of the selection of the next Dalai Lama?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to promoting respect for the
religious freedom of all Tibetans globally and to taking all
appropriate measures to promote accountability for PRC Government
officials who attempt to interfere in the Dalai Lama's succession,
consistent with the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of 2020.
Question. The Vatican recently extended an agreement with the
Chinese Government that establishes a process for appointing bishops in
China. Under the Agreement, bishops in China are in communion with Rome
but also approved by the Chinese Government. The details of this
agreement have never been made public. Despite the agreement, Catholic
bishops not affiliated with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association
continue to face persecution.
Will you, if confirmed as Ambassador, raise this issue with your
counterparts?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would urge PRC officials to uphold the
PRC's international commitments with respect to the right to freedom of
religion or belief for all individuals in China, including Catholics.
Question. In your testimony before this committee, you mentioned
the necessity of working with the United States' treaty allies like
Japan, South Korea, and Australia.
What role, if any, do you believe that NATO and its member allies
should play in standing up to China's wide variety of abuses,
assertiveness, and aggression?
Answer. The revitalization and modernization of U.S. alliances is a
central pillar of President Biden's strategy to reinforce the rules-
based international order. NATO's partnerships with U.S. treaty allies
in the region should foster inter-theater strategic alignment,
including on the PRC, and NATO's Asia-Pacific Four format for
consultation with it partners in the region is a novel forum for
collaboration.
In June, NATO Allies pointed out the challenges the PRC poses to
our values and collective security. Cooperation with our Transatlantic
Allies is essential to maintain peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific
and enrich the fabric and resilience of the international order.
Question. How do you plan to leverage your NATO experience to best
represent U.S. interests in the PRC?
Answer. China has very few friends and no real allies. Our 29 NATO
allies in Canada and Europe, and our multiple treaty allies in the
Indo-Pacific are our comparative advantage. I understand that President
Biden has been working with Secretary Blinken to reach out to allies,
both in NATO and the Indo-Pacific, to emphasize the need to work
together strategically on China. If confirmed, I will use my NATO
experience working with these same partners and allies to promote
security, stability and the rules-based international order, to meet
the challenge posed to U.S. interests by the PRC.
Question. Do you believe that Freedom of Navigation Operations
conducted in the South China Sea by NATO members like France are useful
to the United States' goals in the region? Why or why not?
Answer. I believe that Freedom of Navigation Operations conducted
by France and other NATO allies are supportive of U.S. goals in the
region. The United States believes that all nations-whether they are
NATO members or not-enjoy as a matter of international law the freedoms
of navigation, overflight and other lawful uses of the sea. The
exercise of those freedoms ought to be routine and not elicit
particular notice or attention. That said, in the context of the South
China Sea, a country's exercise of those rights and freedoms can also
be a strong symbol of support for the rights enjoyed by all states
under the international law of the sea.
Question. What capabilities, either military or diplomatic, would
you advise NATO allies to strengthen in order to better stand up
against China's abuses, assertiveness, and aggression?
Answer. The PRC is a full-spectrum, long term, systemic threat, and
the most significant geopolitical test of the 21st century for the
international order. At the June 2021 NATO Summit, NATO Heads of State
and Government declared that the PRC's ``stated ambitions and assertive
behavior present systemic challenges to the rules-based international
order and to areas relevant to Alliance security.'' If confirmed, I
will continue this Administration's work with allies to prepare NATO
for the challenges the PRC poses, including from its rapidly expanding
nuclear arsenal, opaque military modernization, military-civil fusion
strategy, investments in critical infrastructure that can threaten
Allies' resilience, and cyberspace threats.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly engaging with
your counterpart, the U.S. Ambassador to NATO?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage regularly with my counterpart,
the U.S. Ambassador to NATO, to work together strategically to advance
our and our Allies' readiness to counter the challenges the PRC poses
to our values and collective security.
Question. How do you believe China views the NATO alliance?
Answer. The NATO alliance is a comparative advantage for all NATO
members, and the PRC recognizes that. In June, the PRC Mission to the
EU denounced a NATO statement that declared the PRC a ``security
challenge'' as a ``slander on China's peaceful development, a
misjudgment of the international situation and (NATO's) own role.'' If
confirmed, I will draw from my NATO experience to reach out to our NATO
allies and other partners to promote security, stability, and the
rules-based international order that PRC continues to challenge. The
persistent strength of NATO signals to Beijing that members stand
together to safeguard the security of members and their surrounding
regions.
Question. What is your understanding of the way that Germany, a
leader in the European Union, views the PRC and its business interests
in the PRC?
Answer. In line with the EU, Germany sees the PRC as a partner,
economic competitor, and systemic rival. The German government has
maintained an uneasy balance in protecting German firms' access to the
PRC market while increasingly criticizing Beijing's crackdowns in Hong
Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. A leader in shaping a more assertive China
policy in the EU, including pushing for an EU-level investment-
screening mechanism, Germany has increasingly countered the threats the
PRC's aggressive actions pose to the rules-based international order.
If confirmed, I will work to find a strategic alignment with Germany so
that we can both successfully manage our relationships with the PRC.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. In line with the EU, Germany sees
the PRC as a partner, economic competitor, and systemic rival. The
German government has maintained an uneasy balance in protecting German
firms' access to the PRC market while increasingly criticizing
Beijing's crackdowns in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. A leader in
shaping a more assertive China policy in the EU, including pushing for
an EU-level investment-screening mechanism, Germany has increasingly
countered the threats the PRC's aggressive actions pose to the rules-
based international order. If confirmed, I will encourage Germany to
continue working closely with the United States to advance our shared
interest in countering the malign influence of the PRC.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to working with Embassy
Berlin to decrease China's influence in Germany?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Embassy in Berlin
and German counterparts in Beijing to deepen U.S.-German cooperation to
further increase the scrutiny of China's influence in Europe. Germany's
September 2020 Indo-Pacific policy guidelines outline plans to expand
defense cooperation and call for more economic transparency,
sustainability, and fair competition. As the United States finalizes
its own national Indo-Pacific Strategy, we will seek to identify
opportunities to bolster the United States' and Germany's strategic and
security ties with Indo-Pacific partners; diversify and strengthen our
countries' economic ties with the region; and jointly tackle global
challenges like climate change and protection of universal human
rights.
Question. How do you believe China views its relationship with
Russia?
Answer. I understand that China and Russia cooperate in certain
areas, touting their relationship as a ``comprehensive strategic
partnership,'' but remain competitors in others. If confirmed, I would
work to stop Beijing and Moscow from undermining U.S. leadership and
reshaping the rules-based international order, particularly in the
defense, democracy, and human rights realms. The partnership is still
one of convenience and transaction, and the PRC appears to view it as
such.
Question. What benefits do you believe China gets from its
seemingly growing relationship with Russia?
Answer. Russia and China share certain common goals, including
undermining the United States' global leadership role and subverting
the international rules-based order to advance their own interests.
Russia's aggression in foreign affairs can be both an asset and a
liability to the PRC, depending on the situation. They have supported
each other's efforts in international fora to advance ideology and
policy of mutual interest, including jointly blocking the appointment
of candidates for senior U.N. positions. The two countries have also
repeatedly threatened to veto UNSC resolutions and block Presidential
Statements and other products to keep them from being tabled and have
stymied other discussions, including on the Venezuelan presidency
crisis. Given the alignment of their interests in the multilateral
realm, Russia and China are likely to remain in lockstep.
Question. What, in your opinion, is the most concerning aspect of
the China-Russia relationship?
Answer. President Biden, from his inaugural speech on, has
discussed the need for democracies to recognize the threat from the
authoritarian world, including Russia and China. In addition to their
concerning and aggressive joint military exercises, I am concerned
about their mutual misuse of technology to repress their own citizens
and continued joint efforts to export that technology to states
struggling to maintain a democratic governance system.
Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue
was initiated. Do you believe that this collaboration has thus far
proven useful to the United States?
Answer. The dialogue appears to be facilitating an increased
convergence in understanding between the United States and the EU of
the challenges the PRC poses to our shared values, prosperity, and the
rules-based international order. I welcome the joint public statements
made since the dialogue's launch identifying the PRC as a systemic
rival and competitor; concerns about Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong;
the risks of PRC economic coercion; and the importance of Taiwan's
meaningful participation in international organizations. If confirmed,
I will work with the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and colleagues in
Washington and Brussels to carry out joint and coordinated actions with
the EU, including through this dialogue.
Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue
was initiated. What elements does the Dialogue not address that you
believe it should?
Answer. I do not have any knowledge of the non-public specifics of
the dialogue, including meetings that may have taken place or topics
that have been discussed since the first high-level meeting in May
2021. The public messaging from the United States and EU around this
dialogue has been positive and appears to outline a strong basis for
cooperation, including on important issues such as Taiwan, human
rights, disinformation, and cooperation with the PRC on areas of shared
concern. If confirmed, I will prioritize working with EU counterparts
to ensure this dialogue is a forum not only to exchange views but also
to identify concrete areas for U.S.-EU cooperation and implement them.
Question. In 2020, the United States--European Union China Dialogue
was initiated. How do you believe China thinks about this Dialogue?
Answer. At the first U.S.-EU Dialogue on China in May, the two
sides underscored the shared U.S.-EU interest in strengthening the
rules-based international order and pledged further close cooperation
in support of democratic values, global and regional stability, and
human rights. The two sides reiterated that the United States' and EU's
relations with China are multifaceted and comprise elements of
cooperation, competition, and systemic rivalry. They also discussed
pursuing constructive engagement with China on issues such as climate
change and non-proliferation, and on certain regional issues.
The U.S.-EU Dialogue on China signals to Beijing the intent of the
United States and the EU to work together and coordinate our approaches
to China on issues including security, economics, human rights, and
strengthening the rules-based international order.
Question. The Belt and Road is planned to cut straight through
Central Asia to reach Europe by land. Central Asian nations have
strived to maintain a balance among the increasing influences of the
West, the Middle East, Russia, and China. Now, China has been making
inroads by funding infrastructure projects and embedding itself in
their economies.
Does the fall of Afghanistan and a decline in U.S. leadership in
the region leave C5 countries vulnerable to outsized Chinese
influence?
Answer. Following the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan,
U.S. leadership and engagement in Central Asia remain strong and
growing. Russia and China remain involved in the region for historical
and geographic reasons. Three ministerial-level C5+1 diplomatic
platform meetings in 2021 led by Secretary Blinken, Homeland Security
Advisor to the President Sherwood-Randall, and Special Presidential
Envoy for Climate Kerry, demonstrate U.S. commitment and involvement in
the region and the meetings' outcomes reflect success advancing U.S.
national security interests.
[Additional Response11/8/2021]. China has influence with C5
countries due to its geographic proximity and strong economic ties. To
support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of
Central Asian states, U.S. leadership in Central Asia has increased
during this Administration. More senior-level engagements, including
through the C5+1, increased programming, and shared security interests
have elevated our regional and bilateral relationships and counters the
growth of Chinese government influence.
Question. How can the U.S. best compete with Chinese targeted
investment and infrastructure embedment in Central Asia?
Answer. The U.S. Central Asia Strategy represents a clear-eyed
vision for advancing U.S. values and interests in Central Asia,
including enabling an environment for business in Central Asia that is
transparent, open, fair, attractive to U.S. businesses, and supportive
of broader development goals. The United States is working with each
Central Asian country to undertake the reforms needed to attract more
quality foreign investment, including from U.S. businesses.
Question. Mission China has been under enormous stress over the
last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission China?
Answer. I am advised that Mission China faces a very challenging
work environment due to rigid quarantine restrictions and additional
travel and other restrictions put in place by Chinese authorities.
These realities have a major impact on morale. I take morale very
seriously and will work hard, if confirmed, to improve it and the
quality of life and work environment for all our personnel.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission China?
Answer. I will make morale at Mission China an immediate priority,
if confirmed. Based on my prior experience as a Chief of Mission, I
know how important it is that we listen to all our personnel, respond
quickly to their concerns and seek to improve conditions of work and
daily life for them and for their families. As in my past leadership
roles, I will seek to meet each employee in my first weeks in Beijing
at the embassy. I will seek to travel to each of our Consulate Generals
in my first months as Ambassador to meet our employees in Shanghai,
Guangzhou, Wuhan and Shenyang. If confirmed, one of the issues that
will be at the top of my management agenda will be supporting any
personnel affected by health incidents. Finally, I will advocate
personally for our mission employees with the State Department and
other cabinet agencies in Washington on issues that affect morale.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission China?
Answer. One of the keys to our diplomatic success in China will be
a unified mission based on the President's instructions to me and
overall U.S. policy toward China. I will lead regular country team
meetings and visit each of our embassy offices to listen to the ideas
of my colleagues and to ensure that all understand our policy
objectives in China.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As Ambassador to Greece and NATO, as Under Secretary of
State and during my time at Harvard University, I have taken my
management and leadership responsibilities seriously and treated them
as very high priorities. My practice has been to meet frequently with
my colleagues, to communicate openly, to invite ideas and constructive
criticism and to help each employee to succeed in his or her
responsibilities. If confirmed as Ambassador to the PRC, it will be my
responsibility to ensure the President's guidance, instructions and
policy priorities are being carried out faithfully and effectively by
Mission China.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. I believe it is always more productive and effective to
deliver feedback or criticism in a constructive, respectful and helpful
manner.
Question. What lessons did you learn from your prior tenures as a
chief of mission?
Answer. I learned many lessons about mission management and
leadership. I learned to listen carefully to mission colleagues about
policy issues and to invite alternative views and constructive
criticism so that we avoided group think and challenged our working
assumptions. I also learned the effectiveness of delegating
responsibility when that is possible. While the Ambassador must lead on
priority issues, our mission colleagues respond well to the delegation
of responsibility. In particular, it is important for the training and
formation of mid-level and junior officers that they be given real
responsibilities in their areas of competence. Finally, I learned how
important it is to have a close-knit country team, to meet with the
team regularly and to form a sense of collegiality on policy and
administrative issues.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. Mission employees deserve honest, constructive
feedback on their work. This can have a major, positive impact on
morale.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. This will be a priority for my management of the
mission.
It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts abroad to
meet with local actors, including host government officials, non-
government organizations, and everyday citizens.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Based on my prior experience in the Foreign Service, it
depends on local and national conditions, the security and terrorist
threats and whether or not the host government is friendly and takes
its responsibility seriously to provide external security for the
embassy and its employees. It also depends on mission leadership. I
believe it is important that our mission officers get outside of the
embassy as frequently as possible and to travel in the country. This is
essential for them to be successful in their work. Protecting mission
personnel from terrorist and criminal threats is also a fundamental
responsibility for mission management. If confirmed, I will take that
responsibility seriously and be attentive to the need to protect all
our employees.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. I agree that we should insist on reciprocal treatment to
that afforded to PRC diplomats in our own country. If confirmed, I will
work with other mission leaders to facilitate the work of our employees
and to encourage them to be in contact with Chinese citizens in all
regions of the country.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in China?
Answer. The operating environment for United States public
diplomacy in the PRC is challenging. Yet, our public diplomacy programs
are critical to the U.S. Government's ability to engage with current
and future government and civil society leaders. Exchange programs
provide authentic first-hand experiences of the United States and its
people. Exchange experiences can lead participants to a more nuanced
understanding of U.S. policy objectives, and demonstrate the benefits
to political, economic, and social life of a diverse, engaged civil
society.
Exchanges that involve athletes, musicians, and other artists show
the dynamism of American culture that thrives in our free society. They
advance conversations on American values that lead to positive change
in important areas such as human rights.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in China?
Answer. PRC authorities restrict the ability of U.S. diplomats to
engage with university faculty and students. Despite the strong
interest in, and expressed need for, English to contribute to China's
development, Mission China educational programs also face increasing
challenges reaching Chinese secondary school students.
Despite these difficulties, Mission China continues to reach out to
contacts in the academic and think tank communities to discuss how they
can work together to convene important conversations on topics of
common concern.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Effective public diplomacy must be strategic. We must
survey the global terrain to ascertain America's natural competitive
advantages in meeting threats and challenges.
Every Mission's Public Affairs Section undertakes an annual
strategic planning process to align public diplomacy activity to
foreign policy goals. If confirmed, I will ensure our strategic
planning takes into account both local conditions and Main State
priorities and guidance.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes. It will be a high priority for me as Chief of Mission.
As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of our
employees and their family members as my top priority. If confirmed, I
will energetically support the Department's established reporting and
care protocols for possible anomalous health incidents.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission China personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will tackle this issue on my first day
as Ambassador in Beijing, meet with employees to discuss it, invite
their views and remind them that every report will be handled with
sensitivity and the utmost discretion, consistent with appropriate
regulations and protocols. Communication that is clear, complete,
concise, and timely is a central part of leadership and management. I
believe that a well-informed workforce is a more effective one. If
confirmed, I will use the Mission's weekly Country Team meetings,
regular meetings with top managers, established procedures for notices
and policies, and town hall meetings to convey our mission and vision
and to give all information needed to enable our success.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Tim Kaine
Question. Dr. Gulshan Abbas, a medical doctor who spent her career
caring for patients in Xinjiang and whose family resides in Virginia,
has been unjustly detained by the Government of China since September
2018. Dr. Abbas is being held due to her daughter Rushan Abbas'
advocacy on behalf of the Uyghur community in China. Ms. Rushan Abbas
is a former journalist for Radio Free Asia and U.S. Government
translator.
If confirmed, how would you push China to end its unjust detention
of Uyghurs, especially the continued detention of individuals with
family members in the United States?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to
promote accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses,
to include but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S.
Government: visa restrictions, import restrictions, export
restrictions, financial sanctions. If confirmed, I will advocate for
the release of Dr. Abbas and other detained individuals with family
members in the United States.
Question. China is utilizing transnational repression--like family
intimidation and detention--to silence dissent among diasporas and
exiles aboard. As Ambassador, how would you confront China over the use
of these tactics?
Answer. The United States opposes People's Republic of China (PRC)
efforts to repress its citizens outside of the PRC and continues to
provide support for Uyghurs and dissidents and coordinate with allies
and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I would call on PRC
authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, including
freedom of religion or belief, consistent with the PRC's international
obligations and commitments, within its borders and outside of them.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. As you know, there is bipartisan consensus on the need to
address the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) human rights abuses and
genocide against Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang. My and
Senator Merkley's Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act would go a long
way to end the financial incentives for the CCP's oppression of the
Uyghurs. However, there are recent concerns that certain figures in the
Biden administration would prefer this legislation not get enacted,
because they believe it is acceptable to sacrifice America's commitment
to human rights in order to extract empty promises from the CCP to
address climate change.
Are you aware that there are voices inside the Biden administration
lobbying against the bipartisan Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention
Act?
Answer. As a nominee, I am not yet part of the President's
administration and cannot speak to the validity of these claims. If
confirmed, I remain committed to working with the administration to
address forced labor practices in Xinjiang and elsewhere in the PRC. I
will also work closely with you and other Members of Congress on this
important issue.
Question. What are your views on this legislation? Do you support
its passage?
Answer. I am aware of the legislation and, if confirmed, will plan
to work with the administration to address forced labor practices in
Xinjiang and elsewhere in the PRC. If confirmed, I also plan to work
with you and Members of this Committee to address forced labor
practices in China, and will follow all U.S. laws as they pertain to
this issue.
Question. If confirmed, how will you approach those in the
administration who would rather the United States give up its support
for Uyghurs, Tibetans, and Chinese victims of the CCP's human rights
abuses in hopes that the CCP will support global efforts to reduce
carbon emissions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously to promote
accountability for the PRC's human rights abuses and support efforts to
protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic
minorities. I will not advise that the United States sacrifice vital
U.S. interests for PRC promises on climate change. As Special
Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate is a critical standalone
issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-PRC relationship will not be
traded for separate U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly advocate for the
basic rights and fundamental freedoms of all Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hong
Kongers and Chinese in your interactions with senior Chinese officials?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate vigorously to promote
accountability for the PRC's human rights abuses and support efforts to
protect human rights in the PRC, including for religious and ethnic
minorities.
Human rights and democracy are at the core of U.S. foreign policy.
I agree with the Biden-Harris administration's position that the PRC is
committing genocide and crimes against humanity against members of
ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang, including Uyghurs,
who are predominantly Muslim. It is repressing Tibetans' distinct
language, religion, and culture. It is eroding Hong Kong's autonomy and
democratic institutions and processes. The United States has called on
the PRC to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms, and to
adhere to its obligations with regard to Hong Kong.
Question. If so, what does this support look like in actionable
terms?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to
promote accountability for those responsible to end abuses, to include
but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government:
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and
financial sanctions.
Question. Do you believe that it is possible to rule out the use of
forced labor for producing solar panels in China?
Answer. Forced labor and human rights abuses are widespread in the
PRC, including in sectors other than the solar industry. If confirmed,
I will support and amplify the administration's ongoing efforts to
ensure that suppliers in the solar industry and other industries that
use forced labor are unable to import goods into the U.S. market and
promote accountability for human rights abuses.
Question. If so, how can this be done in an environment in which
PRC authorities do not permit companies to conduct proper due
diligence?
Answer. I support U.S. Government efforts, such as the Xinjiang
Supply Chain Business Advisory, to highlight the risks for U.S.
businesses with supply chain and investment links to Xinjiang and other
locations in the People's Republic of China where entities are
complicit in forced labor and other human rights abuses. If confirmed,
I will continue efforts to make clear that U.S. businesses and
individuals that do not exit supply chains, ventures, and/or
investments connected to Xinjiang run a risk of violating U.S. law.
Question. In your opinion, can climate targets and human rights be
treated on different tracks when negotiating with Chinese officials?
Answer. Support for human rights and human dignity go hand-in-hand
with climate progress. If confirmed, I will advocate for both issues to
remain at the forefront of American foreign policy.
Question. If confirmed, how do plan to press the CCP to stop its
oppression of the Uyghurs and other groups forced to work in renewable
energy supply chains?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the Department,
in coordination with the interagency, to promote accountability for the
PRC's human rights record in Xinjiang. I will support the
administration's efforts to impose costs on Beijing's use of forced
labor, signaling to the renewable energy industry the imperative to
diversify and clean up its supply chain. I will work with like-minded
partners and the international community to call on the PRC to end
genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, immediately and
unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, abolish
internment camps, and end forced labor. I will also urge the
international community to protect those from Xinjiang who seek asylum
and to resist PRC pressure to forcibly return these asylum-seekers back
to the PRC. We will continue utilizing public messaging, diplomacy, and
other foreign policy tools to bring attention to the PRC's poor human
rights record in Xinjiang.
Question. Do you commit to bringing up human rights cases--
including all of those identified by the CECC--in your discussions with
PRC officials?
Answer. The United States has utilized public messaging, diplomacy,
and other foreign policy tools to bring attention to the PRC's poor
human rights record in Xinjiang and elsewhere. If confirmed, I will
raise directly with PRC officials specific human rights cases to
promote accountability.
Question. Do you commit to prioritizing seeking the release of
prisoners who are the family of American citizens and legal permanent
residents?
Answer. If confirmed, this will be a major priority for me. I
commit to raise directly and vigorously the need for the PRC to release
prisoners who are the family of American citizens and legal permanent
residents. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the Special
Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs and the Bureau of Consular
Affairs to resolve the cases of U.S. citizens wrongfully detained or
subject to coercive exit bans by the PRC. I also commit to keeping you
and interested members informed, in concert with my colleagues and in
accordance with applicable privacy concerns.
I am deeply concerned by the PRC's continued use of arbitrary or
wrongful detentions and coercive, non-transparent exit bans on foreign
citizens. Protecting U.S. citizens overseas is the U.S. Government's
highest priority.
Question. I noticed that since 2011 you have served as a Director
for Entegris, Inc. According to its website, Entegris has operated in
China for more than 25 years, and has offices in Shanghai, Beijing,
Xi'an, Xiamen, and Wuhan. I understand that Entegris produces inputs
for use in the electronics and technology industry. I've called out
this administration for failing to fully confront the CCP's injecting
of forced labor into global supply chains, notably for the solar and
apparel industries. Last week, we learned that Special Envoy for the
Climate John Kerry holds large investments in Chinese companies
determined by the previous administration to be complicit in the
surveillance, detention, and repression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Knowing
this, you can understand why I'm concerned by your ten-year tenure on
the board of a company that operates in China's technology sector.
Could you explain why you thought it was in the best interests of
the United States to support a U.S. company that sells key
products needed for semiconductor fabrication to China?
Answer. I am proud of my service on the Board of Directors of
Entegris, Inc. since 2011. Entegris is a successful firm headquartered
in the United States with significant manufacturing and Research and
Development operations in Texas, Colorado, Minnesota, Massachusetts,
California, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and six other states. A majority
of the firm's roughly 6,600 employees are located in the United States
and the firm expects to have hired approximately 1,000 additional
employees in the United States this year.
Entegris produces products and solutions used by the global
semiconductor ecosystem, as well as other high-technology industries,
including life sciences. For example, Entegris developed a unique high-
purity bag used for the cold storage of biologics. This bag has been
critical to the Covid-19 global vaccination campaign.
Entegris sells its products and solutions to many markets around
the world, including China, in full compliance with all applicable
laws. Entegris has never transferred any manufacturing to China.
Question. Are you aware of the CCP's goal to become independent of
foreign semiconductor manufacturing and to eventually dominate the
global industry?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has invested heavily
in its semiconductor industry to build indigenous capabilities and has
ambitions to develop the most advanced chips that can support military
applications. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to
strengthen diverse, resilient, and secure supply chains that will
maintain U.S. technological advantage over strategic competitors such
as the PRC and create good jobs for U.S. citizens in the semiconductor
field.
Question. Do you understand the tremendous risks to our national
security that would result if the CCP were to succeed in this endeavor?
Answer. The United States is engaged in strategic competition with
the People's Republic of China (PRC), and technology is the central
domain of that competition. The PRC's objectives are to undercut U.S.
longstanding technological advantage and to displace the United States
as the global leader in cutting edge research and development, and the
technologies and industries of the future. The national security and
economic consequences of allowing that to happen are simply
unacceptable. It is a critical U.S. interest to make sure we protect
the technology and intellectual property that is produced in this
country and that, if used to advance the PRC's military modernization,
could undermine our security.
Question. Are you confident that Entegris' supply chains in China
are free of inputs produced through the forced labor of Uyghurs and
other groups?
Answer. Yes. I consulted with the company, and can confirm the
following information. Entegris performs regular reviews of its supply
chain to ensure that its inputs are not produced through the forced
labor of Uyghurs and other groups. Entegris does not source material
from regions identified for using the forced labor of Uyghurs and other
groups and, to Entegris' knowledge, none of the suppliers utilized by
Entegris use the forced labor of Uyghurs and other groups. Furthermore,
Entegris has maintained a supply chain that does not have significant
reliance on operations in China. For the first three quarters of 2021,
less than 3 percent of Entegris' overall supply spending was for goods
exported from China.
Question. Do you believe that your ten-year history with Entegris
has created biases that will shape your decisions and influence U.S.
policy towards China?
Answer. No. If confirmed, I will take an oath of office to support
and defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic,
and will swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same,
and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office.
I will serve the United States with professional excellence, the
highest standards of ethical conduct, and diplomatic discretion and
effectiveness.
Question. Specifically, will you commit to making decisions in the
best interests of the United States, even if those decisions stand to
significantly reduce the profitability of Entegris' operations in
China?
Answer. If confirmed by the Senate as U.S. Ambassador to China, I
will always act in the best interest of the United States. If
confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris administration's commitment
to use of the full array of tools necessary to counter the PRC's
abusive economic practices and hold Beijing accountable.
Question. If confirmed, will you resign immediately from Entegris'
Board of Directors and divest yourself from the company?
Answer. If confirmed by the Senate, I will resign from the board of
Entegris and divest all my stock holdings as soon as practicable but no
later than 90 days after confirmation. The ethics agreement I entered
into with the State Department's Designated Agency Ethics Official was
provided to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Question. If confirmed, what specific actions will you take to
press the PRC authorities to allow a credible international forensic
investigation of the Wuhan Institute of Virology and other labs in
question?
Answer. Reaching any conclusive assessment on the COVID-19 virus's
origin would likely require cooperation from Beijing, yet the PRC
continues to hinder the global investigation, resist information-
sharing, and shift blame elsewhere throughout the world. If confirmed,
I support using the tools that could have the greatest chance of
getting to the goal of the PRC Government's cooperation to an
international inquiry. I would not cease to keep up the pressure on
this issue, in conjunction with partners in the international
community. If confirmed, I will also continue working with likeminded
partners around the world to press the PRC Government to participate in
a full, transparent, evidence-based, expert-led study into the origins
of COVID-19 and to provide access to all relevant complete, original
data and samples.
Question. U.S. federal agencies funded risky research at the Wuhan
Institute of Virology that could have contributed to the outbreak of
SARS-CoV-2. Until we can get to the bottom of what exactly caused the
pandemic, what will you do, if confirmed, to prevent U.S. funding and
collaboration for risky lines of research involving human pathogens and
potential pathogens?
Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic, regardless of its origins,
underscores the need to prevent, detect, and address emerging threats
to global health security--whether naturally occurring, accidental, or
deliberate. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the
Department, interagency, and intelligence community to ensure
appropriate oversight of life sciences research collaborations with
China.
Question. More generally, what would you do as Ambassador to ensure
that the United States does not unintentionally contribute to research
in the PRC that has dual-use applications, or the potential to enable
the PRC to develop a technological edge over the United States in
emerging fields?
Answer. Whether in life sciences or other sectors, we need to be
vigilant against transactions that could potentially facilitate the
transfer of sensitive technologies to the PRC that could threaten our
national security. If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the
Department, interagency, and intelligence community to work to ensure
appropriate oversight of life sciences research collaborations with
China.
Question. If confirmed, what are your plans for CCP leaders to
understand that the United States is serious about its ``rock-solid''
commitment to Taiwan, and will respond forcefully to any acts of
aggression or coercion aimed at Taiwan?
Answer. I would continue to reinforce to PRC leaders that the
Biden-Harris administration remains committed to upholding the
principles of the Taiwan Relations Act, namely: that the United States
will continue to assist Taiwan in maintaining a sufficient self-defense
capability; that the United States would regard any effort to determine
the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means a threat to the peace
and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern to the United
States; and that the United States will maintain the capacity to resist
any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize
the security, or the social or economic system, of the people of
Taiwan.
Question. U.S. policy toward Taiwan differs in many important
respects from the PRC's ``one-China principle.'' If confirmed, do you
commit to articulating those key differences and resisting PRC efforts
to conflate our policy with theirs?
Answer. Our one China policy, which is guided by the Taiwan
Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances, has
fostered peace and prosperity in the region for over 40 years. We will
continue to note publicly that our policy differs from the PRC's ``one
China principle.''
Question. Specifically, will you oppose all suggestions that the
United States must recognize Taiwan as a part of the PRC?
Answer. Consistent with our one China policy, we do not take a
position on the ultimate status of Taiwan--we acknowledge the PRC's
position on this, but we do not accept it. We will continue to make
clear that we support a peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues,
consistent with the wishes and best interests of the people of Taiwan.
Question. Will you instead insist that Taiwan's status remains
unresolved, and that a PRC resort to force to resolve Taiwan's status
will be met with a robust counter response from the United States and
our allies and partners?
Answer. The United States has a long abiding interest in
maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. The United States
will continue to make available to Taiwan the defense articles and
services necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability that is commensurate with the growing PRC threat. We
also will continue to deepen our security relationship with Taiwan in
line with the one China policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations
Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances. And we will
continue to underscore to the PRC that any effort to determine the
future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means is a threat to the peace
and security of the Western Pacific and of grave concern to the United
States.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to counter the CCP's
propaganda about the ``superiority'' of its totalitarian system, and to
promote Taiwan instead as a model of how democracy can flourish in a
Chinese speaking society?
Answer. Taiwan is a leading democracy and critical economic and
security partner. Working with allies and partners, we have highlighted
Taiwan's successful democratic processes as well as its importance to
the global community. The international community has increasingly
expressed its concern over the PRC's coercive and aggressive behavior
toward Taiwan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The reported use of Cambodia's Ream Naval Base on the
Gulf of Thailand by the People's Republic of China (PRC) is
inconsistent with Cambodia's status of neutrality under the Paris Peace
Agreements, which the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia later
defined, in part, as: ``not permit(ting) any foreign military base on
its territory.'' When confirmed, will you pledge to report regularly
with the Committee on the People's Republic of China's (PRC) activities
at the Ream Naval Base and all those related to its Belt and Road
Initiative?
Answer. Yes, I pledge to do so. I am concerned about PRC activity
in the region, including the PRC's military presence and construction
of facilities at Ream Naval Base. The State Department has raised these
concerns at the highest levels of the Cambodian government. The
Government of Cambodia has not been fully transparent about the intent,
nature, and scope of this project nor the role the PRC military is
playing in its construction, raising concerns about the intended use of
the naval facility. I agree with the administration's concerns that the
erosion of multiparty democracy in Cambodia has exacerbated this
situation.
Question. The PRC has thus far been unwilling to engage with the
United States on substantive discussions on nuclear weapons policy and
doctrine. As Ambassador, how will you specifically encourage Beijing to
engage on these issues? What motivation is behind efforts by the PRC to
increase the role of nuclear weapons in its military strategy?
Answer. President Biden has indicated clearly that he is going to
support the strongest possible and the safest American nuclear
deterrent, as every president has done, since President Harry Truman.
The administration will pursue strategic risk management measures to
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing
nuclear arsenal. These efforts will be paired with actions to bolster
deterrence in the region. The administration is developing and
evaluating specific proposals to be pursued with the PRC. Beijing's
larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a broader PRC military build-up
and its increasingly assertive and threatening behavior to U.S. allies
and partners. Precisely because Beijing is the least transparent member
of the P5 nuclear weapons states, accurate assessments of its nuclear
trajectory and intentions are difficult.
Question. We must find ways to lower tensions and avoid
miscalculation in the Taiwan Strait to avoid an inadvertent conflict.
In your experience, what role can Track 1.5 dialogues--those that
include a mix of government and non-government officials--play in
reducing mistrust between countries? As Ambassador, will you commit
that the State Department will actively promote such dialogues on
regional stability issues in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Yes. The administration seeks to minimize the risk of
miscalculations on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and dialogue is a
means to do that. If confirmed, I will speak directly to the PRC
Government about the importance of a stable and peaceful dialogue
across the Taiwan Strait free from coercion.
Question. President Biden and President Xi Jinping are due to hold
a virtual summit in December 2021. If confirmed by that date, will you
commit to advocate that negotiating nuclear risk reduction measures
with the PRC will be a focal point of that summit?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Biden administration to
seek effective channels of communication with Beijing to manage
competition responsibly, to diminish the risk of an accidental
conflict, and above all, to maintain the peace. The United States has
to proceed from a position of strength and pursue intense diplomacy in
all these matters. The administration will pursue crisis
communications, risk reduction, and strategic stability measures to
reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's (PRC) growing
nuclear arsenal. The administration hopes that Beijing will come to see
that reducing nuclear risks is in its security interest and the
administration has raised these issues with the PRC, making very clear
the U.S. interest in substantively engaging with China.
Question. In your testimony, you signaled your support for the
longstanding U.S. ``One China'' policy and for a robust unofficial U.S.
relationship with Taiwan consistent with our commitments under the 1979
Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). The TRA makes it U.S. policy: ``to preserve
and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and
other relations between the people of the United States and the people
on Taiwan, as well as the people on the China mainland and all other
peoples of the Western Pacific area.'' Is it your assessment that
creating a fellowship program with Taiwan--modeled on the Mansfield
Fellowship with Japan--would strengthen implementation of this
provision of TRA and expand U.S. Government employee's knowledge of the
Indo Pacific region?
Answer. Taiwan is a leading democracy, an important economic and
security partner, and force for good in the world. If confirmed, I will
support the Department's longstanding efforts and will work with
Congress to deepen our people-to-people ties and enhance our ability to
learn from each other and work on issues of common concern. If
confirmed, I will be happy to discuss the Fellowship proposal with you.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. R. Nicholas Burns by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. China and Iran struck a deal earlier this year which
resulted in a $400 million commitment by the Chinese to invest in
Iran's oil and gas sector, in addition to a military cooperation
component. While U.S. sanctions on Iranian oil exports are still on the
books, enforcement has faded to insignificance. According to an August
report by the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), Iran's
crude oil production fell to an almost 40-year low in 2020. This
decline in production was triggered in 2018, when President Trump
pulled the U.S. out of the JCPOA, and reimposed sanctions on Iran.
Today, China receives half of all Iran's crude and condensate exports.
What do you assess is going wrong with sanctions enforcement?
Answer. The United States has been engaged with JCPOA participants,
including China, in an effort to achieve a mutual return to compliance
with JCPOA commitments with Iran. Current Iran-related sanctions remain
in effect.
China has long been importing Iranian oil, and the administration
will continue to oppose Iranian sanctions evasion efforts, including
those involving Chinese entities.
The administration will continue to raise this issue directly with
the Chinese as part of its dialogue on Iran policy and I agree that, in
general, this is a more effective path forward to address our concerns.
I agree with the administration that while strategic competition
defines many aspects of our relationship with China, multilateral
cooperation to constrain Iran's nuclear program is vital, as the world
has no interest in seeing Iran develop a nuclear weapon. If confirmed,
I will engage vigorously with China to discourage them from taking
steps vis-a-vis Iran that threaten our interests.
Question. Please assess the benefits that China gets from such
sanctions-busting.
Answer. The U.S. opposes China's decision to permit some of its
companies to import oil from Iran in contravention of U.S. sanctions.
While strategic competition defines many aspects of our relationship
with China, multilateral cooperation to constrain Iran's nuclear
program is very much in its interest, as it has no desire to see Iran
develop a nuclear weapon and the profoundly destabilizing impact that
would have in a region upon which China depends for its oil imports.
The President is committed to ensuring as broad a multilateral
coalition as possible to address Iran's nuclear program and
destabilizing activities. That will mean seeking to work with China,
which has close ties to Iran, and some of whose small independent
refiners continue to transact with Iran notwithstanding U.S. sanctions.
China's large state-owned oil companies have avoided purchasing Iranian
oil because they place greater weight on the risk of exposure to U.S.
sanctions due to their global business.
If confirmed, I will engage vigorously with China to discourage
them from taking steps vis-a-vis Iran that threaten our interests.
Uyghur Human Rights Case
Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) and Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) engage in sustained, systematic, and granular
intimidation of dissidents in China and abroad. That harassment
includes the abuse and imprisonment of dissidents' family members.
Nury Turkel is a Uyghur-American lawyer and leading critic of the
PRC's atrocities against, and genocide of, the Uyghurs. In addition to
testimony, op-eds, speeches, and other activities he currently serves
as the Vice Chair of the United States Commission on International
Religious Freedom.
The PRC is engaged in a campaign of intimidation to silence Turkel
by targeting his family members. They refuse to let his ailing parents
leave China and be reunited with him.
This campaign directly harms U.S. citizens: his parents have two
sons who are U.S. citizens and five U.S.-born grandchildren, who
they've never met. Additionally, the campaign is an effort to interfere
in American internal affairs and exercise leverage over U.S. policy on
religious freedom.
U.S. officials have reportedly raised Turkel's case with the
Chinese, but there has been no sustained follow-up and the Chinese are
apparently under the impression the inquiries were pro-forma.
What leverage does the U.S. have to mitigate the harassment and
intimidation of family members of Chinese dissidents,
especially American citizens?
Answer. The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its
citizens or their family members, whether inside or outside of China.
If confirmed, I will continue administration efforts to provide support
for Uyghurs and other human rights defenders and coordinate with allies
and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to
raising individual cases with my PRC Government counterparts.
Question. Can you commit to conveying to the Chinese that the
United States expects and demands they allow Turkel's parents to be
reunited with their American citizen children and grandchildren?
Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly on their
behalf with the PRC government and work to secure their reunification
with Mr. Turkel and with their other children and grandchildren.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. As Ambassador, will you be prepared to work with the
organizing committee to find ways to alleviate the financial harm
shouldered to U.S. companies in this regard, including Jet Set Sports?
Answer. Regarding Jet Set Sports (JSS), I understand that neither
the U.S. Government nor the Government of Japan is a party to the
commercial contract between the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the
Olympic and Paralympic Games and JSS. If confirmed, I will encourage
both parties to seek an amicable resolution in accordance with the
terms of their agreement.
Question. What do you plan to do to encourage the Japanese to
continue and expand their reconciliation program for former American
POWs of Japan and their families that began in 2010?
Answer. The Japanese-American POW Friendship Program has signaled
an important step in our bilateral relationship and is giving both
Japan and the United States an opportunity to remember and learn from
the U.S. POW World War II experience and to reflect on our past,
present, and future. We have come far since the dark days of the
Pacific campaign to today's world where the U.S.-Japan Alliance had its
50th Anniversary; this program is yet another important chapter in our
shared history.
Question. What opportunities and what challenges do you see for the
Quad's resurgence in the region, and in our foreign policy?
Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and across the
world for more than six decades, and it has never been stronger. The
American and Japanese people share deeply rooted values of defending
freedom, championing economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and
respecting human rights, and the rule of law. We welcome Japan's
expanding position as a leader not just in the Indo-Pacific but
globally. Its founding role in creating the Quad was an example of this
leadership. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to take advantage of
the Quad forum to support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and
overflight, solutions to the climate crisis, peaceful resolution of
disputes, democratic values, and territorial integrity in the Indo-
Pacific and beyond.
Question. If you're confirmed as Ambassador to Japan, what role do
you anticipate playing as it relates to the Quad?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support Japanese leadership in the
Quad and work with Quad counterparts and other likeminded nations to
better coordinate and advance our common goals of prosperity, security,
and freedom in the Indo-Pacific. The Embassy Tokyo team is expanding
joint engagement with partners such as Australia and the UK, and I
would seek to continue partner-focused outreach.
Question. Where do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance needs to
concentrate, and act, to be capable to meet new and emergent regional
challenges?
Answer. In an increasingly challenging security environment, the
United States and Japan will continue to closely coordinate on how to
effectively deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the
U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I would work with Japan to promote greater mutual
investment in defense and improve our forces' interoperability to
ensure our alliance is able to adapt quickly to a changing security
landscape with the necessary capabilities and military readiness. Japan
is in a position to play an even greater role on regional security
issues by supporting and encouraging closer cooperation with other
like-minded partners.
Question. What specific steps would you take as ambassador to help
improve relations between Tokyo and Seoul?
Answer. A robust and effective trilateral relationship between and
among the United States, the ROK, and Japan is critical for our shared
security and common interests. If confirmed, I would work to strengthen
the relationship with our key allies, Japan, and the ROK, both
trilaterally and bilaterally.
Question. What role should Japan play in facilitating nuclear and
missile diplomacy with North Korea?
Answer. We have worked hand-in-hand with Japan and the ROK on the
security challenges related to the DPRK, including through Deputy
Secretary Sherman's bilateral and trilateral discussions with her South
Korean and Japanese counterparts, as well as discussions between
Special Representative for the DPRK Sung Kim and his counterparts.
Japan is and will continue to be a key player on this and all security
issues in the region.
Question. Has there been any indication from North Korea that it
will attempt to address the Japanese abductions issue?
Answer. I understand that Prime Minister Kishida is prepared to
meet with the DPRK leader Kim Jong Un without preconditions and remains
committed to the immediate resolution of the abductions issue. We hope
the DPRK will respond positively. As President Biden and former Prime
Minister Suga reaffirmed in their April 2021 Joint Leaders' statement,
the United States is committed to the immediate resolution of the
abductions issues.
Question. What are the economic and strategic implications for the
United States of not participating in these initiatives and how can the
United States ensure that its economic priorities are shaping regional
trade rules?
Answer. We are looking at a range of options to forge stronger
economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific that promote shared goals of
cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We are committed to strengthening
trade and investment in the region in a manner that promotes good
paying American jobs, high standards, and supply chain resiliency and
offer the same benefits for our Indo-Pacific partners. The
administration is reviewing the CPTPP to evaluate its consistency with
the Build Back Better agenda. If confirmed, I will support trade
policies that advance the interests of all Americans, support U.S.
innovation, and enhance our competitiveness.
Question. Where do you see opportunities for US-Japan development
cooperation in Southeast Asia and with the Pacific Islands, including
to address climate change and a transition to a zero-carbon future?
Answer. The United States-Japan Climate Partnership provides a
strong basis for U.S.-Japan cooperation in Southeast Asia and the
Pacific Islands. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to further these
shared objectives in the region, including supporting the energy
transition, enhancing resilience, and ensuring we reach our collective
climate goals. The United States and Japan held the first Japan-U.S.
Clean Energy Partnership (JUCEP) meeting on June 10, chaired by the
U.S. Department of State and the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade
and Industry. The United States and Japan will focus JUCEP cooperation
in the Indo-Pacific to address climate change, support competitive
energy markets, facilitate universal access to affordable, clean, and
reliable energy, and engage Indo-Pacific partners to encourage rapid
deployment of clean energy and drive the decarbonization of their
economies. In addition, we are working with Japan through the Japan-
U.S. Mekong Power Partnership (JUMPP) to promote sustainable energy in
the Lower Mekong region. If confirmed, I would push forward U.S.-Japan
cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands under JUCEP,
JUMPP, and other initiatives.
Question. How can we facilitate greater collaboration between the
United States and Japan on tech and innovation? What steps can be taken
to better integrate those efforts with the regional strategy more
broadly?
Answer. Japan is one of our closest partners on technology
development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced results in
such fields as clean energy, infectious diseases, particle physics,
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed,
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure we are
working effectively with them and all of our regional partners to
advance technology and innovation.
Question. Beyond the quiet diplomacy that has been tried for years,
what specifically will you do, if confirmed, to prioritize the
reunification and return of the hundreds of American children kidnapped
to Japan?
Answer. These cases of family separation are painful and tragic. If
confirmed, the rights and wellbeing of U.S. citizen children and
parents would be one of my highest priorities. While it has been a long
time coming, I understand there has been improvement in terms of
Japan's record in parental child abduction cases over the last four to
five years. We cannot undo the pain of the past, but I believe Japan's
ratification of the Hague Convention on International Child Abductions
in 2014 was an important step forward in recognizing that custodial
determinations should be made solely with the court of competent
jurisdiction in the child's place of habitual residence, and not
necessarily where the child is located. If confirmed as Ambassador, I
would work with our Consular officials in resolving these cases and
advocate for the parental rights of American citizen parents.
Question. Anomalous Health Incidents: I am very concerned about
directed energy attacks on U.S. Government personnel (so-called
Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring the safety and security of our
personnel abroad falls largely on individual Chiefs of Mission and the
response of officers at post. It is imperative that any individual who
reports a suspected incident be responded to promptly, equitably, and
compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission
Japan staff, their family members, and all those supporting the Mission
will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that
all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will
also ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive
prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they
need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO team at Mission Japan and to discuss past reported anomalous
health incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of
Mission Japan staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous
health incidents are being followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What are the core American strategic interests in the
Indo-Pacific, and what role does Japan play in securing those
interests?
Answer. For more than 60 years, the partnership between the United
States and Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a
free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests,
shared values, and shared goals. As Ambassador, my top priority would
be to deepen these ties while we confront our common challenges.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The United States is a proud part
of the Indo-Pacific. Our exports to the Indo-Pacific region in 2019
supported more than three million American jobs, and in 2020 the United
States conducted $1.75 trillion in two-way trade in the region. As part
of the Indo-Pacific community, I believe the United States shares a
strategic interest in helping to bring forth the vision we share with
Japan and other key allies of peace and stability, freedom of the seas,
unimpeded lawful commerce, protecting human rights, a commitment to the
international rules-based order, and the recognition that our common
interests are not zero-sum. These shared interests also include peace
and stability in the Taiwan Strait and support for Taiwan's
participation in the international community. As I mentioned in my
testimony, the United States is committed to a free and open Indo-
Pacific, a vision we closely share with Japan. I believe there is no
country more central to our interests--political, strategic, or
economic--in the Indo-Pacific than Japan.
Question. In your opinion, what is going well in the U.S.-Japan
alliance right now, and where should Japan be taking on a greater role
and responsibility?
Answer. As the most dynamic and fastest-growing region on earth,
the Indo-Pacific is a vital region that is a leading priority for U.S.
foreign policy. The concept of a free and open Indo Pacific (FOIP),
first coined by former Japanese Prime Minister Abe, has shaped the
vision of all of our allies in the region. In an increasingly
challenging security environment, the United States and Japan will
continue to closely coordinate on how to effectively deter and, if
necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan Alliance and
regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I would
work with Japan to promote greater mutual investment in defense and
improve our forces' interoperability to ensure our alliance is able to
adapt quickly to a changing security landscape with the necessary
capabilities and military readiness. Japan is in a position to play an
even greater role on regional security issues by supporting and
encouraging closer cooperation with other like-minded partners.
Question. If confirmed, will you encourage Japan to increase its
defense spending?
Answer. Yes. And as recently as last week, Japan's new prime
minister annunciated the goal to increase defense spending. Simply put,
security costs more in today's increasingly challenging regional
environment. Only with greater mutual investment in defense can we
ensure the U.S.-Japan Alliance is positioned to adapt quickly to a
changing security landscape with the necessary capabilities and
military readiness. We appreciate Japan's acknowledgement that its
alliance contributions must expand to meet future challenges.
Question. Do you agree the Senkaku Islands are covered by our
Mutual Defense Treaty with Japan, and that any attack on these islands
would fall under our security commitments to mainland Japan?
Answer. Yes. Every recent president from President Obama to
President Trump to President Biden has emphasized that the United
States' commitment to Japan's security is absolute. This is the stated
policy of the United States. I understand that the Senkaku islands fall
within the scope of Article V of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and
that the U.S. Government is opposed to any unilateral attempts to
change the status quo in the East China Sea. The U.S.-Japan Alliance
has never been more important, and, if confirmed, I would stand firmly
behind this commitment.
Question. Do you support Japan's acquisition of independent
counterstrike capabilities designed to defend against missile threats
from China and DPRK?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Department of Defense
and my counterparts in the Government of Japan to meet the challenges
of today and tomorrow and defend against threats to our shared security
interests. I would consult closely regarding the appropriate mix of
offensive and defensive capabilities required to effectively deter and,
if necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan Alliance and
regional security in the Indo-Pacific region. I would work with these
officials to facilitate a strategic plan to meet the challenges posed
by the People's Republic of China and North Korea.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Against the backdrop of an
increasingly challenging regional security environment, if confirmed, I
would welcome the expansion of Japan's contributions towards enhancing
our mutual defenses against threats to our shared security interests. I
understand Japan's deliberations regarding these capabilities are
internal and under political consideration, but if confirmed, my top
priority would be to strengthen our alliance, so of course I would
welcome Japan's decision if it decided to acquire new capabilities. I
would work with the Department of Defense and my counterparts in the
Government of Japan to ensure we collaborate closely to effectively
deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the U.S.-Japan
Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region.
Question. What are your views on deployment of U.S.-origin
intermediate range missiles in the Indo-Pacific, including Japan?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Japan to defend against
threats to our shared security interests and consult closely with
relevant U.S. and Japanese officials regarding our defense posture and
capabilities. I understand the Department of Defense continues work on
capabilities that would previously have been prohibited under the INF
Treaty. I defer to DoD for further program details, but the United
States would consult with allies, partners, and Congress prior to any
foreign deployments.
Question. Where do you think our conversations with Japan on
missile defense should be focused now that Aegis Ashore has been
cancelled?
Answer. For decades, U.S.-Japan Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD)
cooperation, and Japan's deployments of missile defense capabilities,
have been critical not only for Japan's own self-defense but also for
the U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional stability in East Asia. The United
States worked closely with Japan to assist in their study of Aegis
Ashore alternatives and I understand its decision demonstrates Tokyo's
determination to enhance its BMD capabilities. The development of Aegis
System-Equipped Vessels will improve the alliance's defensive coverage
of the Japanese archipelago. If confirmed, I would ensure that the
United States and Japan continue to coordinate closely on how to deter
most effectively and defend against increasingly sophisticated regional
missile threats.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The United States worked closely
with Japan to assist in its study of Aegis Ashore alternatives. I
understand its decision to develop Aegis System-Equipped Vessels
demonstrates Tokyo's determination to enhance its ballistic missile
defense capabilities. Recognizing the increasingly challenging range of
regional ballistic and air-breathing missile threats, the Japanese are
studying additional defensive options. As allies with shared security
interests, the United States and Japan must continue to coordinate
closely on how to deter most effectively and defend against
increasingly sophisticated regional missile threats. If confirmed, I
would look forward to working with the Department of Defense and
Japanese leaders to continue improving the alliance's defensive
coverage of the Japanese archipelago.
Question. What role do you see Japan playing in the Australia-
United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) deal in which UK will help
Australia to acquire nuclear-powered submarines?
Answer. AUKUS builds on the administration's commitment to two key
priorities: 1) revitalizing and modernizing our alliances and
partnerships around the world; and 2) enhanced engagement in the Indo-
Pacific to advance our long-term interests. It is about connecting with
existing U.S. allies and partners in new ways and amplifying our
ability to collaborate. Japan is foremost among our regional allies and
this initiative is an important supplement to-not a replacement for-the
other institutions and mechanisms we have in the Indo-Pacific region to
advance security cooperation.
Question. Does Japan have a role in helping in the construction or
development of the nuclear-powered submarines for Australia?
Answer. The pact announced in September between Australia, the
United Kingdom and the United States, AUKUS, is about more than
submarines. It will bring together our sailors, our scientists, and our
industries to maintain and expand our edge in military capabilities and
critical technologies. Much of the history of the 21st century will be
written in the Indo-Pacific, and I was pleased Japan welcomed the
partnership, which is why it is crucial for us to deepen cooperation on
new and emerging areas of interest. We need to be able to address both
the current strategic environment in the region and how it may evolve.
Through AUKUS, we will significantly deepen cooperation on a range of
security and defense capabilities.
Question. Military readiness is critical to deterring aggression by
China. If confirmed, how will you work in cooperation with U.S. Forces
Japan to encourage the Japanese to improve training and readiness of
the Japanese self-defense force and Japan-based U.S. forces?
Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance and U.S. forward-deployed forces in
Japan continue to benefit both our countries and are the cornerstone of
peace, stability, and freedom in the Indo-Pacific region. In that
spirit--one of friendship and seriousness about the challenges ahead--I
understand Japan acknowledged that its alliance contributions must
expand to meet future challenges. Greater mutual investment in training
is essential to ensuring U.S. and Japan forces are able to adapt
quickly to a changing security landscape with the necessary
capabilities and military readiness.
Question. Do you support the adoption of a ``sole purpose'' nuclear
declaratory policy?
Answer. I understand the administration is undertaking a review of
various national security policies, including nuclear deterrence issues
through the ongoing Nuclear Posture Review. If confirmed, I would
contribute to those processes. I understand the concerns expressed
among some allies and partners, members of Congress, and experts
regarding U.S. adoption of a sole purpose policy. I do not want to get
ahead of the NPR process, but if confirmed, that ongoing analysis would
inform my own view on declaratory policy.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I understand that the role of
U.S. nuclear weapons in deterring a conventional or chemical and
biological weapon attack against the United States or its allies and
partners is among the issues being evaluated as part of the ongoing
DoD-led Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior
to that analysis being completed.
Question. What impact would a U.S. sole purpose nuclear declaratory
policy have on our extended deterrence commitments in the Indo-Pacific,
especially to Japan?
Answer. I understand the administration is working to reinvigorate
and modernize U.S. alliances and partnerships around the world and has
highlighted the need to ensure extended deterrence commitments to U.S.
allies remain strong and credible. It is my understanding that various
declaratory policy options are being reviewed as part of the Department
of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review. I do not want to get ahead of
the NPR process, but if confirmed, I look forward to working with U.S.
and Japanese leaders to ensure our nuclear deterrent remains safe,
secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence commitments to
our allies remain strong and credible.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Whether nuclear weapons may still
play a role in deterring a conventional or chemical and biological
weapon attack against the United States or its allies and partners is
among the contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led
Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that
analysis being completed. Regardless of the U.S. nuclear declaratory
policy, President Biden has underscored the United States' unwavering
commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of U.S.
capabilities, including nuclear weapons. I strongly support this
decades-long commitment.
Question. Do you think a sole purpose doctrine would increase or
decrease Japan's security?
Answer. President Biden has underscored the United States'
unwavering commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of
U.S. capabilities, including nuclear weapons. It is my understanding
that various declaratory policy options will be reviewed as part of the
Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture Review, which includes
consultations with close allies such as Japan. I do not want to get
ahead of that process, but if confirmed, that ongoing analysis would
inform my own view on declaratory policy.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Whether nuclear weapons may still
play a role in deterring a conventional or chemical and biological
weapon attack against the United States or its allies and partners is
among the contingencies being evaluated as part of the ongoing DoD-led
Nuclear Posture Review. It would be premature to comment prior to that
analysis being completed. Regardless of the U.S. nuclear declaratory
policy, President Biden has underscored the United States' unwavering
commitment to the defense of Japan through the full range of U.S.
capabilities, including nuclear weapons. I strongly support this
decades-long commitment.
Question. Do you agree that weakening U.S. nuclear deterrence
increases the likelihood that Japan would develop its own nuclear
capabilities?
Answer. While the administration will take steps to reduce the role
of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, it will ensure
our nuclear deterrent remains safe, secure, and effective and that our
extended deterrence commitments to our allies remain strong and
credible. Japan is party to and in full compliance with the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, forswearing its development of nuclear
weapons.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. As stated in the Interim National
Security Strategic Guidance, the administration will ensure that our
strategic deterrent will remain safe, secure, and effective, not be
weakened. For decades, U.S. extended deterrence has formed the basis
for allied and partner security, which enables most to eschew
possession of nuclear weapons. In addition, Japan is party to and in
full compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, forswearing
its development of nuclear weapons.
Question. Please describe your views on China, including your views
on what you think U.S.-China policy should be. In your opinion, is
China the number-one foreign policy challenge for the United States?
Answer. I do believe the PRC is the number one foreign policy
challenge for the United States. The PRC has adopted an aggressive
foreign policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of
combining its economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power
to mount a sustained challenge to the stable and open rules-based
international order. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship
with the PRC should be competitive when it should be, collaborative
when it can be, and adversarial when it must be.
Question. Japan has been the target of Chinese economic coercion,
which other U.S. allies, such as Australia, have also experienced. What
role can the United States play in helping to push back against such
coercion and support our allies and partners who are harmed?
Answer. I understand the goal of the administration is to reassure
allies that the U.S. economy is a safe and strong bet. That means
reviewing IPR, 6G, AI, climate change, supply chains, semiconductors
infrastructure--strengthening our economic ties with Japan and
expanding opportunities for greater collaboration and integration to
help Japan and the United States withstand any economic coercion from
malign actors. The United States must continue to work with Japan to
strengthen economic security to ensure critical technology and
technical expertise will not illicitly flow into countries of concern.
At the same time, we will need to hold the PRC accountable for its
unfair economic practices and its coercive actions around the world. If
confirmed, I would support work bilaterally and multilaterally,
including through the Quad, to advance economic opportunity and our
vision for a rules-based international order in the region. If
confirmed, I would work towards a free and open Indo-Pacific in
partnership with Japan.
Question. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo said recently that
commercial ties with China will help improve our relationship overall.
John Kerry has also said we should prioritize climate cooperation with
China so we can make gains on other issues like cyber and nuclear non-
proliferation.
Do you agree with Secretary Raimondo's statement?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
be, and adversarial when it must be. The United States has longstanding
concerns about the PRC's unfair business practices. If confirmed, I
will work with Japan and other allies and partners in the region to
stop the PRC's state-centered, non-market trade practices that distort
competition by propping up state-owned enterprises, limit market
access, and undermine the global trading system.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed as the Ambassador to
Japan, I will not only work to deepen our trade and investment ties
with Japan, but also work with Japan to stop the PRC's state-centered,
non-market trade practices that distort competition by propping up
state-owned enterprises, limit market access, and undermine the global
trading system. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has recently
raised a number of areas where we have concern with the PRC's actions,
including actions related to human rights, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, the
South China Sea, and Taiwan, yet made clear that we will also continue
to engage with the PRC at a senior level to ensure responsible
competition. At the same time, strategic competition does not, and
should not, preclude working with the PRC when it is in the U.S.
national interest.
Question. Do you agree with Mr. Kerry's statement?
Answer. This administration will compete, and compete vigorously,
with the PRC where we should, and we will cooperate with the PRC where
it is in our interest. Climate is perhaps the signature issue on the
cooperation side. The PRC has consistently sought to link their action
on climate with us making changes in the bilateral relationship, and we
reject that linkage. If confirmed, I will pursue cooperation with the
PRC where it is in our interest to do so, and in consultation with the
Congress, our partners and allies, and other stakeholders. I would work
to rally allies such as Japan to join us in promoting our shared
interests, pooling our negotiating leverage, and showing our collective
power and resolve.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. I have not had the opportunity to
discuss with Special Presidential Envoy Kerry the above statement or
the exact context of the remarks. But I will note that Special
Presidential Envoy Kerry has regularly made clear that he approached
his engagement with China on climate as a standalone issue, and that
other aspects of the U.S.-PRC relationship will not be traded for
separate U.S. interests. Japan has taken a similar approach on its
engagement with China on its climate policy. If confirmed as the
Ambassador to Japan, I will work with Japanese officials, Congress, the
administration, and other stakeholders to press the PRC and other
countries to raise their ambition to address the climate crisis.
Question. In your opinion, on what evidence were Secretary Raimondo
and Mr. Kerry relying upon with regard to our past experience with
China?
Answer. I defer to Secretary Raimondo and Secretary Kerry on their
statements. However, I would reiterate that the relationship with the
PRC will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
be, and adversarial when it must be. We must manage the relationship
responsibly and work with Beijing when our interests align, including
parts of the trade relationship.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021] I have not discussed the
statements with Secretary Raimondo and Special Presidential Envoy for
Climate Kerry, and do not have the context of their statements.
Question. How do you think a change in Taiwan's status quo would
affect the U.S. relationship with Japan?
Answer. In their joint statement in April of this year, President
Biden and former Prime Minister Suga underscored the importance of
peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and encouraged the
peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues. The United States'
commitment to Taiwan is rock-solid and contributes to the maintenance
of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the region.
The administration has stated that United States will continue to
support a peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues, consistent with
the wishes and best interests of the people of Taiwan, and has urged
Beijing to cease its military, diplomatic, and economic pressure
against Taiwan and instead engage in meaningful dialogue with Taiwan.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Peace and stability in the Taiwan
Strait is critical to broader regional peace, stability, and
prosperity. We have no more important ally than Japan. If confirmed, I
would continue to work closely with Japanese leaders to ensure we
remain well aligned across the full range of policy priorities,
including on shared security interests such as maintaining peace and
stability in the Taiwan Strait.
Question. What are your views on comments by Japanese leaders
regarding Taiwan?
Answer. The United States and our allies and partners must work
together to support Taiwan and preserve peace and stability in the
Taiwan Strait. I understand that the United States welcomes comments by
Japanese leaders, including former Prime Minister Suga and President
Biden's Joint Leaders' statement from April of this year which
underscored the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan
Strait and encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues.
Question. Do you support pushing for more U.S.-Japan-Taiwan
cooperation, including defense cooperation?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would encourage our allies and
partners to continue to work together to advance our shared prosperity,
security, and values in the Indo-Pacific region.
Question. Do you support working with Japan on preparing for
potential diplomatic or intervention scenarios involving Taiwan?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will work to ensure that the United
States and our allies and partners pool our collective strength to
advance shared interests and deter common threats. We will underscore
the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
Question. How would you describe the role of the Quad in the
region?
Answer. The Quad is an essential multilateral grouping that
convenes four like-minded democracies--the United States, Australia,
Japan, and India--to coordinate in the Indo-Pacific, reflecting our
collective commitment to peace, security, and prosperity in the region.
The United States and our partners strive for a region that is free,
open, inclusive, healthy, anchored by democratic values, and
unconstrained by coercion. Engagement through the Quad is one of the
many ways we support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and
overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, democratic values, and
territorial integrity.
Question. In your opinion, what areas are ripe for more Quad
cooperation?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Quad partners to advance
coordination on issues such as COVID vaccine assistance, post-pandemic
economic recovery, climate change, humanitarian assistance, maritime
security, supply chain resilience, critical and emerging technologies,
counter-terrorism, infrastructure cooperation, and countering foreign
disinformation, among others.
Question. Do you support cooperating with European allies in the
Indo-Pacific? If so, how? Please be specific.
Answer. Yes. The United States should cooperate with European
allies in maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific. We should also
welcome support from all who believe in a rules-based system, and not
arbitrary decisions made by one nation for its own benefit. President
Biden has identified the invigoration and modernization of U.S.
alliances and partnership as a central pillar of his administration's
foreign policy and effort to reinforce the rules-based international
order. An important aspect of that overall effort is breaking down the
silos between U.S. alliances. NATO's partnerships with U.S. allies such
as Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and New Zealand represent
an important avenue for increasing strategic alignment on transnational
threats and geo-strategic challenges. Such engagement helps to support
the rule of law, freedom of navigation and overflight, peaceful
resolution of disputes, democratic values, and territorial integrity.
If confirmed, I would continue to coordinate and encourage cooperation
with our European allies on shared lines of effort in the Indo-Pacific
region.
Question. Do you agree with Secretary Austin's comments about the
United Kingdom: ``If for example, we focus a bit more here [in Asia],
are there areas that the UK can be more helpful in other parts of the
world''?
Answer. Secretary Austin noted in his remarks that ``[a]s we look
to balance our efforts in various parts of the world, we are not only
looking to help each other in the Indo-Pacific but we are looking to
ensure that we help each other in other parts of the world as well.'' I
believe that it is that balance that is vital, as the United States and
our allies and partners combine our respective strengths to pursue
prosperity, security, and freedom not only in the Indo-Pacific, but
worldwide.
Question. Would you like to see the United Kingdom be more involved
in the Indo-Pacific specifically?
Answer. The United Kingdom has longstanding interests in the Indo-
Pacific. As a likeminded, key ally and friend to the United States, I
would welcome their involvement in areas of mutual concern.
Question. Do you support Japan undertaking more extensive security
cooperation in Southeast Asia?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Japanese
leaders to advance our shared interests and values in Southeast Asia.
Enhancing security cooperation, in particular in the realm of maritime
domain awareness, is essential to preserving a rules-based order that
fosters free, open, inclusive, and healthy societies that are anchored
by democratic values and unconstrained by coercion. As a capable,
thoughtful, and dynamic partner that is widely admired throughout the
region, Japan remains well positioned to help secure our common
interests and values more effectively than we could do alone.
Question. How do you see the future of Japan-ROK relations?
Answer. Japan and the ROK are both key allies, and I am confident
that even while they continue to address sensitive historical issues,
we will continue moving forward to embrace opportunities to advance our
common regional and international priorities, with a focus on the
future. The future of the 21st century offers tremendous opportunities
for both Japan and ROK. A robust and effective trilateral relationship
between and among the United States, the ROK, and Japan is critical for
our shared security and common interests. They include defending
freedom and democracy, upholding human rights, championing women's
empowerment, combating climate change, building secure and resilient
supply chains, promoting regional and global peace and economic
security, and bolstering the rule of law in the Indo-Pacific region and
across the globe.
Question. What role should the United States play in managing this
relationship?
Answer. I understand that the United States does not take sides in
bilateral tensions between allies. We have long encouraged the ROK and
Japan to work together on history-related issues in a way that promotes
healing and reconciliation. Even while addressing sensitive historical
issues, cooperation on our common regional and international priorities
must proceed so that we can together make the most of the 21st century
opportunities.
Question. What challenges does it present to the trilateral
relationship?
Answer. The United States is more secure when our key allies,
particularly neighboring allies, have good relations. If confirmed as
Ambassador, there would be no greater priority for me than to support
closer relations and cooperation among and between the United States,
Japan, and the Republic of Korea.
Question. Growing our economic relationship with Japan and
throughout the Indo-Pacific region is critically important. If
confirmed, how would you go about increasing trade and investment with
Japan and in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. The United States has the largest economy in the world.
Japan's is number three. When our two countries are aligned, it is a
powerful force to set standards for the Indo-Pacific region and the
globe. With more than $250 billion worth of goods and services
exchanged each year, the United States and Japan are top trading
partners, and the U.S.-Japan bilateral economic relationship is one of
strongest in the world. If confirmed, I would work closely with my
colleagues in USTR and other relevant agencies to promote the
administration trade policy that benefits American workers and U.S.
competitiveness in our economic relationship with Japan, as well as
throughout the Indo-Pacific.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Under my leadership, Chicago was
the number one American destination for Foreign Direct Investment for
seven straight years. My team accomplished this by prioritizing trade
and investment, and relentlessly helping businesses close deals. If
confirmed, as Ambassador, I will prioritize and support the trade and
investment efforts of the Foreign Commercial Service (FCS) and Foreign
Agricultural Service (FAS) in Japan.
Question. Do you believe the United States should have a robust
trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific region? If so, how?
Answer. The United States should focus on working with allies and
partners in the Indo-Pacific region to shape the rules for fair trade
in the 21st century and facilitate a race to the top for market
economies and democracies. If confirmed, I would work to ensure our
trade agenda protects workers, transparency, and the environment.
Question. What do you think the United States should focus on in
its trade and economic relationship with Japan going forward, following
the U.S.-Japan trade agreement completed under the Trump
administration?
Answer. Japan-affiliated firms employ or support more than 973,800
jobs in the United States. The United States is Japan's top source of
direct investment, and Japan is the top investor in the United States,
with cumulative Japanese direct investment totaling $648 billion across
all 50 states. If confirmed, I will work to expand our economic
relationship as well as realize the full potential of the U.S.-Japan
Trade Agreement. We also share interests in the region and globally. If
confirmed, I would work to deepen our cooperation in the areas
identified in the U.S.-Japan Competitiveness and Resilience (CoRe)
Partnership announced by President Biden and then Prime Minister Suga
in April, including strengthening competitiveness and innovation,
responding to COVID-19 and increasing global health security,
addressing the climate crisis
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Added the word ``and'' as well as
a period above. Both were missing in the original submission.
Question. What is your view on the United States joining the
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans Pacific Partnership
(CPTPP)?
Answer. I understand the administration is looking at a range of
options to forge stronger economic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific
that promote shared goals of cooperation and inclusive prosperity. We
must be committed to strengthening trade and investment in the region
in a manner that promotes good paying American jobs, high standards,
and supply chain resiliency and offer the same benefits for our Indo-
Pacific partners.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. The administration's approach to
trade is focused on supporting American working families, defending our
values, and protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the
United States. The United States is focused on making investments in
U.S. workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade
agreements, including in the Indo-Pacific. Improvements in CPTPP are
needed for the United States to join. If confirmed, I will support the
administration's trade policy.
Question. If the United States does not join the CPTPP, what should
we do instead on trade and economic engagement?
Answer. If confirmed, I would not only continue our strong economic
engagement with Japan bilaterally, but also work to deepen regional and
global economic relations by promoting an international rules-based
order and collaborating with regional partners on issues such as
infrastructure, supply chains, clean energy, and technology in the
areas of AI and 6G.
Question. How can we advance U.S.-Japan infrastructure cooperation
and financing in the region, particularly Southeast Asia and the
Pacific Islands, going forward?
Answer. I understand that through the Build Back Better World
partnership, the Blue Dot Network, and other initiatives, the
administration aims to provide high-standard, climate-aligned, and
transparently financed infrastructure to Indo-Pacific economies.
Question. What are some of the ways you think Japan and the United
States can work on technology cooperation?
Answer. Japan is one of our closest partners on technology
development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced results in
such fields as clean energy, infectious diseases, particle physics,
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed,
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure we are
working effectively with them and all of our regional partners to
advance technology and innovation, and address collaboration on
critical supplies, including rare earth elements and other materials.
Question. TSMC is building a factory in Japan. Do you think there
are opportunities to involve Japanese companies in efforts to get high
tech manufacturing out of China and into the U.S. and allied countries?
Answer. Japan shares our views on the need to diversify technology
manufacturing to likeminded nations and is implementing policies
designed to encourage private industry to invest in Japan, the United
States, and other partners. If confirmed, I would work with the
Japanese Government and private sector to build on our countries'
longstanding ties to ensure the security of advanced technology
manufacturing, which is vital to both of our economies.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your priorities for getting
high tech manufacturing out of China and into allied countries?
Answer. I understand the United States and Japan have already had
multiple high-level meetings on supply chain issues and U.S. agencies
are now working directly with their Japanese counterparts to address
shared supply chain challenges, such as the global semiconductor chip
shortage, which has harmed both U.S. and Japanese companies. I
understand this work has already made major strides in improving the
security of our advanced manufacturing capacity and--if confirmed--I
would make every effort to drive this initiative forward.
Question. Two major challenges to more cooperation with Japan
regarding sensitive and emerging technologies are 1) the gaps in our
two classification systems, and 2) the different approaches to
military- and commercial-application research. Do you think the United
States should explore opportunities to broaden the bilateral defense
trade and exchanges with Japan?
Answer. President Biden and former Prime Minister Suga highlighted
in their Joint Leaders' Statement the importance of ``strengthening
bilateral cybersecurity and information security,'' which they
described as a ``foundational component of closer defense cooperation,
and of safeguarding our technological advantages.'' I understand the
United States and Japan continue the important work of securing our
information security systems, including through government-wide
standards and programs and enhanced counter-intelligence measures. I
understand the administration has welcomed Japan's efforts to
strengthen industrial security, cybersecurity, and its overall legal
framework for information security, and expects such efforts will
contribute to our ability to broaden bilateral defense trade and
exchanges.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Yes, I believe the United States
and Japan should expand bilateral cooperation and trade on commercial
and military technologies wherever and whenever appropriate
opportunities arise. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
you and other members of the committee to broaden our defense trade and
exchanges with Japan.
Question. To the best of your understanding, does Special
Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry have authority on any issues
related to the U.S. relationship with Japan other than climate change
cooperation?
Answer. As Special Presidential Envoy for Climate (SPEC), my
understanding is that former Secretary of State John Kerry's role is to
lead U.S diplomatic efforts to reassert U.S. climate leadership and
raise global ambition to meet the daunting climate challenge. His
climate diplomacy work is closely coordinated with other U.S.
diplomatic efforts.
Question. If Mr. Kerry begins playing a major role in non-climate
aspects of the U.S.-Japan relationship, what would be your response?
Answer. I understand that Special Presidential Envoy Kerry's role
is to lead the U.S. diplomatic efforts to reassert U.S. climate
leadership and raise global ambition to meet the challenge. If
confirmed, I look forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on our
cooperation with Japan on those issues.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. SPEC Kerry has engaged
governments around the world with a singular focus on increasing global
ambition to act against the climate crisis. That effort is a full-time
assignment, and he has not become involved in non-climate issues in his
engagement with Japan or other foreign governments. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with SPEC Kerry on our cooperation with
Japan on climate issues. His climate diplomacy work is closely
coordinated with other U.S. diplomatic efforts.
Question. Do you believe that the United States should encourage
the growth of a stronger Japan-European Union relationship? If so, in
what areas would a stronger Japan-European Union relationship benefit
the United States?
Answer. While if confirmed I would work tirelessly to ensure U.S.
businesses are on a footing to outcompete any challengers, I welcome
Japan developing stronger ties with our allies and likeminded partners.
U.S.-Japan-EU coordination has the potential to make all our people
more secure and prosperous, with promising areas of cooperation ranging
from climate to supply chains to cybersecurity.
Question. Please describe your understanding of how Russia
economically, geopolitically, and diplomatically views Japan.
Answer. Economically, Russia hopes to use Japan to revitalize the
underdeveloped Russian Far East and to maintain some semblance of
diversification as Russia becomes more dependent on China.
Geopolitically and diplomatically, it aims to drive a wedge between
Japan and the United States to weaken our alliance. I do not believe
Japan will be tempted by the latter strategy, and if confirmed I would
do my best to ensure that Russia does not succeed.
Question. Do you believe that there is any prospect of a resolution
to the issue of the Northern Territories/Kuril Islands?
Answer. Nothing in the Kremlin's public comments indicates to me
that Russia is interested in any resolution to the issue that does not
result in its permanent control of the Northern Territories. I
understand that the United States recognizes Japanese sovereignty over
the islands of Etorofu, Kunashiri, Shikotan, and the Habomai Islets,
known in Japan as the ``Northern Territories.''
Question. What is Russia's policy towards the Northeast Asian
region broadly and how do these actions affect Japan?
Answer. Russia's interests, particularly regarding the United
States, increasingly align with the PRC's, and Russia seeks to
capitalize on its proximity to more prosperous neighbors such as Japan
and the ROK. It also continues engagement with the DPRK. Thus, Russia's
actions have the potential to better or worsen the security situation
in the Indo-Pacific, directly affecting Japan.
Question. In your opinion, does Japan have any specific concerns
regarding Russia's relationship with China?
Answer. I believe the prospect of two autocratic neighbors becoming
increasingly aligned and conducting joint military exercises nearby
would concern any of our allies and partners.
Question. Earlier this week, Russia joined China in conducting a
joint anti-submarine drill and a joint passage through the Tsugaru
Strait. This is the first time they have conducted a passage through
the Strait together.
What message do you believe Russia and China were trying to send to
Japan?
Answer. I am concerned that Russia and China were attempting to
intimidate the Japanese people and to constrain Tokyo's actions by
implying that its alliance with the United States puts it at odds with
Moscow and Beijing. I do not believe these efforts will succeed because
the U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of peace,
security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for more than six decades,
and it has never been stronger.
Question. What message do you believe Russia and China were trying
to send to the United States?
Answer. As with their other joint maneuvers, I believe Russia and
China were trying to send a message that they aim to push the US out of
the region. It will not work. Our friends in the region want a robust
U.S. presence to counter both PRC and Russian malign behavior and any
system built solely on their interests.
Question. After the annexation of Crimea, Japan chose to stand with
the United States and Europe and implemented sanctions on Russia
despite a significant blow to its economic and diplomatic engagements
with Russia. This sacrifice has garnered little attention in the West.
Please detail your understanding of Japan's concerns with the
United States' sanctions policies and actions towards Russia.
Answer. I understand that Japan has often shied away from sanctions
out of concern that such a course would foreclose channels of dialogue
and opportunities to positively influence behavior. If confirmed, I
look forward to exploring this difference of opinion with Japanese
policymakers.
Question. Do you believe the United States should continue to
undertake sanctions against Russia even though those actions may harm
an ally like Japan?
Answer. While U.S. interests and values must always remain
paramount, I believe our sanctions should be strategically developed.
Question. Earlier this year, Russian Railways opened an office in
Tokyo. There are also several other burgeoning business connections
between Russia and Japan. Do you believe the United States should
actively lobby Japan to end, disengage from, or refrain from seeking
these kinds of business deals with Russia?
Answer. Regarding non-sanctioned sectors, I believe our focus
should be on demonstrating to Japanese businesses the advantage of
partnering with U.S. businesses and ensuring that U.S. businesses can
outcompete any challenger in a free market.
Question. Japan has burgeoning economic relationships with the five
Central Asian (C5) nations, which have benefited from Japan's ability
to stay outside of the political competition that often pushes and
pulls the C5 between Western, Middle Eastern, Russian, and Chinese
interests.
Given recent paradigm shifts in the region due to the fall of
Afghanistan and increased influence from China and Russia, how
can Japan's involvement help the C5 maintain balance in their
international relationships?
Answer. I welcome Japan's growing role as a leader not just in the
Indo-Pacific, but globally. In my view, the engagement of a strong,
likeminded democracy such as Japan in Central Asia aligns with U.S.
interests.
Question. As a global leader in the technology industry, how can
Japan compete with Chinese tech trade and investment in Central Asia,
and help them resist developing an unhealthy dependence on the Chinese
Government for the modernization of their technological infrastructure?
Answer. Japan's competitiveness in this regard lies not only in the
quality of its technology, but also in the ability to demonstrate the
advantages of dealing with a reliable business partner willing to treat
Central Asian partners on fair and equal terms. With proper messaging,
I believe Central Asian nations will see the long-term benefit of
economic cooperation with a partner that believes in transparent, free
competition over one that offers short-sighted deals with opaque
strings attached.
Question. How can we assist Japan in increasing its economic
involvement in the C5, in a way that would maintain Japan's relative
neutrality in the region and be amenable to Japanese national and
economic interests?
Answer. I understand the administration sees the United States'
primary strategic interest in this region is to build a more stable and
prosperous Central Asia that is free to pursue political, economic, and
security interests with a variety of partners on its own terms; is
connected to global markets and open to international investment; and
has strong, democratic institutions, rule of law, and respect for human
rights. If confirmed, I would consult and coordinate with like-minded
partners where appropriate, to advance these objectives.
Question. According to the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in
Persons Report, Japan is ranked as Tier 2 due to a lack of government
will to adequately prevent further trafficking victims, protect
existing victims, and increase prosecutions and consequences for those
accused of human trafficking. If confirmed, please outline your
strategy for underscoring the importance of Japan's increased political
will to end the scourge that is human trafficking.
Answer. Trafficking in persons is a matter of deep concern for me,
and if confirmed I would actively engage the Government of Japan to
address this issue, including by sharing best practices from the United
States and other likeminded partners.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. If confirmed, I would engage the
Government of Japan on this critical issue, to reinforce the need
especially to vigorously investigate and prosecute sex and labor
trafficking cases, and hold convicted traffickers accountable.
Specifically, authorities must work to improve victim identification
efforts, particularly among child sex trafficking victims and among
foreign nationals subjected to forced labor within Japan's Technical
Intern Training Program, and convicted traffickers should face stricter
sentencing. If confirmed, I would direct my team to encourage Japan to
adopt the prioritized recommendations in the Department of State's
annual Trafficking in Person's Report.
Question. The State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report indicated
that Japan has no incidents of human rights abuses, but there is always
work to be done in civil society. How can you, if confirmed, bolster
civil society alongside your officers at Mission Tokyo?
Answer. There is a need to address necessary improvements in civil
society frankly with a partner like Japan, and that also means
admitting our own imperfections openly. If confirmed, I would work to
demonstrate the ways we are attempting to address the deficiencies in
our own society and direct Mission Japan to promote those actions to
benefit Japan, and to explore ways our own civil society groups can
engage with Japanese civil society as we pursue common aims.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Engaging civil society and
fostering people to people ties with Japan will be one of my key
priorities as Ambassador, if confirmed, and I see significant
opportunities to deepen engagements between U.S. and Japanese civil
society groups. If confirmed, I would work with my team to prioritize
engagement across the spectrum of Japanese society, but especially with
groups looking to address issues such as human rights. Gender equality
is a key area where we could work with civil society groups to advance
efforts in Japan to improve opportunities for women both economically
and socially.
Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
Freedom report, it was reported that Uyghur Muslims continue to have
difficulty applying for refugee status in government centers, as well
as general feelings of animosity between Uyghurs and other members of
the population. How can you, if confirmed, continue to work with the
Japanese Government to protect Uyghur Muslims in Japan and around the
world?
Answer. If confirmed, I would emphasize the plight of Uyghur
Muslims today, and offer to share our experience of welcoming and
integrating refugees into the United States.
[Additional Response--11/8/2021]. Uyghurs, who are predominantly
Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups face
ongoing genocide and crimes against humanity in Xinjiang. In the U.S.-
Japan Joint Leaders' Statement from April of this year, the United
States and Japan noted their ``serious concerns regarding the human
rights situations in Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous
Region,'' and I've seen more recent public statements in which Japan
has reiterated these concerns about the situation Uyghur Muslims face
in the PRC. If confirmed, I would encourage the Government of Japan to
explore ways to protect Uyghur asylum seekers and members of other
vulnerable groups in Japan, as well as to identify opportunities to
jointly engage on and advocate for their human rights in the PRC.
Question. Japan is not a party to the Hague Convention on
Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry
Adoption (Hague Adoption Convention or Convention), making intercountry
adoption particularly difficult for American families. How can you, if
confirmed, work with Japanese officials on making this process more
efficient for American families and their children?
Answer. While Japan is not a party to the Hague Convention with
respect to Intercountry Adoption, I understand that Japan has processes
in place (called Special Adoption) that allow for adoption. However,
the requirements have more narrow guidelines than American prospective
parents are accustomed to. There are limits on the age of children that
may be adopted as well as requirements relating to the age and marital
status of prospective parents as well as time living with the child in
Japan. The requirement to have lived with the child in Japan for six
months makes it difficult for American prospective parents to meet this
requirement. If confirmed, I would work with Japanese officials to make
the process more feasible for prospective American families.
Question. Because Japan is not a part to the Hague Convention,
there are few enforcement mechanisms to bring parentally abducted
American children home to the United States. What steps can and would
you take to bring hope to American parents who have not seen their
children because of a parental abduction?
Answer. These cases of family separation are painful and tragic.
While it has been a long time coming, my understanding is that there
has been improvement in terms of Japan's record in these IPCA cases
over the last four to five years. We cannot undo the pain of the past,
but I believe Japan's acceding to the Hague Convention on Abductions in
2014 was an important step forward in recognizing that responsibility
for making custodial determinations should lie solely with the court of
competent jurisdiction in the child's place of habitual residence, and
not necessarily where the child is currently residing. If confirmed as
Ambassador, I look forward to working with our Consular officials in
resolving these cases and advocating for the parental rights of
American citizen parents.
Question. U.S. missions across the globe have been under enormous
strain over the past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Japan?
Answer. I cannot yet make a judgment on morale in Mission Japan
since I have not been there. An Ambassador is only as effective as the
members of the Foreign Service, Civil Service employees, eligible
family members (EFMs), local staff and U.S. Armed Forces who surround
them. In Japan, Mission community members have advanced our nation's
ideals without an appointed ambassador for more than two years. I would
like to thank them for their professionalism and dedication to our
Mission in Japan, and I hope to soon serve our country alongside them.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Japan?
Answer. I have not yet been to the mission, so I do not know the
state of morale at the mission. As in all missions, morale always needs
attention and strengthening. If confirmed, morale at Mission Japan
would be my priority. Throughout my career, whether as Mayor of Chicago
or Chief of Staff to the President, I tried to build a mentality that
everything is a team effort and a team success. As I said in remarks at
the hearing, I'm eager to work alongside members of the diplomatic
mission and of the armed services in Japan. If confirmed, I would be
committed to creating a strong team across the embassy and all
consulates and military institutions in Japan.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Japan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the entire mission is unified
under one vision, to ensure our more than 60-year alliance remains
strong and continues to be the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in a
free and open Indo-Pacific. Our alliance advances our shared interests,
shared values, and shared goals. If confirmed as Ambassador, my top
priority would be to unite all members of the mission behind our common
goal of deepening these ties while we confront our common challenges.
Everyone in our Embassy and five consulates will play a role in
contributing to our mission.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I believe every success is a team effort and a
collaborative process. I ensure that everyone has a chance to have
their voice heard and a seat at the table. I listen and analyze all
opinions and views offered, and ask for others to help weigh the
equities, which makes my decisions better. Once a decision is made, we
move forward in a unified fashion, together as a team.
Question. If confirmed, how do you believe your management style
will translate to an embassy setting, where resources may not be
readily available and your diplomatic workforce consists of career
employees?
Answer. I have always found that it is important to lead by
example. As mayor, in a time of tight budgets, I led by example. If I
asked other departments to make changes, I would tighten my budget as
well. I would not require others to make sacrifices or changes if I was
not going to make them as well. As I said in the hearing, I will only
be as strong as my team in the Mission, and I would like to thank them
for their professionalism and dedication over the past two years
without an Ambassador.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent upon new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes. I believe in a culture of mutual respect. Every member
of the mission has a role that is important to the future of our
alliance with Japan. As stated above, I believe every success is a team
effort and a collaborative process. If confirmed, I would ensure that
everyone has a chance to have their voice heard. I would ensure that
the Ambassador is accessible and does not stand apart from the embassy
staffing. I would plan to eat in the embassy cafeteria, join embassy
cycling groups and other community activities to build a stronger sense
of team. It is my practice to listen and analyze diverse options and
opinions, which make my decisions better. Once a decision is made, the
team must move forward together in a unified fashion to achieve our
goals.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No. Never. In my career, I have found it important to
create a culture of loyalty which requires mutual respect and teamwork.
I believe mutual respect and loyalty elicits the very best from people.
My teams have worked hard and achieved great results. As I stated in
the committee hearing, how I was profiled when I was 27 and 30 is not
who I am today. For example, I am the only mayor of Chicago who never
lost a single vote. When I was mayor of Chicago, I led the country in
foreign direct investment (FDI) over seven years. I believe that
reflects that I have more than one tool in my toolbox. Each job is
different, and we change as we grow and learn from our experiences. If
confirmed, I would employ all of the tools in my toolbox to strengthen
our relationship with Japan.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. I see it as a close partnership. Ray Greene has had a long
and successful career as a diplomat in Japan and in the region that is
invaluable. I would plan to rely on that relationship as ambassador. I
would be fortunate as an Ambassador to have a DCM like Ray Greene.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. I respect the DCM's 25 years of experience and his deep
knowledge, not only of Japan but of the region, which is invaluable to
me and to the United States. For example, every former Ambassador notes
the sensitivity of issues in Okinawa and Ray Greene was Consul General
in Okinawa. If confirmed, I would rely on every aspect of his
experience and knowledge for our success.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
If confirmed, will you encourage Mission Japan diplomats to engage
in-person with the Japanese people outside of U.S. embassies
and consulates?
Answer. Yes, of course. If confirmed, I plan to lead by example and
look forward to engaging directly with the Japanese people throughout
the country, as conditions permit. Face-to-face contact and meetings in
local settings where Japanese people engage and work are important to
understanding our partners, and also key to visibly showing our
commitment to Japan is rock-solid.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Japan?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has been the cornerstone of peace,
security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond for over
six decades, and the American and Japanese people share an unbreakable
bond and an unwavering friendship as evidenced by the grassroots
efforts to support each other in times of need, including during the
aftermath of both Hurricane Katrina and the Great East Japan
Earthquake. Public opinion polling confirms that a strong majority of
the Japanese people support the Alliance, but our challenge is to
ensure that Japan's younger generations continue to view the United
States as their first partner of choice on security, economic, and
educational/cultural issues. Like many diplomatic posts around the
world, the Embassy and Consulates in Tokyo have had to shift to all
virtual programming due to the COVID-19 pandemic. As public health
conditions permit, the Public Affairs team and others will be able to
restart in-person engagement on everything from encouraging youth and
mid-career professionals to consider study in the United States, to
fighting climate change, and identifying ways to promote our shared
values across the Indo-Pacific region.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Our public diplomacy professionals in Washington and in the
field work closely together, and we rely on that close cooperation to
ensure that content and messages developed for a global audience are
relevant and effectively localized for audiences at post.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of
our employees and their family members my top priority. If confirmed, I
will energetically support the Department's established reporting and
care protocols for anomalous health incidents.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Japan personnel?
Answer. Communication that is clear, complete, concise, and timely
is a central part of effective leadership and management. I believe
that a well-informed workforce is a more effective one. If confirmed, I
will use the Mission's weekly Country Team meetings, regular meetings
with top managers, established procedures for notices and policies, and
town hall meetings to convey our mission and vision and to give all
information needed to enable our success.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. According to a scientific public opinion poll conducted
in August 2019, included in the Journal for Peace and Nuclear
Disarmament, 75 percent percent of Japanese respondents favored Japan
signing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)--a
Treaty that prohibits the use of and possession of nuclear weapons. If
confirmed as Ambassador, how will you reflect this overwhelming
attitude towards nuclear weapons in Japan, a close ally, as the
interagency completes its Nuclear Posture Review as part of the Defense
led Integrated National Defense Strategy?
Answer. While I understand and share the desire to make progress
toward a world without nuclear weapons, the TPNW is not the right way
to achieve that goal. The TPNW risks undermining U.S. deterrence
relationships that are still necessary for international peace and
security and may reinforce divisions that hinder our ability to work
together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges.
U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear deterrence (which includes all
NATO Allies, plus Australia, Japan, and South Korea) share our view
that the TPNW is incompatible with our extended nuclear deterrence
arrangements. The best way to achieve a world without nuclear weapons
is through a process that takes into account the international security
environment and seeks effective, verifiable arms control and
disarmament measures.
Question. Then-Vice President, Joseph R. Biden, stated on January
11, 2017 that: ``it is hard to envision a plausible scenario in which
the first use of nuclear weapons by the United States would be
necessary. Or make sense.'' Do you personally agree with that opinion?
Answer. I understand that various declaratory policy options will
be reviewed as part of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear Posture
Review, based on ongoing analysis and continuing allied and partner
consultations. It would be premature to adopt a position on U.S.
declaratory policy prior to the completion of the NPR process. At the
same time, I understand the concerns expressed among some allies and
partners, members of Congress, and experts regarding U.S. adoption of a
no-first-use or sole purpose policy. Those concerns will inform the
review process. In our last review, there was no country with greater
participation or consultation than Japan. I anticipate the same level
of engagement for the next review.
Question. The United States has several Intra-Parliamentary Working
Groups that allow for active U.S. participation of Members of Congress
and staff with other governments. How can an Intra-Parliamentary
Working Group, such as that is included in the Innovation and
Competition Act (S.1260), advance common interests and values of the
Quad nations?
Answer. Quad cooperation supports the United States' goal of
realizing a free and open Indo-Pacific, and our vision for this
partnership is ambitious and far-reaching. As a former Congressman, I
look forward to engaging with members of Congress on how best to
support that goal and advance the work of the Quad, including through
intra-parliamentary working groups.
Question. How can the United States work with Japan to lessen its
reliance on nuclear power and coal and increase its renewable energy
infrastructure?
Answer. I welcome Prime Minister Kishida's affirmation of Japan's
pledge to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 46-50 percent by 2030
as part of its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the Paris
Agreement. Implementation of Japan's NDC will require significant
transformations toward a cleaner energy future. The United States is
committed to be a partner with Japan in this effort. At their April 16
summit, President Biden and then-Prime Minister Suga launched the U.S.-
Japan Climate Partnership on Ambition, Decarbonization, and Clean
Energy to advance cooperation on climate ambition, climate and clean
energy technology, and decarbonization. In order to expand renewable
energy infrastructure--both in Japan and in third countries--the United
States and Japan are enhancing cooperation on innovation, including in
such areas as renewable energy, energy storage (such as batteries and
long-duration energy storage technologies), smart grid, energy
efficiency, low carbon hydrogen, and Carbon Capture, Utilization and
Storage/Carbon Recycling. If confirmed, I would continue and expand
opportunities for U.S.-Japan cooperation to address the climate crisis.
Question. Japan is currently completing construction on the
Rokkasho spent nuclear fuel reprocessing facility which may open as
early as next year. Experts estimate this plant could produce up to
eight tons of separated plutonium on an annual basis, which would be an
unwelcome addition to the 8.9 tons it currently hosts at homes and the
36.6 tons currently being held in France. If confirmed, will you commit
to working with Japan to find ways to dispose of its plutonium surplus,
both domestically and abroad?
Answer. The United States has a long history of productive
cooperation with Japan on nuclear safety, security, and
nonproliferation. Japan has committed that it will not maintain
plutonium reserves for which utilization is unspecified, a commitment
which Japan has consistently honored.
In July 2018, the Government of Japan released new policy
guidelines stating that Japan intends to keep its plutonium stockpile
at current levels and reduce from there. Our decades of close
cooperation with Japan, as well as our ongoing dialogue across a wide
range of nuclear nonproliferation, safety, and security issues give me
confidence that Japan will continue to move forward in ways that are
fully consistent with its international obligations and its reputation
as a leader in global nuclear nonproliferation. If confirmed, I would
work closely with Japan to ensure that it continues to meet its
commitments.
Question. Japanese automobile companies such as Toyota have engaged
in intense lobbying against U.S. efforts to transition to electric
vehicles. How can you address this issue with the Japanese Government?
Answer. President Biden's Build Back Better Agenda and the
Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal invest in the infrastructure,
manufacturing, and incentives that we need to grow good-paying, union
jobs at home, lead on electric vehicles around the world, and save
American consumers money. The Japanese Government has committed to a
clean energy strategy and a 46-50 percent reduction in greenhouse gas
emissions by 2030. They too, are working toward cleaner vehicles and
have set a target toward phasing out the sale of gas and diesel-engine
cars by 2035. The United States and Japan are committed to advancing
shared interests, including addressing climate change. If confirmed, I
would prioritize engagement on climate change and clean energy, and
good paying jobs that assist the middle class while supporting robust
mutually- beneficial trade between the United States and Japan.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure Japan's concerns
about the Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea as well as concerns
about Japan's own security are fully represented in any engagements or
negotiations between the United States and North Korea?
Answer. The United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea
continue to deepen trilateral cooperation towards the complete
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. I understand that Prime
Minister Kishida is prepared to meet with the DPRK leader Kim Jong Un
without preconditions and remains committed to the immediate resolution
of the abductions issue. I hope the DPRK will respond positively. As
President Biden and former Prime Minister Suga reaffirmed in their
April 2021 Joint Leaders' statement, the United States is committed to
the immediate resolution of the abductions issues. Our treaty
commitments to Japan's security are rock-solid and inform our bilateral
and multilateral cooperation with Japan.
Question. If provided additional resources by Congress, in what
ways would you expand the U.S.-Japan-Taiwan Global Cooperation Training
Framework (GCTF)?
Answer. The GCTF is an essential tool for building support for
Taiwan around the world and demonstrating the value of Taiwan's
participation on the global stage. Since its inception in 2015, the
GCTF has featured dozens of workshops that have provided training to
over two thousand participants, either virtually or in Taipei. The
State Department recently launched a major expansion of the GCTF that
will allow the hosting of GFTC workshops around the world, reaching new
audiences with regionally focused content.
Question. Recent media reports suggest that while Laquan McDonald's
great uncle, Pastor Marvin Hunter, has offered support for your
nomination, there is not agreement amongst the family on their support.
Have you engaged with other members of the family about your
nomination?
Answer. As Pastor Hunter describes in his letter to the Chairman,
our conversation and relationship predates and is unrelated to any
nomination. He reached out to me to begin a dialogue about police
accountability and the tragic murder of his great nephew. I was honored
to be approached by the pastor and have found great meaning and hope in
our conversations since then. Out of respect for the family, I have
expressed an openness to engaging with any of them who are interested
but have deferred to their wishes on when or if they would like to
engage in a dialogue.
Question. Why did you initially oppose a federal civil rights
pattern-and-practice investigation into the systematic issues within
Chicago's police department?
Answer. In December 2015, I announced the formation of an
independent Police Accountability Task Force (PATF) to conduct a
comprehensive review of Chicago's system of police accountability,
oversight, and training. The PATF was made up of well-respected experts
in police accountability and reform, including the former Assistant
Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division and former Governor of
Massachusetts Deval Patrick, the then-Inspector General of Chicago Joe
Ferguson, and the then-President of the Chicago Police Board and now
Mayor of Chicago Lori Lightfoot. Their mandate was extremely broad--to
recommend reforms to improve independent oversight of police
misconduct, ensure officers with repeated complaints are identified and
evaluated appropriately, and to establish best practices for the
release of videos of police-involved incidents--and their timeline for
delivering recommendations was an aggressive four months. As former
Inspector General Ferguson wrote recently in a letter to the Chair of
the Committee on Foreign Relations (see full letter attached), the
PATF's work was done ``without constraint or filter,'' it was
``independent and unconstrained,'' and I asked ``the truth be found and
reported, with the chips to fall where they may.'' In addition, at this
time there was still an ongoing federal investigation by the United
States Attorney's Office and the FBI into the shooting of Laquan
McDonald. Under those circumstances, I believed that another
investigation into Chicago's police practices was unnecessary and
risked duplicating or possibly interfering with the work of the PATF.
However, recognizing that the problems of police oversight and
accountability and the well-deserved community distrust of the police
were so widespread and deep-seated, a federal civil rights pattern-and-
practice investigation was not only appropriate but necessary to
address the issues in the police department. The federal pattern and
practice investigation built on the work done by the PATF. As former
Inspector General Ferguson writes: ``The work of the PATF was conducted
separately but coordinately to the pattern and practice investigation
of the Civil Rights Section of the United States Department of Justice,
whose findings were consistent with and as it related specifically to
use of force, complementary to and a further expansion of those of the
PATF.''
Question. When and from whom did you learn about the shooting and
when and from whom did you learn about the dashcam video? Have you ever
viewed the dashcam video? What did you do in response upon learning of
the dashcam video and its contents?
Answer. I do not recall who first informed me about the shooting or
when that information was provided to me. As I stated during my
testimony before the committee, almost immediately after the shooting
the independent agency tasked with reviewing police use of force
incidents, IPRA, and the Cook County State's Attorney's Office began
investigations into the shooting, and soon thereafter the United States
Attorney's Office launched its own investigation into the shooting. All
three of these independent investigative agencies had access to all
available video at the time. The longstanding practice and protocol at
that time was to not release video footage of the police-involved
incident while the investigations were ongoing out of concern that
release of the video could interfere with the investigation, influence
witness statements, and jeopardize a future prosecution, and my office
followed that longstanding practice in this case. As the former
Inspector General for the City of Chicago Joe Ferguson recently wrote
to this committee, ``[d]ecisions made about the non- or delayed-
disclosure of the body-worn camera videos at that time were in fact the
longstanding policy and practice of the City of Chicago and its Law
Department.'' Further, the first time I viewed the dashcam video was
when it was eventually released to the public. Ferguson, who's office
conducted a ``comprehensive investigation'' into my administration's
handling of the aftermath of the shooting, goes on to write, ``there is
a complete absence of factual basis to support the claim that Mayor
Emanuel was involved directly or indirectly in a `cover-up' of the
McDonald shooting videos.'' Indeed, the former Inspector General goes
on to write: ``my office's comprehensive investigation did not reveal
any evidence that would support the lingering surmises and accusations
of a `cover-up' orchestrated out of City Hall. None.''
Question. Why did you not implement all the reforms the Task Force
on Police Accountability recommended? Of the reforms you did commit to
implement, which were implemented (either partially or fully) before
you left office? Which were not, and why not?
Answer. The Police Accountability Task Force, which I convened and
tasked with conducting a comprehensive, independent review of police
oversight and accountability practices in Chicago, issued its report in
April 2016. The report was a thorough assessment of the systemic
problems throughout Chicago policing and police accountability system,
and it included numerous recommendations across a wide array of areas
for reform. As former-Inspector General (and PATF member) Ferguson
wrote to the committee, ``The PATF's findings and recommendations were
reported out nationally and to much acclaim for their candor in pulling
back the cover on the lived experience of those who have directly and
indirectly, over generations, experienced the consequences of
aggressive and oppressive historical policing practices and culture.
The work of the Emanuel-appointed and charged Task Force was
independent and unconstrained.'' My administration moved quickly to act
on the recommendations of the PATF and implemented reforms guided by
their recommendations to the Chicago Police Department's use of force
policies, de-escalation training, body-worn cameras, and a
groundbreaking video release policy. As Mr. Ferguson goes on to explain
in his letter, the longstanding practice of not releasing video footage
during ongoing investigations, ``was the subject of a near
unprecedented video release policy implemented in February 2016 by
Mayor Emanuel, acting immediately in response to the first-issued
recommendation of the PATF.'' As we made progress on implementing the
recommendations of the PATF, that process was eventually incorporated
into the police consent decree which my administration entered into
with the Illinois Attorney General's office. That consent decree, which
I was proud to finalize and sign before leaving office, builds on the
excellent work of the PATF, and finally puts the Chicago Police
Department on a sustainable path toward true reform.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Rahm Emanuel by Senator Todd Young
Question. How do you believe the U.S. should react to China's
application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for
Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)?
Answer. We would expect that China's non-market trade practices,
extensive market-distorting support of state-owned enterprises (SOEs)
and use of economic coercion against other countries would factor into
CPTPP parties' evaluation of China as a potential candidate for
accession. If confirmed, I would work to uphold our commitment to
international rules and standards and work with partners in the region
to maintain high standards I would defend our interests and work
alongside our partners and allies to ensure fairness-in competition,
practices, and trade-and to ensure that the PRC is not permitted to
dictate the rules of the road and undermine a free and fair Indo-
Pacific.
Question. How do you believe the U.S. can leverage its
relationships with Japan to build legitimacy for issue-based coalitions
to address China's unfair trade practices?
Answer. The U.S.-Japan Alliance has served as the cornerstone of
peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for more than six
decades, and it has never been stronger. The American and Japanese
people share deeply rooted values of defending freedom, championing
economic and social opportunity and inclusion, and respecting human
rights and the rule of law. Japan has joined the United States and our
allies and partners to express our joint concerns about the PRC's
unfair trade practices including preferential treatment for state owned
enterprises, data restrictions, inadequate enforcement of intellectual
property rights, and forced technology transfer. Additionally, the
United States and Japan and our other partners are concerned by the
PRC's failure to respect International Labor Standards and non-
compliance with applicable ILO Conventions. If confirmed, I will work
with Japan to uphold freedom of association and the effective
recognition of the right to collective bargaining, and the elimination
of all forms of forced or compulsory labor.
Question. China is an important trading partner as well as a
security threat for both the U.S. and Japan. Could you please share
your view of China and whether you see the country as more of a partner
or as a threat?
Answer. The PRC has adopted an increasingly provocative foreign
policy. It is the only competitor potentially capable of combining its
economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to mount a
sustained challenge to a stable and open international system. As
Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with the PRC will be
competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can be, and
adversarial when it must be. The common denominator is the need to work
alongside our allies and partners to engage China. Japan will obviously
be a key partner in this challenge, and if confirmed I will prioritize
working with Japan on our shared security priorities.
Question. With the recent security agreement between the U.S., UK,
and Australia, and in light of the existing Quadrilateral Security
Dialogue (QUAD) between the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia, what is
your view of the role Japan can and should play in efforts to counter
Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. I would like to reiterate that the U.S.-Japan Alliance has
served as the cornerstone of peace, security, and prosperity in the
Indo-Pacific and across the world for more than six decades, and it has
never been stronger. The American and Japanese people share deeply
rooted values of defending freedom, championing economic and social
opportunity and inclusion, and respecting human rights, and the rule of
law. This has led us to share some of the same concerns regarding the
PRC's actions. We welcome Japan's expanding position as a leader not
just in the Indo-Pacific but globally. Its founding role in creating
the Quad was an example of this leadership. If confirmed, I will work
with Japan to support the rule of law, freedom of navigation and
overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, democratic values, and
territorial integrity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
Question. Do you think there are opportunities for cooperation on
technology issues for members of the QUAD? In the future, what kind of
cooperation do you think is necessary with Japan, a partner with high
technological capabilities, in order to maintain U.S. technological
superiority in critical technologies such as AI, cybersecurity, beyond
5G, and quantum computing?
Answer. Members of the Quad actively cooperate on a broad range of
technology issues. Moreover, Japan is one of our closest partners on
technology development and deployment. Joint initiatives have produced
results in such fields as infectious diseases, particle physics,
advanced computing, fusion plasma, materials discovery, natural
resources, neuroscience, space, cancer biology, and natural disaster
resiliency. Our two countries have ongoing cooperation and hold regular
bilateral meetings on a full range of the most challenging and relevant
science and technology issues, including cyber security, AI, quantum
computing, and ``beyond 5G'' telecommunications networks. If confirmed,
I would work to deepen these ties with Japan to help ensure our
continued technology leadership.
Question. As Ambassador, would you propose encouraging the Japanese
Government to expand its security role in the Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. In an increasingly challenging security environment, the
United States and Japan will continue to closely coordinate on how to
effectively deter and, if necessary, respond to growing threats to the
U.S.-Japan Alliance and regional security in the Indo-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I would work with Japan to promote greater mutual
investment in defense and improve our forces' interoperability to
ensure our alliance is able to adapt quickly to a changing security
landscape with the necessary capabilities and military readiness. Japan
is in the position to play an even greater role on regional security
issues by supporting and encouraging closer cooperation with other
like-minded partners.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Robert Menendez
ASEAN
Question. Enduring support for ASEAN is critical to the United
States' posture in the Indo-Pacific and central to that engagement is
our partnership with Singapore.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to help Singapore in
bolstering ASEAN's centrality in the Asia-Pacific region? What
is your assessment of how ASEAN can improve its functions to
more fully establish itself as an important, and problem-
solving, regional player?
Answer. We value Singapore's role as one of the founding members of
ASEAN, alongside Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand,
and its advocacy for ASEAN centrality and unity. If confirmed, I look
forward to future discussions with Singapore that advance the U.S.-
ASEAN strategic partnership and highlight ASEAN at the heart of our
shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific.
Economic and Trade Opportunities
Question. Singapore is the United States' largest trading partner
in Southeast Asia, and the 18th largest trading partner overall.
How can the United States continue to improve our economic
relationship with Singapore? If confirmed, what economic
initiatives would you pursue in light of the U.S. withdrawal
from the TPP?
Answer. Singapore is one of the United States' strongest economic
partners in the region, surpassing $93 billion in bilateral trade in
2020. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with Singapore
bilaterally and through regional fora, including APEC and ASEAN, to
promote trade and encourage private-sector investment in the region. I
will also continue to make the case with Singapore and others in the
region to uphold high standards and adhere to global rules and norms
for trade.
Vice President Harris' Recent Visit
Question. As you know, Vice President Harris recently visited
Singapore and announced agreements to address climate change,
cybersecurity, and supply chain resilience.
What are your primary goals in executing these agreements and what
potential do you see for U.S.-Singapore collaboration on
technology and innovation?
Answer. Following Vice President Harris' visit in August,
Singapore's Ministry of Trade and Industry and the U.S. Department of
Commerce launched on October 7 a new ``Partnership for Growth and
Innovation'' to address immediate- and longer-term challenges that face
both of our economies, including the need to enhance supply chain
resilience. This partnership is designed to promote inclusive economic
growth, innovation and entrepreneurship, and shared prosperity in the
United States and Singapore and throughout the Indo-Pacific. If
confirmed, I plan to work with U.S. businesses and the Singaporean
government to strengthen our trade and investment relations.
Security Cooperation
Question. Mutual security interests are a critical element of the
U.S.-Singapore bilateral relationship, which includes the important
defense cooperation agreements we have concluded over the past decade.
How can the United States bolster its security relationship with
Singapore? If confirmed, how would you encourage and assist
Singapore in addressing maritime tensions in the South China
Sea?
Answer. Singapore is an important security partner and provides the
U.S. military with access to its bases, ports, and runways. Both the
United States and Singapore have a clear national interest in promoting
respect for international law, including freedom of navigation and
overflight and other lawful uses of the sea, unimpeded lawful commerce,
and the peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea (SCS).
If confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our close
military cooperation on shared priority areas such as maritime security
and cybersecurity, and I will continue to discuss with Singapore how we
can uphold rights and freedoms that are reflected in international law
in the SCS and around the world.
Question. How do you plan to respond to Singapore's increasing
defense cooperation with China?
Answer. Singapore maintains robust relationships with both the
United States and the People's Republic of China. Singapore is a
reliable partner that welcomes cooperation with the United States and
increased U.S. security and economic engagement in the region. If
confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our close military
cooperation.
China
Question. Singapore, along with other countries in the region, face
a time of increasing geopolitical uncertainty with China's growing
assertiveness in the Pacific.
What is your assessment of how Singapore's thinking on China has
evolved in recent years? And what should the United States be
doing to influence Singapore's approach towards confronting and
competing with China?
Answer. As Secretary Blinken stated in his March foreign policy
speech, our relationship with the PRC will be competitive when it
should be, collaborative when it can be, and adversarial when it must
be. We seek to cooperate with Beijing where our interests align. In
other areas, we will compete vigorously. The common denominator is the
need to work alongside our allies and partners to engage the PRC from a
position of collective strength. If confirmed, I am committed to
working with Singapore to ensure that it is a reliable partner that
welcomes U.S. security and economic engagement in the region.
Burma
Question. Singapore plays an important role in diplomacy
surrounding the political and humanitarian crisis in Burma.
If confirmed, what will you do to encourage Singapore to place
pressure on Burma's military leaders to cease ongoing violence
against protestors and to release political prisoners?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members
to hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the
people of Burma and not the military regime.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously. If
confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy Singapore staff,
their family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my
highest priority.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that that all reported
potential anomalous health incidents are given serious attention and
reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will also ensure
that staff who are affected by these incidents receive prompt access to
the treatment, support, and medical care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Singapore to discuss any reported anomalous health
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy
Singapore staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous
health incidents are being followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What are your top 2-3 priorities for the U.S.-Singapore
relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, my highest priority would be ensuring the
safety and security of the mission and our men and women serving
abroad, along with the safety and security of U.S. citizens in
Singapore. I am also committed to ensuring that our robust security,
economic, and enduring people-to-people ties remain the pillars of our
expansive and enduring bilateral partnership and allows us to cooperate
as close partners in support of the rules-based economic and security
order in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. How would you evaluate Singapore as a defense partner
overall? Where are they helpful, and where do they need to do more?
Answer. Singapore is a critically important security partner that
enables a strong U.S. military presence in the region by providing
access to bases, ports, and runways, and allowing for the rotational
deployment of U.S. littoral combat ships and Navy P-8s. Singapore
maintains a training force of close to 1,000 members in the United
States and is also the largest purchaser of U.S. military equipment in
Southeast Asia, and has agreed to purchase the F-35B Joint Strike
Fighter. If confirmed, I intend to work with Singapore to deepen our
close military cooperation. I will work with my colleagues across the
interagency to expand our cooperation in our shared priority areas such
as maritime security and cybersecurity.
Question. Do you agree that extended deterrence is the foundation
of the U.S. security apparatus in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Yes. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in
advancing U.S. national security objectives in the Indo-Pacific, and
U.S. nuclear forces, underpin extended deterrence. The administration
is committed to reinvigorating and modernizing alliances and
partnerships around the world; this includes ensuring U.S. extended
deterrence commitments to U.S. allies and partners remain strong and
credible.
Question. Do you commit to not advocating for policies that would
dilute or erode U.S. extended deterrence commitments?
Answer. I understand the administration is undertaking a review of
various national security policies, including nuclear deterrence issues
through the ongoing Nuclear Posture Review. If confirmed, I will
contribute to those processes as they relate to Singapore and the Indo-
Pacific Region. I also understand that the administration is committed
to reinvigorating and modernizing alliances and partnerships around the
world; this includes ensuring U.S. extended deterrence commitments in
the region remain strong and credible.
Question. How do you think our Indo-Pacific allies and partners
would respond to adopting a `sole purpose doctrine' as our declaratory
policy?
Answer. I understand that the administration is working to
reinvigorate and modernize U.S. alliances and partnerships around the
world and has highlighted the need to ensure extended deterrence
commitments to U.S. allies remain strong and credible. If confirmed, I
will do my part to reaffirm, invest in, and modernize our global
alliances and partnerships, which are America's greatest strategic
asset. It is my understanding that various declaratory policy options
are being reviewed as part of the Department of Defense-led Nuclear
Posture Review.
Question. At the VP's trip to Singapore in August, the U.S. and
Singapore finalized three agreements to expand cybersecurity, including
military to military engagement. What should our next steps be in
cybersecurity cooperation with Singapore, and what challenges do we
still face?
Answer. Technological advancement continues to create a more inter-
connected world that is increasingly vulnerable to cyber threats.
Singapore is an important bilateral partner and regional leader on
cybersecurity issues. If confirmed, I will work closely with Singapore
to expand information sharing, increase cyber capacity building, and
improve incident response coordination. These efforts will deepen our
cybersecurity cooperation and build on the three recently signed cyber-
MOUs related to the financial sector, military-to-military engagement,
and regional capacity-building.
Question. Singapore has historically taken on a non-alignment
policy, in which it hopes to balance its relationship with the U.S. and
China. What are your views on this policy and what challenges does it
present to the U.S.-Singapore relationship?
Answer. Singapore maintains robust relationships with both the
United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC). The PRC is
Singapore's top trade partner in goods, while the United States remains
Singapore's largest investor; largest trading partner in services; and
security partner of choice. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that
Singapore remains one of the United States' strongest security,
economic, and trade partners in the region.
Question. Do you commit to keeping Congress informed of any
Singapore-Chinese military engagement?
Answer. Yes, I commit to monitoring Singapore's bilateral
relationship with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and providing
assessments on the relationship to enable awareness throughout the U.S.
Government.
Question. What opportunities are there for more U.S.-Singapore
economic engagement given efforts to diversify supply chains from
China?
Answer. The COVID-19 crisis has significantly slowed down global
trade and supply chains, including for both Singaporean and U.S.
businesses. During Vice President Harris' visit in August, the United
States and Singapore committed to holding a high-level dialogue with
industry and government representatives to discuss supply chain
resilience. The United States and Singapore will also work to address
shortages caused by global supply chain disruptions, including
identifying ways to remove choke points in the semiconductor supply
chain. If confirmed, I plan to work with U.S. businesses and the
Singapore government to facilitate travel and strengthen our trade and
investment relations.
Question. What do you think needs to happen to build more resilient
supply chains in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Stronger industry relationships and increased economic
partnerships will ensure a more resilient, diverse, and secure supply
chains. The administration's focus centers around four critical product
areas: computer chips; electric vehicle batteries; pharmaceuticals; and
strategic and critical materials. In coordination with our partners and
allies, and if confirmed, I will work with business, the Singapore
leadership, and the administration to secure supply chain
competitiveness and national security.
Question. China has been increasingly exerting its economic,
diplomatic, and military pressure against Taiwan in the past few years.
How do you think a change in Taiwan's status quo will affect our
relationship with Singapore, and regional stability more generally?
Answer. The United States remains committed to the maintenance of
peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and within the Indo-
Pacific Region and we continue to support a peaceful resolution of
cross-Strait issues, consistent with the wishes and best interests of
the people on Taiwan. Singapore likewise sees the maintenance of peace
and security across the Taiwan Strait as crucial to the entire region.
If confirmed, I will work with Singapore to ensure it is a close
partner in support of the rules-based economic and security order in
the Indo-Pacific.
Question. China has a long history of economic and political
coercion in Singapore. This includes tactics like arresting Singaporean
shipping vessels that sail through contested waters, engaging in
information campaigns to pressure Singapore to adopt China's nine dash
line, conducting cyberattacks against Singapore's health system, and
make Singaporean business in China difficult when Singapore speaks
publicly about foreign policy views not consistent with the CCP.
What are your concerns with Chinese political influence in
Singapore? Where are the greatest inroads for China in
Singapore?
Answer. Singapore has extensive economic ties to the People's
Republic of China (PRC), and the PRC is Singapore's top trade partner
in goods. As a small nation dependent on trade, Singapore shares our
concern in some instances about economic coercion by the PRC. If
confirmed, I will continue to make the case with Singapore and other
countries in the region to uphold high standards and adhere to global
rules and norms for trade. I will continue to advocate for U.S.
businesses and ensure that the United States remains competitive in
trade with Singapore and in the region.
Question. How should the U.S. respond or support allies and
partners when they face political and economic coercion from China?
Answer. The United States must continue to push back on corrupt or
coercive political and economic practices that damage our interests and
those of our partners. The PRC has a history of manipulating its
economic power to advance its strategic and political objectives by
intimidating other countries, territories, and companies. If confirmed,
I will support efforts to build resilience in the face of such coercion
and--where necessary -coordinate a collective response with partners
and allies. Also, if confirmed, I will work to reestablish the United
States as a regional diplomatic leader, and will strongly support U.S.
efforts to rally partners around international law.
Question. What will you emphasize to Singapore when it comes to the
South China Sea?
Answer. The PRC's increased assertiveness in the South China Sea
presents a major challenge for all countries' security. Both the United
States and Singapore have a national interest in the maintenance of
peace and stability, respect for international law, and unimpeded
lawful commerce in the South China Sea. If confirmed, I will encourage
Singapore to continue to be a leading advocate in ASEAN for a
meaningful Code of Conduct between ASEAN and China in the South China
Sea that reinforces international law and does not seek to undermine
the rights of claimants or third-party states.
Question. Where can the U.S. be more active in economic engagement
in ASEAN member nations? Where can the U.S. cooperate with Singapore on
this activity?
Answer. ASEAN's outlook on the Indo-Pacific closely aligns with our
own. ASEAN is looking to increase U.S. support for trade and economic
development to help its member states recover from COVID-19. During
Vice President Harris's visit, she announced plans to join Singapore in
expanding mutual efforts to promote smart, sustainable cities through
the ASEAN Smart Cities Network and the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities
Partnership. This partnership will promote business-to-business
cooperation and is a key component of demonstrating our commitment to
ASEAN and its role at the heart of the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I
will continue to support the United States' positive involvement in
economic engagement through initiatives such as USAID's IGNITE program,
which focuses on inclusive growth in ASEAN through innovation, trade,
and e-commerce.
Question. Do you believe the United States should have a robust
trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific?
Answer. Trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of the
Biden-Harris administration's effort to Build Back Better. The
administration's approach to trade is focused on supporting American
working families, defending our values, and protecting the long-term
prosperity and security of the United States. As President Biden has
said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S.
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements,
including in the Indo-Pacific.
Question. The VP launched a U.S.-Singapore Partnership for Growth
and Innovation during her trip to the region in August. What do you
think this partnership should look like, and what concrete steps can
the U.S. take to deepen trade with Singapore?
Answer. The goal of the U.S.-Singapore ``Partnership for Growth and
Innovation'' is to strengthen U.S.-Singapore trade and investment
collaboration. It establishes a vehicle for deepening economic
integration through government and private sector collaboration under
four pillars: digital economy, energy and environmental technologies,
advanced manufacturing, and healthcare. If confirmed, I will work with
U.S. businesses and the Singaporean government to strengthen our trade
and investment relations and take steps to promote inclusive economic
growth, innovation and entrepreneurship, and shared prosperity in the
United States and Singapore and throughout the Indo-Pacific.
Question. What are the opportunities for more technology
cooperation with Singapore? Where do we still face major obstacles?
Answer. Under the ``Partnership for Growth and Innovation,'' the
United States is committed to cooperating with Singapore in areas such
as financial technology, cybersecurity, clean energy and climate change
solutions, medical technologies, and artificial intelligence, and to
discuss immediate and long-term challenges that face both of our
economies, such as supply chain resilience. The United States and
Singapore are also working together to promote smart, sustainable
cities through the ASEAN Smart Cities Network (ASCN) by promoting green
building standards and co-funding a professional exchange program to
share expertise with ASCN officials on water, energy, transportation,
cybersecurity, and new technologies.
Question. How will you encourage Singapore to address the crisis in
Burma? And ASEAN more broadly?
Answer. The United States values Singapore's role as one of the
founding members of ASEAN, and its advocacy for ASEAN centrality and
unity. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members to
hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy.
Question. The State Department has been asking Singapore to assess
the Burmese military's financial and other ties to Singapore. Burmese
military officials have money in Singapore. They and their families
travel there for education, medical treatment, business, and
recreation. Do you commit to pressing Singapore on this issue?
Answer. The United States encourages all international partners,
including Singapore, to review their financial ties to the Burmese
military regime and ensure they are not directly or indirectly
supporting the regime's ability to rule through fear and violence. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the
people of Burma and not the military regime. I look forward to working
with Singapore to achieve these goals.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, will you commit to working
with Singapore to put pressure on ASEAN to hold the military junta in
Burma accountable for the coup and the violence that has ensued.
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Singapore and other ASEAN members
to hold the Burmese regime accountable to the Five-Point Consensus and
urge the military to immediately cease the violence, release all those
unjustly detained, and restore Burma's path to inclusive democracy. If
confirmed, I will continue to urge all countries to review their
economic leverage and ties to Burma to ensure they benefit only the
people of Burma and not the military regime.
Question. How can the United States and Singapore work together to
assist other Southeast Asian nations in efforts to equitably transition
to clean energy?
Answer. During Vice President Harris' visit to Singapore in August
2021, the United States and Singapore launched a U.S.-Singapore Climate
Partnership, through which both countries intend to work together to
develop high-quality climate standards and increase regional ambition
on sustainable finance, collaborate on financial sector climate and
environmental risk management, support regional clean energy
infrastructure development, improve sustainability of ports and
shipping, and mobilize climate capital for climate mitigation and
adaptation. The United States and Singapore can work together through
this and other initiatives to prioritize this transition to clean
energy to other counties in Southeast Asia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Eric Kaplan by Senator Todd Young
Question. The Strait of Malacca is the second busiest naval route
in the world, and Singapore sits at the most strategic point within the
strait. It would be considered by any navy the gateway to the South
China Sea and therefore it is important that this area be open to
international shipping and freedom of navigation. What is your
assessment of Singapore's commitment to freedom of navigation in the
Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea?
Answer. Singapore has a steadfast commitment to freedom of
navigation in the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. The United
States and Singapore see eye-to-eye on the importance of compliance
with the international law of the sea, including freedoms of
navigation, overflight, and other lawful uses of the sea, and on the
resolution of disputes in accordance with international law.
Question. How has Beijing tried to influence or bully Singapore to
accept Chinese claims on the South China Sea?
Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has tried to coerce
Singapore and other countries within the region to accept its claims in
the South China Sea. Singapore is a strong supporter of international
law and speaks broadly in support of the rules-based order. Singapore
largely focuses its diplomatic efforts on buttressing ASEAN unity while
pushing for quick progress in negotiations on a Code of Conduct between
ASEAN and the PRC. While Singapore is not a claimant country in South
China Sea territorial disputes, it regularly emphasizes the need for
freedom of the seas and insists on the resolution of disputes in
accordance with international law.
__________
Correspondence Submitted to the Committee Supporting
Rahm Emanuel's Nomination to be U.S. Ambassador to Japan
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2021 (p.m.)
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:05 p.m., via
videoconference, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, presiding.
Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Rounds, and
Hagerty.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee
will come to order.
We apologize to all involved that we are a little late in
starting. We have a vote going on in the floor of the United
States Senate. I just voted and we may have another one during
the course of this hearing and we will just have to juggle
things to keep things going.
I want to thank my colleague in this hearing, my Republican
colleague, Senator Rounds. We also serve together as the
chairman and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on African
Global Health Policy, and I want to thank him for his
leadership.
I am going to welcome all seven of our nominees here. We
have two panels. The first panel will include Ambassador
Patricia Mahoney to be Ambassador to the Central African
Republic; Ambassador Peter Vrooman, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Mozambique; Mr. Peter Haas, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Bangladesh; and Ms. Julie Chung, to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Sri Lanka.
Our second panel will consist of Mr. Brian Shukan, to be
our Ambassador to the Republic of Benin; and Ms. Elizabeth
Fitzsimmons to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic; and
Ambassador David Gilmour, to be our Ambassador to the Republic
of Equatorial Guinea.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. I have
had the chance to meet with some of you in the past, to connect
with some of you via Zoom, and to review the backgrounds of
everybody here. And I just want to thank all of you for your
service to the United States, as Foreign Service officers.
As some of you may know, I come from a Foreign Service
family and I am really grateful to you and your families for
serving our country. For those of you who have been
ambassadors, you know this, and for all of you who have already
served in the Foreign Service, you know that serving as an
ambassador overseas as the representative of the President of
the United States is a very important responsibility and it
will be your task to coordinate all U.S. policy and be the go-
between, between the United States Government and the
governments in the countries where you will be assigned,
assuming all are confirmed.
So, I just want to thank all of you. You have the
responsibility of bringing together all the sort of tools of
American diplomacy and influence, from the military to
developmental tools, and, of course, diplomatic tools, and
others, to improve, strengthen our relations with the countries
in which you will represent the United States, to make clear to
those countries, U.S. interests, and importantly, as President
Biden has really worked to emphasize, support the principles of
democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.
That is, of course, a challenge around the world,
especially as many of our adversaries continue to export their
models of authoritarianism, using all the tools at their
disposal. So, we are at a challenging moment, but I know all of
you are up to the challenge.
And so, I am pleased to see Mike. Senator Rounds, I
mentioned our partnership earlier. It is great to see you.
Thank you for your leadership on a range of foreign policy
issues.
And with that, let me turn it over to my colleague, Senator
Rounds.
STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I most
certainly appreciate that, and I do appreciate the working
relationship that we have. I know we voted at exactly the same
time; it just took me a little longer to get back to my office,
because I have got further to go.
But, first of all, thank you, and good afternoon to all of
you. As career diplomats, I agree with Senator Van Hollen that
much of your lives and those of your families have been spent
far from home. You have made great sacrifices in the service to
your country.
Thank you and your families for your lifetimes of service
and your work, which is critical in maintaining and advancing
America's influence throughout the world.
Ambassador Mahoney, thank you for your service as a U.S.
Ambassador to Benin and for your eagerness to continue to serve
in the Central African Republic. CAR remains beset by violence
and ongoing humanitarian crisis. Russia's malign influence on
the country poses additional concerns. We need to take a hard
look at our policy toward CAR and how we can be proactively
engaged. So, you have your work cut out for you.
Now, the U.S. Embassy in the Central African Republic is
one of the most difficult environments in which to live and
work in this entire world. I appreciate your willingness to
serve there.
Ambassador Vrooman, thank you for your service as an
Ambassador to Rwanda and your long history of service in Africa
and the Middle East. I am happy to see an experienced
ambassador like you as a nominee for U.S. Ambassador to
Mozambique.
The violent extremist insurgency in the northern province
of Cabo Delgado has threatened and delayed the construction of
a large-scale, onshore, L & G processing complex. The threats
posed by Mozambique's northern insurgency have prompted
deployments of military assistance forces from other African
countries and security cooperation and military training from
the U.S. and European Governments.
I look forward to hearing how you plan to further the U.S.-
Mozambique relationship in the face of these significant
challenges.
Mr. Haas, Bangladesh like many places, is facing the rise
of Islamist militancy, a relatively poor nation with 160
million people living in a land area the size of Iowa. It is
one of the most densely populated countries on Earth;
nevertheless, Bangladesh has opened its borders to nearly one
million Rohingya, fleeing persecution in neighboring Burma, and
is working with the international community to support the
humanitarian response.
Additionally, ties between Bangladesh and China have
recently, significantly improved. In short, if confirmed as
U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh, you will head to a post at a
time when Bangladesh is of increasing bilateral and global
importance.
Ms. Chung, bilateral relations between the United States
and Sri Lanka are facing critical challenges. As Acting
Assistant Secretary for the Western Hemisphere Affairs, you
helped focus our Western Hemisphere efforts on countering
maligned Chinese influence in the region. This will be useful
in Colombo.
Attempts to renegotiate a Status of Forces Agreement faced
unexpected opposition, while the Millennium Challenge
Corporation discontinued a $480 million compact, aimed at
reducing poverty after a Sri Lankan special committee
recommended its rejection. Some say that pressuring Colombo on
human rights could push it closer to China, which is partnering
on a number of big-ticket infrastructure projects in the
country.
I am delighted to meet you all today and I look forward to
your comments.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
And in my earlier comments, I indicated the countries to
which each of you has been nominated as our ambassador, now I
am going to provide a little bit more background for each of
you, and I think all of our colleagues, well, should be
impressed with the depth of your experience and expertise.
Beginning with Ambassador Patricia Mahoney, who is a career
member of the Senior Foreign Service, who currently serves as
the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Benin, previously, she
served as Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State
Department's Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and as
Office Director in the Office of Mainland Southeast Asia.
Her previous experience also includes posts as Deputy Chief
of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Uganda, Deputy Chief of
Mission at U.S. Embassy in Nepal, and Director for South Asia
at the National Security Council.
Ambassador Mahoney is the recipient of multiple State
Department awards and she earned her ab cum laude from Harvard
College; her MA from the University of Hawaii; and her MS from
the National War College. Welcome.
Ambassador Peter Vrooman, Peter Vrooman is a career member
of the Senior Foreign Service and has been Ambassador to the
Republic of Rwanda since 2018. He previously served as Charge
d'Affaires and Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in
Ethiopia. He has a former Director for Iraq on the National
Security Council staff and was Deputy Political Counselor at
the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York.
Ambassador Vrooman has also served as the spokesperson at
the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, as a senior advisor for Northern
Iraq at our embassy in Baghdad, and as Deputy Political
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Israel.
He is the recipient of 20 State Department awards and has
earned his ab from Harvard College and his MS from the National
Defense University's Industrial College of the Armed Forces.
Welcome to you.
Mr. Peter Haas is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and currently serves as both, Acting Assistant
Secretary of State and principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Economic and Business Affairs.
Mr. Haas has previously served as a senior advisor and
Deputy to Assistant Secretary for Trade Policy and negotiations
for the State Department.
Over his career, he has served in positions across five
geographic bureaus at the State Department, including Consul
General at the Consul General, at U.S. Consulate in Mumbai. He
is the recipient of multiple State Department performance
awards, including the James Clement Dunn Award for Excellence
and the Cordell Hull Award for Economic Achievement by Senior
Officers.
Mr. Haas received his BA from Illinois Wesleyan University
and holds advanced degrees from the London School of Economics,
where he studied as a Marshall Scholar. Welcome to you.
Ms. Julie Chung is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service and most recently served as the Acting Assistant
Secretary of the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs at the
State Department. She has held positions in both, Baghdad and
Bogota, and her other previous assignments include positions as
the Director and Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary for Japan in
the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs; as Deputy Chief
of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Cambodia; and Economic
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Thailand.
Ms. Chung is a Pickering Fellow and has received numerous
State Department awards, including the Secretary's
Distinguished Honor Award.
She earned her BA from the University of California, San
Diego, and her MA from Columbia University School of
International and Public Affairs.
And on a note of personal privilege, I mentioned I was a
member of a Foreign Service family. The last overseas post my
father held was Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, and
so I did tell Ms. Chung when I had to chance to talk to her,
how much I really enjoyed getting to know the people of Sri
Lanka; it is a wonderful post, as are the others.
And I am grateful to her and all of you for your service.
So, with that, let me turn it over. We are going to go in the
order that I introduced all of you and begin with Ambassador
Mahoney.
STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICIA MAHONEY OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
Ambassador Mahoney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Rounds, and members of the committee.
I feel privileged and grateful to appear before you today.
I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the
confidence they have placed in me as their nominee for
Ambassador to the Central African Republic.
During my time serving in the Department of State, I have
worked to advance the United States' diplomatic and policy
objectives as deputy chief of mission for our embassies in
Uganda and Nepal, Director of South Asia for the National
Security Council, and currently as the U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Benin. Throughout the course of my career, I have
felt honored to serve the American people and to represent our
nation and its democratic values.
I also appreciate the tremendous responsibility that
embassy leadership has to safeguard the safety and welfare of
American citizens and embassy staff abroad. I recognize that,
if confirmed, I will be assuming leadership of an embassy in a
country in which the United States has suspended operations
three times and carried out numerous evacuations. If confirmed,
my focus will remain on the well-being and security of our
citizens and our embassy staff in the Central African Republic.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the Central
African Republic is a fragile country still scarred by its
horrific civil war in 2013 and still battling the triple
menaces of extreme poverty, armed violence, and instability.
More than a quarter of the country's population has been
displaced over the past decade and more than half of the
country relies on humanitarian assistance for their health and
basic needs.
Additionally, inter- and intra-communal violence continues
over transhumance issues and control of natural resources,
deepening mistrust between communities. The immediate
neighborhood just outside its borders consists of six African
nations all working through varying degrees of insecurity and
governance challenges.
Of profound concern is the fact that we have seen the
deleterious impact of Russian-supported mercenaries from the
Wagner Group on the safety and security of many of the peoples
in the country, which further erodes prospects for regional
security and stability.
President Touadera has critical choices to make in the near
term regarding with whom he chooses to partner. This choice
will affect the United States' and allies' ability to stand
with his government.
At this juncture, our continued engagement in concert with
allies and like-minded partners is vital to ensure that
President Touadera makes the right choice.
If confirmed, I will seek to continue the leadership that
our current Ambassador Tamlyn has demonstrated, to show us a
good-faith and reliable friend to the people of the Central
African Republic that promotes reconciliation, good governance,
and a reinvigorated 2019 Peace Agreement as the best path
forward.
If confirmed, I will do my utmost to represent that best
choice that we offer, both for the good of the people of the
Central African Republic, but also for our own humanitarian and
strategic interests in the region as well. I think it is
important we remain engaged in the Central African Republic to
provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to its at-risk
population, to bolster efforts toward an inclusive and
legitimate national dialogue, to encourage fidelity to the 2019
Peace Agreement, to reinforce peace-building and conflict
mitigation efforts, and to continue to support, as we have
since 2014, the vital role played by the United Nations
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission, known as
MINUSCA, one of the largest and most challenging U.N.
peacekeeping missions in the world.
If confirmed, I will work with President Touadera, the
Government of the Central African Republic, and our partners to
strengthen democratic institutions, advance the rule of law,
improve access to justice, enable effective delivery of
humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the
mining sector.
I will strive to promote respect for human rights, develop
responsible security alternatives to malign Russian-supported
mercenaries, urge further progress on combatting human
trafficking, and encourage accountability at all levels of the
Government. My goal is to work with the Central African
Republic Government and our partners to help the country begin
the transition from humanitarian assistance to sustainable
development.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the
committee, I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be assuming
leadership of an embassy in a country that is contending with
an array of threats to its integrity, its security, and its
ability to satisfy even the most basic needs of its population.
The task is enormous, the challenges complex and exigent, and
the need immense.
I am grateful for your advice and counsel in this
undertaking. I want to reiterate my thanks for giving me the
opportunity to provide this testimony and I look forward to
your questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of Ambassador
Mahoney follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Patricia Mahoney
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I feel privileged and
grateful to appear before you today. I thank President Biden and
Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me as their
nominee for Ambassador to the Central African Republic.
During my time serving in the Department of State, I have worked to
advance the United States' diplomatic and policy objectives as deputy
chief of mission for our embassies in Uganda and Nepal, director of
South Asia for the National Security Council, and currently as the U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Benin. Throughout the course of my
career, I have felt honored to serve the American people and to
represent our nation and its democratic values.
I also appreciate the tremendous responsibility that Embassy
leadership has to safeguard the safety and welfare of American citizens
and Embassy staff abroad. I recognize that, if confirmed, I will be
assuming leadership of an embassy in a country in which the United
States has suspended operations three times and carried out numerous
evacuations. If confirmed, my focus will remain on the wellbeing and
security of our citizens and our embassy staff in the Central African
Republic.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the Central African
Republic is a fragile country still scarred by its horrific civil war
in 2013 and still battling the triple menaces of extreme poverty, armed
violence, and instability. More than a quarter of the country's
population has been displaced over the past decade and more than half
of the country relies on humanitarian assistance for their health and
basic needs. Additionally, inter- and intra-communal violence continues
over transhumance issues and control of natural resources, deepening
mistrust between communities. The immediate neighborhood just outside
its borders consists of six African nations all working through varying
degrees of insecurity and governance challenges.
Of profound concern is the fact that since December, we have seen
the deleterious impact of Russian-supported mercenaries from the Wagner
Group on the safety and security of many of the country's people, which
further erodes prospects for regional stability. President Touadera has
critical choices to make in the near term regarding with whom he
chooses to partner. This choice will affect the United States'--and
allies'--ability to stand with his government.
At this juncture, our continued engagement--in concert with allies
and like-minded partners--is vital to ensure that President Touadera
makes the right choice. If confirmed, I will seek to continue the
leadership that our current Ambassador Lucy Tamlyn has demonstrated to
show ourselves a good-faith and reliable friend to the people of the
Central African Republic that promotes reconciliation, good governance,
and a reinvigorated 2019 Peace Agreement as the best path forward. If
confirmed, I will do my utmost to represent that best choice we offer,
both for the good of the people of the Central African Republic but
also for our own humanitarian and strategic interests in the region as
well. I think it is important we remain engaged in the Central African
Republic to provide life-saving humanitarian assistance to its at-risk
population, to bolster efforts toward an inclusive and legitimate
national dialogue, to encourage fidelity to the 2019 Peace Agreement,
to reinforce peacebuilding and conflict mitigation efforts, and to
continue to support, as we have since 2014, the vital role played by
the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission
(MINUSCA), one of the largest and most challenging U.N. peacekeeping
missions in the world.
If confirmed, I will work with President Touadera, the CAR
Government, and our partners to strengthen democratic institutions,
advance the rule of law, improve access to justice, enable effective
delivery of humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the
mining sector. Further, I will strive to promote respect for human
rights, develop responsible security alternatives to malign Russian-
supported mercenaries, urge further progress on combatting human
trafficking, and encourage accountability at all levels of the
Government. My goal is to work with the Central African Republic
Government and our partners to help the country begin the transition
from lifesaving humanitarian assistance to sustainable development.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I recognize that, if
confirmed, I will be assuming leadership of an embassy in a country
that is contending with an array of threats to its integrity, its
security, and its ability to satisfy even the most basic needs of its
population. The task is enormous; the challenges complex and exigent;
and the need immense. I am grateful for your advice and counsel in this
undertaking, I want to reiterate my thanks for giving me the
opportunity to provide this testimony, and I look forward to answering
any questions you may have.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ambassador Mahoney.
Next, we will turn to Ambassador Vrooman.
Mr. Ambassador?
STATEMENT OF HON. PETER HENDRICK VROOMAN OF NEW YORK, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF MOZAMBIQUE
Ambassador Vrooman. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
Rounds, and members of the committee, it is a great privilege
and honor to appear before you today as President Biden's
nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the Republic of
Mozambique.
I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in me and I am also grateful for this distinguished
committee's consideration. I want to recognize my wife,
Johnette Iris, for her partnership and passion, and for the
resilience and curiosity of my children, Zarah and Hendrick,
who are in school in Rwanda this week, and my mother, Sally,
for coming to visit, teaching English, and mentoring students
wherever the Foreign Service leads me. Finally, I would like to
thank my extended family and friends who always lay out their
welcome mats when I and we are in the United States.
Thirty years ago, I began my Foreign Service career on the
Indian Ocean side of Africa in Djibouti, and I am now the Chief
of Mission in Rwanda. I have served in Somalia and Ethiopia, as
well, and believe that my experience on the continent has
provided me with a unique understanding of some of the
challenges facing Mozambique, including those related to the
pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and post-conflict
stabilization.
If confirmed, I will further strengthen ties between the
United States and Mozambique by seizing opportunities to combat
infectious diseases, promote global health security, sustain
wildlife and maritime conservation efforts, and deepen
bilateral ties that foster job creation in both our countries.
I also remain committed to promoting respect for human rights
and advocating for the inclusion of people with disabilities
throughout our policies and programs.
Mozambique remains a strategic and important partner on the
African continent. The Government of Mozambique, together with
regional forces and allies, are fighting ISIS-Mozambique, which
has caused violence that has claimed thousands of casualties
and internally displaced more than 700,000 people in the north
since 2017. This region is home to massive natural gas reserves
that could lead to a once-in-a-generation economic
transformation for the country and the continent, provided
there is responsible public financial management, community
involvement in local decision-making, and transparency in the
development of a sovereign wealth fund that allows revenue from
natural resources to benefit all Mozambicans.
If confirmed, I will continue our holistic approach to
countering violent extremism and terrorism. The United States
has committed to support the Mozambican Government in four
ways: providing security assistance; strategic communication;
socio-economic and humanitarian assistance; and diplomatic
engagement.
And together, we are rebuilding vocational schools,
promoting dialogue and exchanges with emerging leaders, and
marginalized communities, and providing specialized
counterterrorism training.
If confirmed, I will partner diligently with the Mozambican
Government and its people to address the underlying drivers of
extremism and terrorism by protecting the civilian population,
addressing their development requirements, and upholding the
core values of human rights, good governance, and democratic
participation.
Mozambique also confronts the devastating impact of the
COVID-19 pandemic, which has strained its health care system
and disrupted economic growth. Significantly, the U.S. health
partnership combating HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria
helped Mozambique to respond quickly and effectively to COVID-
19. We join international partners not only to end the
pandemic, but to build back better for global health security
through the more than $50 million in COVID assistance to
Mozambique, including more than 600,000 U.S.-provided vaccines.
Finally, if confirmed, I will dedicate myself to building
on the extraordinary progress that Ambassador Hearne and the
U.S. Embassy have made in deepening our bilateral relations and
supporting Mozambique's efforts to provide for the welfare of
its citizens. It would be a tremendous honor to serve as Chief
of Mission in Maputo, working at the new chancery that
overlooks the same Indian Ocean where I began my Foreign
Service career three decades ago.
Our embassy will be a forum for clear-eyed discussions that
contribute to concrete actions that advance our shared
interests in democracy, security, prosperity, and friendships.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear
before you today. I would be honored to respond to any
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Vrooman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the committee,
It is a great privilege and honor to appear before you today as
President Biden's nominee to serve as the next Ambassador to the
Republic of Mozambique. I thank the President and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me. I am also grateful for this distinguished
committee's consideration. I want to recognize my wife, Johnette Iris,
for her partnership and passion, and for the resilience and curiosity
of my children, Zarah and Hendrick, who are at school in Rwanda this
week. And my mother, Sally, for coming to visit, teaching English, and
mentoring students wherever the Foreign Service leads me. Finally, I
would like to thank my extended family and friends who always lay out
their welcome mats when we are in the United States.
Thirty years ago, I began my Foreign Service career on the Indian
Ocean side of Africa in Djibouti, and I am now the Chief of Mission in
Rwanda. I have served in Somalia and Ethiopia as well and believe that
my experience on the continent has provided me with a unique
understanding of some of the challenges facing Mozambique, including
those related to the pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and post-
conflict stabilization. If confirmed, I will further strengthen ties
between the United States and Mozambique--by seizing opportunities to
combat infectious diseases and promote global health security, sustain
wildlife and maritime conservation efforts, and deepen bilateral
business ties that foster job creation in both countries. I also remain
committed to promoting respect for human rights and advocating for the
inclusion of people with disabilities throughout our policies and
programs.
Mozambique remains a strategic and important partner on the African
continent. The Government of Mozambique together with regional forces
and allies are fighting ISIS-Mozambique, which has caused violence that
has claimed thousands of casualties and internally displaced more than
700,000 people in the north since 2017. This region is home to massive
natural gas reserves that could lead to a once-in-a-generation economic
transformation for the country, provided there is responsible public
financial management, community involvement in local decision-making,
and transparency in the development of a sovereign wealth fund that
allows revenue from natural resources to benefit all Mozambicans.
If confirmed, I will continue our holistic approach to countering
terrorism and violent extremism. The United States has committed to
support the Mozambican Government in four ways: 1) security assistance,
2) strategic communications, 3) socio-economic and humanitarian
assistance, and 4) diplomatic engagement. Together, we are rebuilding
vocational schools, promoting dialogue and exchanges with emerging
leaders and marginalized communities, and providing specialized
counterterrorism training. If confirmed, I will partner diligently with
the Mozambican Government and its people to address the underlying
drivers of extremism and terrorism by protecting the civilian
population, addressing their development requirements, and upholding
the core values of human rights, good governance, and democratic
participation.
Mozambique.also confronts the devastating impact of the COVID-19
pandemic, which has strained its health care system and disrupted
economic growth. Significantly, the U.S. health partnership combating
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria helped Mozambique to respond
quickly and effectively to COVID-19. We join international partners not
only to end the pandemic, but to build back better for global health
security through the more than $55 million in COVID-19 assistance to
Mozambique, including almost 640,000 U.S.-provided vaccines.
Finally, if confirmed, I will dedicate myself to building on the
extraordinary progress that Ambassador Hearne and the U.S. Embassy have
made in deepening our bilateral relations and supporting Mozambique's
efforts to provide for the welfare of its citizens. It would be a
tremendous honor to serve as Chief of Mission in Maputo, working at the
new chancery that overlooks the same Indian Ocean where I began my
Foreign Service career three decades ago. Our embassy will be a forum
for clear-eyed discussions that contribute to concrete actions that
advance our shared interests in democracy, security, prosperity, and
friendship.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be honored to respond to any questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ambassador Vrooman.
Next, we will hear from Mr. Haas.
Mr. Haas?
STATEMENT OF PETER D. HAAS OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMEBER OF THE
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH
Mr. Haas. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds,
and Members of this Committee. It is a privilege to appear
before you today.
It is a privilege to appear before you today. I want to
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their trust and
support in nominating me to serve as Ambassador to the People's
Republic of Bangladesh. I am honored by their confidence in me.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife Amy, my
steadfast partner over these past 30 years. I would not be here
today without her continual support. We have two amazing sons
together: Carsten, who is doing a PhD in German, at the
University of Wisconsin-Madison and Cameron, who is doing a PhD
in Economics, at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst. The
three of them have been my home, as we have served the American
people around the world.
My recent positions have taught me that there is no corner
of the globe whose partnership is more critical to U.S.
strategic interests than the Indo-Pacific, and that we have not
yet reached the full potential of this partnership. A
democratic, stable, and prosperous Bangladesh will benefit the
entire region, and if confirmed, I will advance policies that
will enhance our relationship with Bangladesh and promote a
free, open, interconnected, resilient, and secure region.
The United States has been a reliable friend to and partner
with Bangladesh for nearly five decades. We work together on
economic development, peacekeeping, tackling the climate
crisis, public health, and finding durable solutions to the
Rohingya refugee crisis. Our two nations also share a
commitment to democratic values. Our people- to-people ties
continue to grow and help to deepen our cooperation.
If confirmed, I will be a tireless advocate for America's
interests and values as we seek to broaden our partnership with
Bangladesh.
Our economic ties are strong and growing, demonstrated by
the establishment of the U.S.-Bangladesh Business Council
earlier this year. U.S. private sector investment supports
Bangladesh's economic development while bringing U.S.
technologies and know-how, and promoting transparency,
inclusion, and market-based reforms.
Bangladesh has also long-played a leadership role in
pressing for solutions to the climate crisis, and if confirmed,
I will advocate for policies that promote our partnership on
environmental and climate issues.
The United States is also committed to helping Bangladesh
recover from the global pandemic. Through COVAX, the United
States has donated 11 and a half million vaccine doses to
Bangladesh, to date, and has committed to providing additional
donations in the coming months.
But for the people of Bangladesh to realize their full
potential, they must also be free to express themselves. The
Department of State has long been committed to promoting the
free operation of media, civil society organizations, workers,
and members of the opposition political parties in Bangladesh,
without fear of retribution or harm.
If confirmed, I intend to continue the Department's work to
bolster full democratic participation in advance of the 2023
national elections and to urge the Government to protect and
defend human rights.
The United States appreciates the generosity of Bangladesh
for hosting nearly one million Rohingya refugees who have fled
violence in Burma. The United States has supported Bangladesh
and is the largest international donor in the humanitarian
assistance response.
If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's work to
promote the voluntary, safe, dignified return of Rohingya
refugees, in coordination with Bangladesh and the international
community. I will also advocate for the protections of the
human rights of all Rohingya, wherever they may be.
The United States cooperates closely with Bangladesh on
counterterrorism. Bangladesh is one of the largest recipients
globally of U.S. counterterrorism assistance.
If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen this
partnership, emphasizing the respect for rule of law and human
rights. The United States also recognizes Bangladesh's notable
contributions to regional security and its active role in U.N.
peacekeeping operations.
In 2022, the United States and Bangladesh will celebrate 50
years of diplomatic relations. It is an honor to be nominated
at this pivotal point in our relationship and during
Bangladesh's Golden Jubilee anniversary year.
If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to work
with this Committee and other Members of Congress to support
the United States' interests in Bangladesh and the Indo-Pacific
region at large.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I look forward
to hearing your questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of
Mr. Haas follows:]
Prepared Statement of Peter D. Haas
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear
before you today. I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken
for their trust and support in nominating me to serve as Ambassador to
the People's Republic of Bangladesh. I am honored by their confidence
in me, particularly during this time of unprecedented challenges--and
unrivalled opportunity--in Bangladesh and the broader Indo-Pacific.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife Amy, my steadfast
partner over these past 30 years. I would not be here today without her
continual support. We have two amazing sons: Carsten who is doing a PhD
in German at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Cameron who is
doing a PhD in Economics at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst.
Together, they have been my portable ``home'' as we have served the
American people around the world.
Most recently, I had the privilege of serving as Acting Assistant
Secretary and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State
Department's Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs. I also served as
Consul General in Mumbai, India, and as Economic Counselor in Jakarta,
Indonesia. These positions taught me that there is no corner of the
globe whose partnership is more critical to U.S. strategic interests
than the Indo-Pacific, and that we have not yet reached the full
potential of this partnership. A democratic, stable, and prosperous
Bangladesh will benefit the entire region, and if confirmed, I will
advance policies that will enhance our relationship with Bangladesh and
promote a free, open, interconnected, resilient and secure region.
The United States has been a reliable friend to and partner with
Bangladesh for nearly five decades. We work together on economic
development, peacekeeping, tackling the climate crisis, public health,
and finding durable solutions to the Rohingya refugee crisis. Our two
nations also share a commitment to democratic values. Our people-to-
people ties continue to grow and help to deepen our cooperation. If
confirmed, I will be a tireless advocate for America's interests and
values and broadening our partnership with Bangladesh.
Economic development, climate, and health are important
cornerstones of the U.S.-Bangladesh relationship. Our economic ties are
strong and growing, demonstrated by the establishment of the U.S.-
Bangladesh Business Council this year. U.S. private sector investment
supports Bangladesh's economic development goals by bringing U.S.
technologies and know-how and promoting transparency, inclusion, and
market-based reforms. Bangladesh has also long played a leadership role
in advocating for solutions to the climate crisis, and if confirmed, I
will advocate for policies that promote our partnership on
environmental and climate issues. The United States is also committed
to helping Bangladesh recover from the global COVID-19 pandemic.
Through COVAX, the United States has donated 11.5 million COVID-19
vaccine doses to Bangladesh to date and has committed to providing
additional vaccine donations in the coming months.
For the people of Bangladesh to realize their full potential, they
must also be free to express themselves. The Department of State has
long been committed to promoting the free operation of media, civil
society organizations, workers, and members of opposition political
parties in Bangladesh, without fear of retribution or harm. If
confirmed, I intend to continue the Department's work to bolster full
democratic participation in advance of the 2023 national elections and
to urge the Government to protect and defend human rights.
The United States appreciates the generosity of Bangladesh for
hosting nearly one million Rohingya refugees who fled violence in
Burma. The United States has supported Bangladesh as the largest
international donor in the humanitarian assistance response. If
confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's work to promote the
voluntary, safe, dignified return of Rohingya refugees in coordination
with Bangladesh and the international community, while continuing to
advocate for the protections of the human rights of all Rohingya,
wherever they may be.
The United States also cooperates closely with Bangladesh on
counterterrorism. Bangladesh is one of the largest recipients globally
of U.S. counterterrorism assistance. If confirmed, I will continue to
strengthen this partnership, while continuing to promote our emphasis
on the respect for rule of law and human rights. The United States also
recognizes Bangladesh's notable contributions to regional security and
active role in U.N. peacekeeping operations.
In 2022, the United States and Bangladesh will celebrate 50 years
of diplomatic relations. The common goals and the steadfast friendship
between the American and Bangladeshi people have remained constant over
these nearly 50 years. It is an honor to be nominated at this pivotal
point in our relationship and during Bangladesh's Golden Jubilee
anniversary year. If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to
work with this committee and other members of Congress to support the
United States' interests in Bangladesh and the Indo-Pacific region at
large.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I look forward to
hearing your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Haas.
And next, we are going to turn to Ms. Chung.
Ms. Chung?
STATEMENT OF JULIE CHUNG OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE
SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC
OF SRI LANKA
Ms. Chung. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka. I am
grateful for the confidence President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have placed in me by nominating me for this assignment.
As a first generation immigrant from South Korea, I am
proud that my parents instilled in me the values of hard work,
optimism, love of country, a Christian faith, and the belief
that America is a country of opportunity and force for good. I
am thankful for the sacrifices they made for my sister and me,
and their unconditional love. I am also thankful to my husband
Jose Collazo, whose unwavering support and patience have been a
strong foundation for our family, including our eight-year-old
son, Mateo, who still doesn't understand exactly what Mom does
at work, but is proud of me anyways.
During my 25-year career in the Foreign Service, I have
served in Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, advocating
for U.S. interests, building strategic partnerships, and
engaging a diverse range of stakeholders to promote democratic
values and private sector-led economic growth. My experience in
China, Japan, and Southeast Asia have provided me a unique
insight into the importance of American leadership to ensuring
a free, open, and resilient Indo-Pacific region.
As the Acting Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Western
Hemisphere Affairs, I am proud to have led policies that
supported democratic partners and strengthened their ability to
counter authoritarian oppression, corruption, and terrorism.
And I believe that as policy leaders, we also have a
responsibility to advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusion
in our workforce, something I have actively promoted since
joining the Foreign Service as part of the very first cohort of
the Pickering Fellowship supported by Congress.
Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest democracy and
survived the tragedy of a civil war that resulted in
unimaginable violence and continued ethnic and religious
divisions.
If confirmed, I am committed to speaking clearly and
consistently in support of democratic values, human rights, and
a strong civil society that are essential to democracies and
central to our foreign policy approach. We must also be strong
partners in encouraging justice, accountability, and
reconciliation so that all Sri Lankans can share in the
benefits of peace, security, and prosperity.
Sri Lanka is positioned in a strategic location at the
heart of the Indian Ocean and its critical ports with access to
global maritime lanes and trading routes play a pivotal role in
a free and open Indo-Pacific and beyond.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advocate for
quality infrastructure and investment based on transparency,
respect for international law, good governance, sustainable
environmental and labor standards. We must also support U.S.
companies doing business in Sri Lanka and utilize the tools we
have with the Development Finance Corporation and the Export-
Import Bank to provide alternatives to coercive lending and
opaque contracts.
I believe our most important assets are American
innovation, people-to-people exchanges, and education. If
confirmed, I pledge to expanding and seeking creative ways to
build upon these networks and connections. We must also
continue to engage the many voices of the Sri Lankan diaspora
in the United States, who make valuable contributions in our
bilateral relationship.
Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka offers many challenges and
opportunities for the United States to grow our relationship. I
will make every effort to advance our values and shared
interests so that Sri Lanka meets its full potential to be a
vital partner in the Indo-Pacific.
Thank you, again, for allowing me to appear before you
today, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Chung follows:]
Prepared Statement of Julie Chung
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka. I am grateful for the confidence
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me by nominating
me for this assignment.
As a first generation immigrant from South Korea, I am proud that
my parents instilled in me the values of hard work, optimism, love of
country, a Christian faith, and the belief that America is a country of
opportunity and force for good. I am thankful for the sacrifices they
made for my sister and me, and their unconditional love. I am also
thankful to my husband Jose Collazo whose unwavering support and
patience have been a strong foundation for our family, including our
eight year old son, Mateo, who still doesn't understand exactly what
mom does at work but is proud of me anyways.
During my 25-year career in the Foreign Service, I have served in
Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, advocating for U.S.
interests, building strategic partnerships, and engaging a diverse
range of stakeholders to promote democratic values and private sector-
led economic growth. My experience in China, Japan, and throughout
Southeast Asia have provided me unique insight into the importance of
American leadership to ensuring a free, open, resilient, and inclusive
Indo-Pacific region. As the Acting Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs, I am proud to have led policies that
supported democratic partners and strengthened their ability to counter
authoritarian oppression, corruption, and terrorism. And I believe that
as policy leaders, we also have a responsibility to advocate for
diversity, equity, and inclusion in our workforce, something I have
actively promoted since joining the Foreign Service as part of the very
first cohort of the Pickering Fellowship supported by Congress.
Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka is Asia's oldest democracy and survived the
tragedy of a civil war that resulted in unimaginable violence and
continued ethnic and religious divisions. If confirmed, I am committed
to speaking clearly and consistently in support of democratic values,
human rights, and a strong civil society that are essential to
democracies and central to our foreign policy approach. We must also be
strong partners in encouraging justice, accountability, and
reconciliation so that all Sri Lankans can share in the benefits of
peace, security, and prosperity.
Sri Lanka is positioned in a strategic location at the heart of the
Indian Ocean, and its critical ports with access to global maritime
lanes and trading routes play a pivotal role in a free and open Indo-
Pacific architecture. This reinforces the necessity for the United
States to build constructive relationships with Sri Lanka, including
with civil society, the private sector, and the Sri Lankan people. If
confirmed, I will work tirelessly to advocate for quality
infrastructure and investment based on transparency, respect for
international law, and good governance, which is mindful of sustainable
environmental and labor standards. We must also support U.S. companies
doing business in Sri Lanka and utilize the tools we have with the
Development Finance Corporation and the Export-Import Bank to provide
alternatives to coercive lending and opaque contracts.
The sinking of the MV X-Press Pearl cargo ship near the shores of
Colombo a few months ago, causing its biggest marine disaster in Sri
Lanka's history, points to the need for upholding such standards. U.S.
humanitarian assistance, emergency response capabilities, and
environmental surveillance tools helped Sri Lanka respond to this
tragedy and is emblematic of how we can be a positive force and strong
partner to the people of Sri Lanka.
I believe our most important assets are American innovation,
people-to-people exchanges, and education. If confirmed, I pledge to
expanding and seeking creative ways to build upon these networks and
connections. We must also continue to engage the many voices of the Sri
Lankan diaspora in the United States who make valuable contributions in
our bilateral relationship. Mr. Chairman, Sri Lanka offers many
challenges and opportunities for the United States to grow our
relationship. I will make every effort to advance our values and shared
interests so that Sri Lanka meets its full potential to be a vital
partner in the Indo-Pacific.
Thank you again for allowing me to appear before you today, and I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Ms. Chung.
Thank you for that testimony and focusing on all aspects of
our relationship with Sri Lanka and stressing the importance of
the people-to-people relationships. I have a strong interest in
all of the countries to which you have been appointed,
including Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, but as I Chair the Africa
Subcommittee, I am going to focus my questions on those
nominations.
Ambassador Mahoney, you mentioned in your testimony the
various armed groups that control different regions of the
Central African Republic, contributing to a very fragmented and
war-torn landscape. Among those are the Russian-supported
forces, the mercenaries that continue to commit human rights
abuses, that operate independently under a complicit host
government.
How should the United States address the increasing
presence of these Russian-sponsored and supported forces and
the acute threat to stability that they represent,
particularly, as the U.N. peacekeeping mission there struggles
to maintain security in the capital and throughout the country.
Ambassador Mahoney: Senator, thank you for your question,
and before I respond, I would just like to say that I had the
privilege to serve two tours in Sri Lanka and walked by the
picture of your father as Ambassador, many times a day. So
thank you for his service and thank you for your service as a
member of a Foreign Service family.
Senator, thank you, you put your finger on among an array
of challenges, one of the most acute right now, the influence
of foreign, malign actors, who are further destabilizing the
situation in the Central African Republic and not contributing
to the long-term peace and stability that is no desperately
needed.
And if I am confirmed as Ambassador, I would work with our
partners on the ground in Bangui, and with other regional
actors, like the EU and the economic community of Central
African states to really highlight the risk of increased
international isolation and opprobrium and further
destabilization, as I said, further instability that the
Government of the Central African Republic is courting, in
pursuing this relationship with an actor that has been
sanctioned for very good reasons by our Government and others,
and that does not have the long-term interests of the Central
African Republic and its people at heart. It is not operating
with that as a basic principle.
If I am confirmed, I would work to highlight of our
existing sanctions on these Russian-supported mercenaries and
do whatever I can with other agencies to enforce those
sanctions. I would also highlight and raise awareness among
Central Africans about the serious human rights violations that
these Russian-supported mercenaries have committed, as you very
rightly pointed out, who are there at the invitation of the
Central African Republic Government, who are committing these
violations.
And I was encouraged to see that the Commission of Inquiry
Report that the Government recently released on serious human
rights violations and abuses did mention the culpability of
Russian quote, unquote, instructors.
I would also work, if confirmed, to counter the addition
information and propaganda campaigns that are really
undermining so much of the good work that is being done in the
Central African Republic to support the people there. And we
have some good programs right now on the ground that are
working to train journalists to independently evaluate sources
of news and to have a very, very critical assessment of the
stories and narratives being presented to them.
I would work to expand those efforts because I think they
are very, very important and can bear a lot of fruit in the
long term.
I would also work, as you said, to increase those people-
to-people exchanges that are so important. I was so glad to
hear you talk about that, because to me, those are pure gold.
For very, very little money, we make those very real
connections at a very important level with the future leaders
of the country.
And I know that the pandemic has probably affected our
ability to continue those, but if confirmed and pandemic
conditions permit, I would really want to step them up because
they really are so very, very productivity and fruitful.
I would work with our U.N. mission to also call-out the
irresponsible behavior of these mercenaries in New York and
they have been doing a very, very robust job of that.
And, finally, I would work with our partners on the ground,
including MINUSCA and the EU, to see what responsible
alternatives, security alternatives we might be able to
propose. I would explore that avenue so that the Government
doesn't feel that it must turn to these very responsible and
non-accountable actors.
And I think the mandate of renewal for MINUSCA, which is
coming up next month, offers a really prime opportunity for
that. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, and thank you for your
prior service including in Sri Lanka, and for mentioning my
dad. It is good to see you again.
Let me turn it over now to Senator Rounds.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And I most certainly appreciated the answer with regard to
the influence there. I am going to turn to Ambassador Vrooman
to begin with. It is good to see you again, sir, and thank you
for your previous service.
Let us talk a little bit about Mozambique and,
specifically, combatting the Islamic State Mozambique is among
the top priorities, here for the United States, with regard to
our policies in Mozambique.
What is driving the extremist insurgency in Mozambique and
do you feel the U.S. is adequately engaged, given the various
threats and challenges the situation in Mozambique poses to the
region?
Ambassador Vrooman. Thank you very much, Senator Rounds. It
is good to see you, as well, and having seen you on the
continent in recent years, it is great to see you even,
virtually, at this time.
It is a very pertinent question and I think that,
obviously, the situation at Cabo Delgado, we have reached, I
think, an inflection point in the arrival of forces from SADC
and from allies, such as Rwanda, that have enabled the
Government of Mozambique to deal with military blow and to
recapture some of the cities, towns, and ports that ISIS-
Mozambique had taken over during that 4-year period that I
mentioned in my testimony.
Now, what I think all of these combined forces are finding
is a large swath of destruction. Police stations, health
centers, and other government infrastructure has been
destroyed. There have been reports, as well, that mines have
been laid that raises some questions about returning to and
getting the displaced people back to their homes, villages, so
that they can resume their livelihoods.
So, really, in terms of our approach right now, it is not,
it is really where we come in, in some ways as the major
economic and humanitarian partner of the Government of
Mozambique, to help them in that reconstruction process. It
will be a challenge. The ISIS forces have, some of them have
been, you know, dealt a military blow, but some of them will
come back if there isn't a response that is able to hold the
towns, villages, and ports that have been liberated of the
ISIS-Mozambique forces.
So, it is at this stage, I think, that the U.S. engagement
is very important and most of our assistance, to date, has been
humanitarian in nature or to be directed in crisis response. We
will now need to work on these more lasting development
challenges, having to do with job creation, having to do with
rebuilding, so that people have the means with which to return
to their homes.
And I think that will help, moving forward, giving people a
view and a stake in their future and more confidence in the
security that has returned, at least for now, to Northern
Mozambique.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Haas, you spent most of your career as an economic
officer. Bangladesh is a relatively poor nation of increasing
strategic importance and it is facing critical political and
demographic changes.
What are the biggest factors limiting Bangladesh's economic
growth and what can the United States do to help, also, what is
your assessment of Bangladesh's anticorruption efforts and what
are we going to do to promote financial transparency?
Mr. Haas. Thank you very much, Senator, for that question.
Indeed, there are a lot of economic challenges in
Bangladesh. I think their ranking on the World Bank's ease of
doing business study is a pretty fair characterization of the
problems that exist there. And as you mentioned, one of those
problems is the issue of corruption, where, also, Bangladesh
has a lot to do.
If confirmed, I will continue to promote the improvement of
the economic environment there, the rule of law to make it
easier for U.S. companies to compete there, and I will also
work very closely with American companies who are seeking to do
business there, to ensure that they are treated fairly and that
they are not discriminated against and to level the playing
field so that they can compete and do business. Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
And Ms. Chung, with opposition to a renegotiated Status of
Forces Agreement and the cancellation of the Millennium
Challenge Corporation compact worth nearly $500 million, it
seems that our relationship with Sri Lanka is facing some
headwinds at the moment.
Do you agree, and if so, how can we turn it around?
Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question.
I think there are certainly challenges in the relationship,
as we have seen with the MCC project and various other
cooperation. I think what is needed more than ever is for us to
explain why the U.S. remains a strong partner.
And in terms of issues like infrastructure and investment,
to show the benefits of quality, high-quality, good governance,
transparent infrastructure projects and why that benefits,
directly, the people of Sri Lanka. I think we can go a long way
at doing more public diplomacy and engaging with all
stakeholders on the ground, beyond the Government, with civil
society, with journalists, and those who feel affected by such
projects in the future.
In addition, I think we can look for more opportunities
with the Development Finance Corporation that already has
invested more than $200 million in small and medium enterprise
lending, especially for female-owned businesses. So, I think
the initiatives like these, we can reach out more directly to
the Sri Lankan people, develop constructive relationships with
the Government, and expand our relationship in many ways.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
And once again, thank you all for your service.
Mr. Chairman, I will turn it back to you.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
And let me now turn it over to Senator Hagerty.
Senator Hagerty. [Audio malfunction.] That it had been an
honor--let us see. Can you hear me now?
Senator Van Hollen. Yes. Good, now.
Senator Hagerty. Okay. I just wanted to thank you for your
leadership of this hearing, Senator Van Hollen.
And in honor of your father's service as our Ambassador to
Sri Lanka, I would like to turn my attention, now, to our
candidate for the Ambassador to Sri Lanka.
Julie, it is good to see you again. I want to thank you for
your service on the Japan [inaudible--1:05:11] when I served as
U.S. Ambassador to Japan. You and I have had opportunities to
talk about this region on a number of occasions.
I would like to point my attention, though, to something I
am very concerned about and that is China's use of death trap
diplomacy to secure interests in two very strategic ports in
Sri Lanka. Back in 2017, Sri Lanka formally handed over the
strategic Port of Hambantota to China on a 99-year lease, after
Sri Lanka struggled to pay its debt owed to Chinese firms.
This transfer gave China control of territory just an if
you hundred miles away from India and it gave China a strategic
foothold along a critical sea, commercial and military sea
lane.
China also has a stake in another port in Sri Lanka, at the
Colombo Port City, where Chinese submarines actually docked at
the harbor when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was visiting
there.
China now possesses the largest navy in the world and these
strategic ports that they are amassing, will allow China to
project power across the Indo-Pacific Region.
The United States must take the lead in pushing back
against China or else, the entire Indo-Pacific Region is in
danger of following into the greater influence of the Chinese
Communist Party.
So, my first question for you is, if confirmed, Julie, what
steps would you take to deepen U.S. relations with Sri Lanka's
leadership and work with partners, such as India, to ensure
that Sri Lanka's relationship with China doesn't contribute to
further intensify competition in the Indian Ocean?
Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question.
You are exactly right about the influence and the concerns
that we have about the PRC's investment; the extent and the
types of infrastructure investment they are making in Sri
Lanka. I think every country wants options. No country wants to
be cornered into making one decision based on one country's
deliverance of and their promises.
So, if confirmed, I pledge to working, again, to work with
all the tools that we have in the U.S. Government. We have the
U.S. Freedom Development Agency. We have the DFC to provide
alternatives and that is what is essential.
Unlike other countries, some other countries that direct
more than investment and tell their countries' companies where
to invest, U.S. companies go where they base on risk and
benefits assessments. So, in order to encourage that
investment, we have to work with the Government, with their
private sector, with their civil society to build the
foundations of strong governance, the anticorruption, and
strong transparency standards.
And I believe that what you pointed out about India is
essential. You can't do this alone and you shouldn't do this
alone. The United States is not the only country who cares
about robust, international standards. We have seen this
recently with a number of countries and stakeholders coming
together around the world to promote the Blue Dot Network,
which creates international standards for quality
infrastructure.
So, working with multilateral partners, working with India,
working with Japan, as we have worked before, Senator, to work
with those like-minded countries and co- financing projects and
raising these issues of international standards and
transparency together will be essential.
Senator Hagerty. I agree with you, Ms. Chung, and I think
that your highlighting the Blue Dot Network certainly brings
back a point close to my heart, because I signed on behalf of
the United States when we brought Australia and Japan together
with their finance development networks, along with our own, so
I think that holds great potential. We have a lot more work to
do there and I appreciate your keeping that in mind as you move
forward.
Back to Sri Lanka. While they are staving off a major
financial crisis right now and it is wallowing in debt, China
has refused to bail Sri Lanka out. But helping Sri Lanka also
presents other actors with a moral hazard.
So, my next question is, what can and should the United
States do, including with multilateral agencies, such as the
IMF, and with partner countries, such as quad members, to help
Sri Lanka clean up its public finances, and how do we do so
without contributing to further unsustainable debt burden on
Sri Lanka?
Ms. Chung. Thank you for that question, Senator.
Yes, the Sri Lankan's debt-to-GDP ratio is over 100 percent
and of this external debt, 15 percent is owed to the PRC. Now,
44 percent of this debt is owed to commercial banks, as well,
so this is a broader problem than just owing debt to China.
They also owe the Asian Development Bank, India, the World
Bank, Japan, and commercial banks, as well.
So, I think in order to get into that healthy financial
macroeconomic situation, we should work to continue to
encourage and urge the Sri Lankans to go to the IMF, to
consider steps for debt restructuring, to make the essential
reforms needed in the country. We certainly have had past
programs in the country working with our Treasury colleagues to
promote that technical assistance and the capacity-building, so
that they can build that strong financial ecosystem.
So, we need to just continue to stay on that and our role
in the IMF, our role in international organizations and banks
will certainly play a key role in encouraging that message
continuously to Sri Lanka.
Senator Hagerty. Yeah, I think Sri Lanka is a prime
candidate for what you described and I appreciate your
attention to that, because getting their financial house in
order is going to be a key to making certain that their
strategic posture remains as we all need to see it in that
region.
Thank you very much, and congratulations on your
nomination.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Hagerty.
And I appreciate that line of questioning, as well, with
respect to Sri Lanka, and I look forward to working with you
and Ms. Chung, if confirmed, on those issues.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Van Hollen. And to all our nominees, we have a vote
on the Senate, which is why Senator Rounds departed
momentarily, and when he returns, I am going to go vote.
But let me thank our entire first panel here. Unless we
have any other senators waiting in the Zoom wings here, I just
want to, again, congratulate all of you on your nominations.
Thank you for your service and I look forward to supporting
your nominations.
And, hopefully, we will be able to get them through the
Senate in a way that gets you to post as soon as possible.
Thank you, all.
[Pause.]
Senator Van Hollen. We are now going to begin our second
panel of distinguished nominees. I indicated earlier the
countries to which they have been nominated as ambassador, and
now I am also going to provide a bit more about their
backgrounds and experience starting with Mr. Brian Shukan, who
is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and has been
the Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Khartoum since
2019, and I want to thank Mr. Shukan for his leadership there
and for working with Senator Coons and I during our visit to
Sudan a little earlier this year. We appreciated your insights
and working to make that a successful trip.
Prior to Mr. Shukan's service in Sudan, he was the Director
of the Office of Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan. He
has also served as Deputy Chief of Mission in Port-au-Prince
and Consul General in Casablanca, and Deputy Political
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
Mr. Shukan is the recipient of numerous awards, including
the James Forrestal Award for Excellence at Strategy and Force
Planning from the U.S. Naval War College.
He received his BA from the University of Wisconsin
Madison, a JD from Washington University in St. Louis, and an
MA from the Naval War College. Welcome.
We also have with us, Ms. Elizabeth Fitzsimmons, who is a
career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently
serves as the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Bureau of African Affairs. Previously, she served as Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Central Africa and Public
Diplomacy and is Acting Deputy Spokesperson for the United
States Department of State, and also has a senior advisor at
the Foreign Service Institute.
In addition, she has held numerous posts across the State
Department and around the world in her 26-year-long career,
including posts in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Cambodia, India, and
Bulgaria.
She is the recipient of a Senior Foreign Service
Performance Award and a Superior Honor Award and she holds a BA
from the University of Virginia and the certificate from the
International Division of Waseda University in Tokyo. Welcome,
Ms. Fitzsimmons.
Next, we have Ambassador David Gilmour, who is a career
member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as
Charge d'Affaires in Chad. He has also served as Ambassador to
the Togolese Republic.
Previously Ambassador Gilmour held posts and Deputy Chief
of Mission in Malawi, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central
Africa in the State Department's Bureau of African Affairs, and
Director of East African Affairs, and as an Director of Public
Diplomacy for Africa. His other assignments overseas include
positions in Australia, Costa Rica, and Panama.
He is the recipient of numerous awards, including the
partnership excellence award from the Secretary of State's
Office of Global Partnerships, and he received his BA from
Saginaw Valley State University in Michigan and his MA from the
University of Texas at Austin.
I, again, want to thank all of our nominees who are here. I
don't know if Senator Rounds has had a chance to return yet.
When he does, he may also want to provide a few welcoming
remarks, but in the interests of time, let us now proceed in
the order that I introduced everybody, beginning with Mr.
Shukan.
Mr. Shukan?
STATEMENT OF BRIAN WESLEY SHUKAN OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF BENIN
Mr. Shukan. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds,
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you as President Biden's nominee to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Benin.
I appreciate the confidence that the President and
Secretary Blinken have shown in me, and I thank you for the
opportunity to testify.
I would also like to recognize my family watching online;
my wife Clare for her love and support during the last 30 years
and throughout our Foreign Service journey; my daughter
Abigail, who is serving in the Department of Homeland Security;
and my daughter Leah, who is a graduate student in Boston.
It has been a great privilege to serve the U.S. as a
Foreign Service Officer for the past 26 years, beginning at our
embassy in Benin, and for the past two years as Chief of
Mission in Sudan, as we supported the Sudanese people's
aspirations for a democratic and prosperous future.
And I appreciate your remarks, Senator Van Hollen,
regarding your visit and all the support that you and Senator
Coons, and your colleagues, have shown to us as we have worked,
here in Khartoum.
Benin has been a strong example of peace, stability, and
tolerance. Benin is a solid partner on shared goals of economic
prosperity, peace, and security.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
promote democratic governance and human rights, support a
prosperous and healthy society with closer trade and people-to-
people ties with the United States, and strengthen regional
security to address global threats, such as violent extremism
and transnational crime.
I would like to briefly highlight a few priorities,
starting with democratic and human rights. And personally, I
will never forget my experience in 1996, seeing Beninese
citizens standing patiently in long lines to vote in Benin's
second democratic election and witnessing a peaceful transfer
of power.
For nearly three decades, Benin was a model of multi-party
democracy in West Africa. It adopted a democratic constitution
in 1990 and has held six consecutive presidential elections
with peaceful transitions. We have recently seen undue
restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly,
arrests of opposition members, and laws undermining electoral
competitiveness. These developments contribute to our concern
about anti-democratic trends in Benin.
If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume
the positive role it once in promoting peaceful, democratic
governance, rule of law, and human rights.
A second priority is developing a prosperous and healthy
society with closer trade links to the United States. Benin
remains one of the world's least developed countries; one-third
of its population lives in poverty, and malnutrition has
stunted the growth of a third of Benin's children under five.
If confirmed, I will work with the embassy team, Congress,
and our Beninese partners to promote a healthier and more
prosperous future with growing trade and investment. In 2020,
the U.S. provided $28.2 million in assistance to foster a
healthier society in Benin by strengthening health services.
The U.S. is also working to improve human rights and strengthen
civil society.
A five-year, Millennium Challenge Corporation compact,
valued at $391 million, entered into force in 2017. This
compact is strengthening Benin's electric sector, attracting
private investment, and removing a major impediment to economic
growth.
The U.S. has invested in food assistance, improving child
literacy, and increasing class attendance. And USAID maintains
programs to build regional and global trade and attract
investment.
If confirmed, I will guide these and other programs to
partner with Benin for a more prosperous and peaceful future.
I also want to highlight the importance of strengthening
regional security and addressing global threats, such as
violent extremism and transnational crime. Benin is a strong
partner for peace and security in West Africa and the Sahel and
has prioritized improving its counter-terrorism capacity and
preventing violent extremism. Our assistance to Benin's
security forces supports their participation in peacekeeping
and regional security efforts, and advances Benin's ability to
secure its borders and interdict maritime and transnational
crime.
If confirmed, I will prioritize counterterrorism and
countering violent extremism through security sector
assistance, community building, and youth development.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the
committee, thank you for this opportunity.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to advance
U.S. interests in Benin and would be pleased to take any
questions. Thank you.[The prepared statement of Mr. Shukan
follows:]
Prepared Statement of Brian Wesley Shukan
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and distinguished members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee to be the next Ambassador to the Republic of Benin. I
appreciate the confidence the President and Secretary Blinken have
shown in me, and I wish to thank the members of the committee for the
opportunity to testify.
I would also like to recognize my wife Clare for her love and
support during the last 30 years and throughout our Foreign Service
journey; my daughter Abigail, who is serving in the Department of
Homeland Security; and my daughter Leah, a graduate student in Boston.
It has been a great privilege to serve the United States as a
Foreign Service Officer for the past 26 years, beginning with my
service at the U.S. Embassy in Cotonou, Benin, and for the past two
years as chief of mission in Khartoum, Sudan, as we supported the
Sudanese people's aspirations for a democratic and prosperous future.
Benin has been a strong example of peace, stability, and ethnic and
religious tolerance in an increasingly turbulent region. Benin is a
solid partner on shared goals of economic prosperity and regional peace
and security. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this
Committee and Congress to promote democratic, inclusive, and
transparent governance and respect for human rights; support a
prosperous and healthy society with closer trade linkages and stronger
people to people ties with the United States; and strengthen regional
security and address global threats such as violent extremism and
transnational organized crime.
I would like to briefly highlight a few priorities in each of these
areas, starting with promoting democratic and transparent governance
and respect for human rights. I will never forget my experience in 1996
of seeing Beninese citizens patiently stand in long lines to vote in
Benin's second democratic election, and witnessing a peaceful transfer
of power between political parties. For nearly three decades, Benin had
been a model of multi-party democracy in West Africa. It adopted a
democratic constitution in 1990 and has held six consecutive
presidential elections with peaceful transitions of power. We have
recently seen undue restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful
assembly, arrests of members of the political opposition, and laws
undermining electoral competitiveness. These developments contribute to
our concern about anti-democratic trends in Benin.
If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume the
positive role it once had in promoting peaceful democratic governance,
rule of law, and respect for human rights in the region.
A second priority is developing a prosperous and healthy society
with closer trade linkages to the United States. Benin remains one of
the world's least developed countries. Over one-third of its population
lives in poverty, and malnutrition has stunted the growth of nearly a
third of Benin's children under five. If confirmed, I will work with
the Embassy team, Congress, U.S. agencies, and our Beninese partners to
promote a healthier and more prosperous future with growing trade and
investment. I will also engage Benin's fast-growing youth population so
that they better understand our longstanding commitment to a prosperous
future for their country based on shared values and interests.
In fiscal year 2020, the U.S. Government provided Benin $28.2
million in bilateral assistance for programs that foster a healthier
and more inclusive society by strengthening health services delivery
and resources. The U.S. is also working to improve human rights and
strengthen civil society. A five-year, Millennium Challenge Corporation
(MCC) Compact, valued at $391 million, entered into force in 2017. This
compact is strengthening Benin's electricity sector, attracting private
investment to Benin, and removing a major constraint to long-term
economic growth. In 2017, the USDA launched a five-year $21.3 million
investment in food assistance to Benin, improving school age children's
literacy and increasing class attendance by providing healthy meals at
schools. USAID's Regional Mission also maintains economic growth and
trade programs focusing on policy advocacy and technical assistance to
build regional and global trade linkages and attract investment. If
confirmed, I will guide these and other programs to partner with Benin
for a more prosperous and peaceful future.
I also want to highlight the importance of strengthening regional
security and addressing global threats such as violent extremism and
transnational organized crime. Benin is a strong partner for peace and
security in West Africa and the Sahel and has prioritized improving its
counter terrorism capacity and preventing violent extremism. Our
assistance to Benin's security forces supports Benin's participation in
peacekeeping and regional security efforts, and advances its ability to
secure its own borders and interdict maritime and transnational
organized crime. If confirmed, I will prioritize engaging with the
Government of Benin on counterterrorism and countering violent
extremism in the areas of security sector assistance, community
building and youth development, and strategic communications.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and members of the committee,
thank you again for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with you to advance U.S. interests in Benin and would be
pleased to take any questions.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Shukan.
I see my colleague, Senator Rounds, has returned.
Senator, I didn't know if you had any opening remarks that
you wanted to provide, before I turn to the next witness.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I do, but if it is all right with you, why don't we have
all of them offer their opening statements. I will do mine and
I think you have to go vote as well, so this may be a good time
for you to do your vote and when we come back, when they are
finished, I will move right into my opening statements and then
we can proceed from there.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I will just hand it
off to you and go vote and then come back.
Thank you very much.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Thanks.
STATEMENT OF ELIZABETH ANNE NOSEWORTHY FITZSIMMONS OF DELAWARE,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY
AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
TOGOLESE REPUBLIC
Ms. Fitzsimmons. Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
Rounds, and distinguished members of the committee, what a
privilege it is for me to appear before you today as the
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo.
I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
this opportunity. In fact, my very first chance to live outside
the United States came from then-Senator Biden, who in 1989,
selected me as one of two Japan-U.S. Senate scholars from
Delaware and set me on the path that would lead to my
diplomatic career.
If confirmed, it will be the honor of a lifetime to lead
our embassy to advance the interests of the United States and
the American people in Togo.
I am thankful that I get to share this moment with my
family and loved ones. Diplomacy is our family business. My
husband, Richard Seipert, serves as a Diplomatic Security
Special Agent at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad and my son-in-law,
Grant Holyoak, is a first tour Foreign Service officer at
Embassy Beijing. I am so grateful for a lifetime of support
from my wonderful husband; my children, Taylor, Morgann,
MaKaela, Tyson, and Adam; my daughter-in-law, Laura; and sons-
in-law, Grant and Jake.
My grandchildren Molly, Harrison, and William are also
watching and I'm thrilled that my mom, Barbara Noseworthy, is
as well, because she has visited our family at every one of our
postings abroad.
Throughout my 26 years in the Foreign Service, I have
served across the globe and in a variety of roles in
Washington, DC. As Deputy Executive Secretary, I supported two
Secretaries of State as they travelled hundreds of thousands of
miles projecting American values and engaging with citizens and
Governments across the globe. As Acting Deputy Spokesperson, I
helped explain U.S. policy to the world, and most recently, as
the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau
of African Affairs, I led a fantastic team to build stronger,
deeper relationships with the countries of Africa to make the
continent safer, more secure, more prosperous, and more
democratic.
I am a dedicated and engaged mentor to dozens of colleagues
and I am committed to making the Foreign Service a more
diverse, resilient, and effective organization. I welcome the
opportunity to continue this work, if confirmed, as the U.S.
Ambassador to Togo.
The United States established diplomatic relations with
Togo in 1960. Since then, the United States and Togo have built
a strong relationship based on shared goals: advancing peace
and security; promoting trade and economic growth;
strengthening government and democratic institutions; and
supporting opportunity for all Togolese citizens.
Togo is a key regional partner to maintenance of peace and
security in West Africa. Togo plays an active role in mediating
regional disputes, most recently in Guinea. The Government
works alongside civil society, regional partners, and our
embassy in Lome, to strengthen national resilience to violent
extremism.
Togo currently has more than 1,300 troops and gendarmes in
U.N. missions, making it the sixteenth largest national
contributor.
If confirmed, I will continue to foster security
cooperation between our two countries to enhance the
capabilities of Togolese security forces.
The United States works closely with the Government of Togo
to improve the investment climate in order to attract U.S.
companies to take advantage of Togo's geographic advantages as
a logistics hub, with the Gulf of Guinea's deepest deep-water
port, and a regional air transport hub.
Before the pandemic, Togo enjoyed a period of steady
economic expansion, fueled by international investment and a
concerted effort to modernize the country's commercial
infrastructure. The Togolese Government calls the Port of Lome
the lungs of the economy and promotes Togo as the gateway to
West Africa.
As the world recovers from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is
important that the United States support partners like Togo to
return to a path of economic success by promoting trade and
investment opportunities for the U.S. private sector.
While Togo aspires to become a regional economic and
security leader, these goals cannot be achieved without
strengthening Togo's democratic institutions. Recent Togolese
Government restrictions on the media, politically motivated
arrests, limitations on political gatherings, and suspensions
of press outlets raise concern.
If confirmed, my embassy team and I will work with the
Government of Togo, political parties, civil society
organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and
strengthen electoral institutions and processes to promote free
and fair elections.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the
committee, for this opportunity.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and my
colleagues across the U.S. Government to strengthen our
relationship with Togo.
I welcome any questions you may have and hope you and your
colleagues will visit Togo to witness the growing bilateral
partnership firsthand. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Fitzsimmons follows:]
Prepared Statement of Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and distinguished members of
the committee, what a privilege it is for me to appear before you today
as the nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo. I want to thank
President Biden and Secretary Blinken for this opportunity. In fact, my
very first chance to live outside the United States came from then-
Senator Biden, who in 1989 selected me as one of two Japan-U.S. Senate
scholars from Delaware and set me on the path that would lead to my
diplomatic career. If confirmed, it will be the honor of a lifetime to
lead our Embassy to advance the interests of the United States and the
American people in Togo.
I am thankful that I get to share this moment with my family and
loved ones. Diplomacy is our ``family business''--my husband Richard
Seipert serves as a Diplomatic Security Special Agent at the U.S.
Embassy in Baghdad and my son-in-law Grant Holyoak is a first tour
Foreign Service officer at Embassy Beijing. I am so grateful for a
lifetime of support from my wonderful husband, my children Taylor,
Morgann, MaKaela, Tyson, and Adam, my daughter-in-law Laura and sons-
in-law Grant and Jake. My grandchildren Molly, Harrison, and William
are also watching and I'm thrilled that my mom, Barbara Noseworthy, is
as well since she has visited our family at every posting abroad.
Throughout my 26 years in the Foreign Service, I've served across
the globe and in a variety of roles in Washington, DC. As Deputy
Executive Secretary, I supported two Secretaries of State as they
travelled hundreds of thousands of miles projecting American values and
engaging with citizens and governments across the globe. As acting
Deputy Spokesperson, I helped explain U.S. policy to the world. And
most recently, as the Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Bureau of African Affairs, I led a fantastic team to build
stronger, deeper relationships with the countries of Africa to make the
continent safer, more secure, more prosperous, and more democratic. I
am a dedicated and engaged mentor to dozens of colleagues and I am
committed to making the Foreign Service a more diverse, resilient, and
effective organization. I welcome the opportunity to continue this
work, if confirmed, as the U.S. Ambassador to Togo.
The United States established diplomatic relations with Togo in
1960. Since then, the United States and Togo have built a strong
relationship based on shared goals: advancing peace and security;
promoting trade and economic growth; strengthening government and
democratic institutions; and supporting opportunity for all Togolese
citizens.
Togo is a key regional partner to maintain peace and security in
West Africa. Togo plays an active role in mediating regional disputes,
most recently in Guinea. The Government works alongside civil society,
regional partners, and our Embassy in Lome to strengthen national
resilience to violent extremism. Togo currently has more than 1,300
troops and gendarmes in U.N. missions, making it the 16th largest
national contributor. AFRICOM General Townsend's recent visit to Togo
highlights the importance the United States places on Togo's
partnership in promoting regional peace and stability. If confirmed, I
will continue to foster security cooperation between our two countries
to enhance the capabilities of Togolese security forces.
The United States works closely with the Government of Togo to
improve the investment climate in order to attract U.S. companies to
take advantage of Togo's geographic advantages as a logistics hub, with
the Gulf of Guinea's deepest deep-water port, and a regional air
transport hub. Before the pandemic, Togo enjoyed a period of steady
economic expansion fueled by international investment and a concerted
effort to modernize the country's commercial infrastructure. The
Togolese Government calls the Port of Lome the ``lungs'' of the economy
and promotes Togo as the gateway to West Africa. As the world recovers
from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is important that the United States
support partners like Togo to return to a path of economic success by
promoting trade and investment opportunities for the U.S. private
sector.
While Togo aspires to become a regional economic and security
leader, these goals cannot be achieved without strengthening Togo's
democratic institutions. Recent Togolese Government restrictions on the
media, politically motivated arrests, limitations on political
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern. If
confirmed, my Embassy team and I will work with the Government of Togo,
political parties, civil society organizations, and other diplomatic
missions to promote political reforms, reinforce democratic
institutions, and strengthen electoral institutions and processes to
promote free and fair elections.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee
for this opportunity. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
and my colleagues across the United States Government to strengthen our
relationship by promoting peace, stability, democracy, and economic
growth in Togo. I welcome any questions you may have and hope you and
your colleagues will visit Togo to witness the growing bilateral
partnership firsthand.
Senator Rounds [presiding]. Thank you, Ms. Fitzsimmons.
Ambassador Gilmour, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID R. GILMOUR OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY
AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
REPUBLIC OF EQUATORIAL GUINEA
Ambassador Gilmour. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Rounds, and members of the committee, for the opportunity to
testify today. It is a great honor to appear before you as the
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to the Republic
of Equatorial Guinea, and I am grateful for the confidence that
President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me with
this nomination.
And if confirmed, I will do my best to uphold this trust
and advance U.S. national interests and priorities.
I would like to mention a couple of important people,
without whom, I would not be here today. The first is my wife,
Judith Martin, who has spent a lifetime in the Foreign Service;
first, with her parents. Her father, S. Douglas Martin, was a
career State Department Officer, and later, as my cherished
partner, as we traveled the world together and raised our three
children, doing service in 10 overseas posts and in Washington
in the 35 years of my Foreign Service career.
Judith is a civil service employee at the State Department,
where she works in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration.
I would also like to acknowledge my 93-year-old father,
John Gilmour. He worked 34 years in local government, serving
as the City Manager in the small town where I grew up in
Michigan. Everything I know about respect, integrity, and
dedication to public service, I learned from my dad.
Mr. Chairman, I believe my service as Ambassador to Togo,
as Charge d'Affaires in Chad, and in senior positions in the
Bureau of African Affairs in Washington, as well as postings
elsewhere in the world, have prepared me for this assignment.
And if confirmed, I will tirelessly to advance the foreign
policy priorities of the United States, including to promote
good governance and respect for human rights, to end COVID-19
and prevent the next pandemic, to improve the business
environment for U.S. trade and investment, and to promote
regional and maritime security.
Now, since its independence, there have only been two
presidents in Equatorial Guinea, and one of whom has ruled for
over 40 years. Presidential term limits were established in
2011, but were not applied retroactively to President Obiang,
who could remain in office until 2030. Though multiparty
elections are technically allowed, the non-ruling political
parties faced legal restrictions, and opposition leaders have
reportedly faced torture, harassment, intimidation, and
politically motivated detention.
And if confirmed, I will raise our concerns with Equatorial
Guinea's leadership about human rights and the rule of law, and
I will urge Government leaders to enable a true multi-party
democracy and to allow the growth of a civil society. I will
stress that promoting transparency and ending corrupt practices
are key to Equatorial Guinea's long-term growth and stability,
and critical to strengthening our commercial ties.
The United States is Equatorial Guinea's largest trading
partner and the U.S. Embassy plays a critical role in promoting
these American companies' interests.
And if confirmed, I will continue to work to improve the
investment climate for U.S. companies in Equatorial Guinea.
Maritime security is Equatorial Guinea's primary security
challenge, and since 2019, there have been multiple incidents
of piracy and kidnapping in and around Equatorial Guinea's
waters that, if left unchecked, could impact U.S. commercial
interests.
And if confirmed, I will promote bilateral security
cooperation and investment to protect those interests and
regional stability.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, I understand that such
cooperation must undergo stringent review to ensure that it
does not come at the expense of promoting respect for human
rights and does not inadvertently enable corruption.
And, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me
than protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of American
citizens living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea. I promise
to work closely with you and the Members of this Committee in
this endeavor.
So, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today, and I would be pleased to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Gilmour follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. David R. Gilmour
Thank you very much Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, and
members of the committee for the opportunity to testify before you
today. It is a great honor to appear before you as the nominee to be
the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.
I am grateful for the confidence that President Biden and Secretary of
State Blinken have placed in me with this nomination. If confirmed by
the Senate, I will do my best to uphold this trust and advance U.S.
national interests and priorities.
I am joined today by my wife Judith Martin, who has spent a
lifetime in the Foreign Service, first with her father S. Douglas
Martin, a career State Department Officer, and later as my cherished
partner as we traveled the world together and raised our family in ten
overseas posts and in Washington during the 35 years of my Foreign
Service career. I would also like to acknowledge my 93-year-old father,
John Gilmour. He worked 34 years in local government, serving the
citizens of the small town where I grew up in Michigan. Everything I
know about respect, integrity and dedication to public service, I
learned from my dad.
Mr. Chairman, I believe my service as Ambassador in Togo, as Charge
d'affaires in Chad, and in senior positions in the Bureau of African
Affairs in Washington, as well as postings elsewhere in the world,
including as Deputy Chief of Mission in Panama, have prepared me for
this assignment. If confirmed, I will draw upon these experiences to
advance U.S. interests in Equatorial Guinea and the Central African
region.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds, if confirmed, I will work
tirelessly to advance the foreign policy priorities of the United
States, including to promote good governance and respect for human
rights, end COVID-19 and prevent the next pandemic, improve the
business environment for U.S. trade and investment, and promote
regional and maritime security.
Since its independence, there have only been two presidents in
Equatorial Guinea, one of whom has ruled for over forty years.
Presidential term limits were established in 2011 but were not applied
retroactively to President Obiang, who could remain in office until at
least 2030. Though multiple party elections are technically allowed,
the non-ruling political parties faced legal restrictions, and
opposition leaders have reportedly faced torture, harassment,
intimidation, and politically motivated detention. If confirmed, I will
raise our concerns with Equatorial Guinea's leadership about human
rights and the rule of law, including the value of democracy and
transparency. I will urge government leaders to enable true multi-party
democracy and to allow the growth of a strong civil society. I will
stress that promoting transparency and ending corrupt practices are key
to Equatorial Guinea's long-term growth and stability, and critical to
strengthening our commercial ties.
Equatorial Guinea, like most of the world, is facing the challenge
of the global COVID-19 pandemic and is enduring its third wave of the
pandemic. If confirmed, I will work collaboratively with the U.N. to
deliver vaccines through COVAX. I will also seek other action to
advance health, wellbeing, and opportunity for all Equatoguineans.
The United States is Equatorial Guinea's largest trading partner
and the U.S. Embassy plays a critical role in promoting these U.S.
companies' interests. If confirmed, I will continue to work to improve
the investment climate for U.S. companies invested in Equatorial
Guinea.
Maritime security is Equatorial Guinea's primary security
challenge. Since May 2019, there have been multiple incidents of piracy
and kidnap for ransom attacks in and around Equatorial Guinea's waters
that if left unchecked could impact U.S. commercial interests. If
confirmed, I will promote bilateral security cooperation and investment
to protect these interests and regional stability. Mr. Chairman,
Ranking Member, I understand that such cooperation must undergo
stringent review to ensure it does not come at the expense of our
priority to promote respect for human rights and does not inadvertently
enable corruption.
Additionally, I believe it is important to note the central role
that Equatorial Guinea's improvement on countering trafficking in
persons has had on our ability to engage the Government on our top
priorities. Without the Government's concerted efforts, and consistent
U.S. engagement, we would not be able to advance U.S. interests in
areas like maritime security, corruption, human rights, and democracy
and governance. Therefore, countering trafficking in persons will
remain a key line of effort for our bilateral relationship.
And, if confirmed, no goal will be more important to me than
protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of American citizens
living and traveling in Equatorial Guinea.
I promise to work closely with you and the members of this
committee in this endeavor.
I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would
be pleased to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Ambassador Gilmour.
I would expect that our Chairman will be back shortly and,
as I indicated earlier, we seem to have this in the afternoons
where our votes are being cast, so we try to tag team those
votes.
Let me just begin. As I said for panel one, as career
diplomats, much of your lives and those of your families, have
been spent far from home. You have made great sacrifices in the
service to your country. Thank you and your families for your
lifetimes of service and let me just assure you, we understand
your work is critical to maintaining and advancing America's
influence in the world.
Mr. Shukan, you served ably as Chief of Mission in the U.S.
Embassy in Khartoum in a very critical and transitional period
in the U.S.-Sudan relationship. If confirmed, you will serve as
Ambassador in a region that is rapidly changing for the worse.
Benin remains one of the world's poorest countries.
Countering violent extremism is an emergent focus of U.S.
engagement and Benin's standing as a Democratic leader in
Africa, has rapidly deteriorated under President Talon, whose
Government has arrested opposition leaders and implemented
restrictive, new electoral rules.
Ms. Fitzsimmons, much of what I just said about Benin could
also be said about its neighbor, Togo. On top of it all, and
contributing to Togo's woes, is that one family has dominated
Togo's politics for 60 days. I believe your recent tenure as
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Central Africa and Public
Diplomacy, and then as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in
the Africa Bureau, will be very useful, if confirmed.
Ambassador Gilmour, you are one of the most experienced
U.S. Ambassadors currently serving in Africa. Equatorial Guinea
is a small, oil- and gas-rich country of increasing strategic
importance. It is notorious for its kleptocratic system of
governance.
President Obiang took office in 1979, making him one of the
world's longest serving heads of state. Equatorial Guinea
requires a perceptive and experienced ambassador to lead the
U.S. operations. I am glad that you have been nominated for
this post.
I am delighted to meet all of you today and I look forward
to, you know, continuing to work with you and I most certainly
appreciate the comments that you have shared with us today.
And with that, I am not sure if our Chairman has returned
or not yet, but if Senator Van Hollen has not returned yet, I
would be happy to begin the questioning at this time. And I
just looking to see if he has actually come back yet or not,
and I don't see him on the list yet, so let me just turn right
to the questions and I will begin with Mr. Shukan.
Your experience in Khartoum as the Charge d'Affaires will
contrast in several ways to your new position. If confirmed as
the new Ambassador to Benin, you are going to be busy.
Sudan has received significant attention from Washington
since the Democratic transition began in 2019 and has been a
sustained priority across the Trump and Biden administrations.
Benin, despite many challenges, will compete for attention with
major economic partners in West Africa and the violent
extremist threat in the Sahel.
What lessons will you take from your time in Sudan to Benin
and what are you looking forward to that will be different?
Ambassador Gilmour. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
And let me first express my appreciation for the comments
that you made about the Foreign Service families. I am glad
that I have mine joining me online in this virtual hearing. For
me, this has very much been a family affair from the very
beginning.
I also share the concerns that you have expressed
concerning both, the violent extremist threat and Democratic
backsliding. I spent the last 2 years, here in Khartoum and the
2 years prior to that working on Sudan from Washington. And it
has really been a privilege and a challenge to support Sudan's
efforts to really get their democracy moving, to support this
transition, and we have appreciated all the help that we have
received from Members of Congress on that.
The Benin situation is different. As I mentioned in my
opening comments, I served in Benin in my first assignment. It
really was a formative experience for me to witness a young
democracy and seeing the value that Beninese citizens placed on
exercising their right to vote on participating in a democratic
process and seeing peaceful transitions of power.
And, you know, it is certainly something of a
disappointment to see the backsliding that has taken place
since that time. We are also concerned about media,
restrictions on media freedom and the fact that there are some
political prisoners in Benin at this time.
So, I think it is important that as a Chief of Mission, we
speak both, privately and publicly about democracy and human
rights, about our values. It is important, if confirmed, that
we encourage Benin to resume the leadership role that it had in
the past.
I think this is very much linked to the vulnerability to
violence extremist ideology in areas like Northern Benin.
People need to feel that they are being heard, that their
government is accountable. So, I see a direct relationship
between democracy and governance, and security, as well as
economic development.
I think it is important to engage all political groups
including the [Audio malfunction.] And I think that one of the
lessons I have learned from here in Sudan, but also in my
previous assignments is the importance of having a whole of
mission approach to these things.
And I think that means working with our team to support
these values. I know that public affairs and USAID are going to
play a critical role, as well as the security assistance that
we are providing to the Beninese military and to the police.
Supporting civil society, youth, even engaging with local
radio; all of these things are important and provide good flora
to talk about our values and advance our interests.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
Ambassador Gilmour. Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
And I have had the opportunity to visit Benin and Togo.
And, Ms. Fitzsimmons, like Benin, the U.S. mission in Togo is
relatively small and Togo commands significantly less attention
from Washington than many of its close neighbors.
If confirmed, how will you leverage your public diplomacy
background to garner more attention to Togo; conversely, how
will you use your public diplomacy background to engage with
the Togolese people in new and different ways?
Ms. Fitzsimmons. Thank you so much for the question,
Senator Rounds.
I am delighted at the idea that, if confirmed, I will get
to go lead the embassy team at Embassy Lome and think about
creative ways that we can use public diplomacy programming,
particularly, the Young African Leaders Initiative, which, as
you know, is now a decade old, 750,000 strong across the
subcontinent. And I think there are tremendous opportunities
there to support young African leaders both, in Togo, and
network them more effectively with their like-minded colleagues
and counterparts, not only in Benin.
I think it is fortuitous that Mr. Shukan and I are on the
panel today. I think there are tremendous opportunities to work
within the Coastal West African Subregion and across the entire
African continent to make sure that young leaders, whether they
are in the media, whether they are entrepreneurs, whether they
are young educators, have opportunities to hear from, learn
from, and teach each other.
There is no question in my mind that an activist in
Zimbabwe, for example, has much to teach a young Togolese
activist. And I think one of the very effective ways that I
would hope to work, if confirmed as Ambassador, is to use my
background as someone with experience and exchanges to connect
young Africans, so that they can be force multipliers in the
many challenges that you have rightly pointed out.
I think, also, it is critically important that we speak
clearly when we are talking to the Government, to President
Faure, that he understands that things like the current
Millennium Challenge Threshold Program in Togo are wonderful
opportunities to leverage the Togolese Government's desire to
be the gateway to West Africa. But there are very important
benchmarks that will need to be met in democracy and governance
for that program to move forward successfully and lead,
perhaps, ultimately, to a compact for Togo.
So, I would ensure that public and private messaging at the
embassy, if confirmed, reinforced the U.S. opportunities in the
logistics and services sector in Togo, if Democratic governance
space can be maintained and expanded. Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
And my time has expired, Mr. Chairman, so I will turn it
back to you. I have not had the opportunity to ask Ambassador
Gilmour one question, but I will leave it up to you. If you
want me to just proceed with it or if you would like me to come
back?
Senator Van Hollen. [Presiding.] Sure. Do you want to go,
proceed. That would be fine.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Gilmour, several top members of the Obiang
administration and his family have been implicated in large-
scale corruption and other financial crimes, especially tied to
oil revenues.
If confirmed, how will you balance multiple U.S. strategic
interests, including combatting this kind of corruption that
could provide a gateway for a malign, foreign influence?
Ambassador Gilmour. Well, thank you, Senator Rounds.
And it is nice to see you once again. I don't know if you
recall, I hosted you when you came to Togo, along with Senator
Inhofe, on a delegation a few weeks back.
Senator Rounds. Yes.
Ambassador Gilmour. And, thank you, again, for your very
kind comments about the Foreign Service.
Corruption in Equatorial Guinea is certainly one of the
most important priorities for the United States, and as you
mentioned, certain senior figures in the Government there have
been implicated in corruption cases, both in the United States
and in numerous countries.
In fact, just recently, there was a case settled with the
vice president and some seized assets, about $30 million had
been negotiated and a happy ending in sense that about $20
million of those seized assets will be used to purchase COVID
vaccines for the people of Equatorial Guinea.
So, I think, if confirmed, I would certainly want to
continue along our lines of speaking out about corruption in
the country and, certainly, these kinds of cases, I think,
coordinating with our partners, the U.K., the Europeans,
Brazil, South Africa, other countries that have had these kinds
of cases, it is very important to continue these efforts to
highlight official corruption in the country.
At the same time, there have been some signals from the
Government that they want to address this problem. There is
some new legislation that has been passed in the country that
is still pending, as I understand, is still pending
implementation, but that is a positive signal.
Also, the country has made representations to rejoin the
Extracted Industries Transparency Initiative, which would bring
some transparency and accountability to the oil and gas and
mining sectors in the country.
So, I think we have to take the Government, you know, take
a step-by-step approach with this and kind of judge the
political will of this Government and see where it takes us,
and see where we can collaborate with them to reduce the
official corruption. But, you know, given the track record, as
you mentioned, of this Government, we have to proceed
cautiously.
Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
And, Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator.
And Ms. Fitzsimmons, thanks for mentioning the YALI
program. Senator Rounds and I have been working together to
provide a regular authorization for that program, as has
Congresswoman Karen Bass in the House.
And I am pleased to report that just yesterday, the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee passed out a 5-year authorization.
So, it will now be codified and we want to also expand it to
other areas. So, thank you for mentioning that.
Mr. Shukan, I want to take advantage of this hearing,
really, to ask you some questions about where you are now in
Sudan, because as I mentioned, you know, and, again, thank you
for your good work there and for helping Senator Coons and
myself during our visit. And we found it a very promising
visit. We recognized that we are now 2 and a half years since
the fall of Bashir, and we recognize it is a fragile process.
I will say, in recent days and weeks, it is looking even
more fragile. And I wondered if you see the most recent events
as just more bumps on the road, along the way to a stable and
Democratic Sudan, or is there something more serious going on
now that is disrupting the path to progress?
Mr. Shukan. Senator, thank you for the question.
It is a good question and I think if you look at where we
are, it is 2 years into the Sudanese transition since they
signed their constitutional declaration on August 2019 and
formed the transitional government. They have made some
progress. They have made some pretty major progress in terms of
signing a peace agreement and getting off of the state sponsors
of terror list, and also implementing economic reforms that
have brought about some improvements on the macroeconomic side,
like improved inflation, gotten rid of subsidies on tea
commodity.
But they also, there are some key benchmarks that have not
yet been met and especially on the security side in terms of
progress to integrate the various armed groups that exist,
including those represented by Juba Peace Agreement
signatories, the formation of a transitional legislative
council, for example.
And then, I think despite the economic positives, there is
also a gap between improvements on the macro side and the very,
very serious difficulties that the ordinary Sudanese man and
woman on the street are experiencing.
So, yeah, I do share your concern about the seriousness of
the situation right now. We are expecting to see some large
demonstrations tomorrow. What we expect is to see a large
contingent coming out in support of democracy, in support of
civilian leadership. And that is what makes me optimistic, even
though we are at a very fragile moment in Sudan.
They really are going to have to redouble their efforts,
the various components of this transitional government to work
together. There are divisions between civilians and military
that got a lot of attention, but the divisions between the
different civilian groups, between JPA signatories and the
forces for freedom and change, those are very important.
So, the prime minister did form a committee a few days ago
to address this kind of situation and it includes the military
and it includes the FFC. It includes some of the JPA
signatories. That is really positive, but I think we are going
to have to just keep pushing. We are doing it in public. We are
doing it in private.
There is really no other path forward, except working
together and recommitting to implementation of those principles
of freedom, peace, and justice from that August 2019
constitutional declaration.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, I appreciate that, because I
think we have a continuing important role to play in trying to
support the Sudanese people in this move toward democracy.
We saw the failed coup recently. The good news is that it
failed. But we have also seen some protests, as you know, in
support of the military, probably organized by Bashir forces.
So, I am hoping to see a big outpouring of support for the
continue to march toward democracy in the days ahead.
And I think Prime Minister Hamdok continues to be a good
leader, but I am worried, as I know you are, about the
developments in the area. I just want to be clear that we are
all united in trying to make sure that we support the success
of this peaceful revolution.
I just have one other question for Ambassador Gilmour. As
you know, Equatorial Guinea is currently ruled by a regime
characterized by Freedom House as, quote, highly authoritarian,
unquote, and they further state that it frequently detains the
few opposition politicians in the country, cracks down on civil
society groups, and censors journalists.
They also point out, quote, the Judiciary is under
presidential control and security forces engage in torture and
other violence with impunity. That is from Freedom House.
So, my question is this, and I say this as somebody who
supports U.S. efforts to professionalize militaries around the
world, as a supporter, generally speaking, of the IMEP program,
but also one who has seen that in certain cases, those who were
trained through the IMEP program or other U.S. efforts to
professionalize militaries have participated in coups and in
anti-democratic conduct.
The Biden administration requested $500,000 to support IMEP
programs in Equatorial Guinea. Can you talk a little bit about
that request and how you would balance that request with our
concerns over the direction of the country and the issues that
I raised.
Ambassador Gilmour. Yeah, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, thank you, by the way, for your comments about the
YALI program. I happen to have the honor to be part of the team
that created the Mandela Washington Fellowship, which is the
centerpiece of the YALI program. So, thank you for your support
for that and, particularly, for continuing to finance it,
because it is a tremendous and valuable tool and all of our
embassies make great use of it.
And thank you for the question. I think, certainly, it is
not a pretty picture in terms of governance and democracy in
Equatorial Guinea and it never has been. And as you mentioned,
Freedom House, I think since the 1990s, has ranked Equatorial
Guinea as not a free country. So, this is a challenging partner
to work with.
In the last couple of years, there have been some efforts
by the Government to improve, in certain areas, and notably, in
trafficking in persons, and you may be aware that they were
able to raise their ranking in the annual trafficking of
persons survey to the Tier 2 watchlist, and that, then, opened
the possibility for some collaboration with the United States
in terms of foreign assistance programs, which I believe led to
the IMEP request that you mentioned.
I think what is certainly driving the IMEP request and a
desire on the part of the United States to increase engagement
with Equatorial Guinea on security issues are the very serious
security problems going on in the Gulf of Guinea. As I
mentioned in my opening statement, there have been,
particularly in the past couple of years, many serious
incidents of piracy and kidnapping, and, of course, we have,
the United States has commercial interests in Equatorial
Guinea, but also all around in the surrounding countries, as
well; most notably, Nigeria, which is very close to Equatorial
Guinea, and Cameroon.
So, there are many Americans working in that region.
Enormous investments in, particularly, oil and gas, and
particularly offshore platforms, which have been the target of
many of these piracy attacks.
So, we, the United States, we need Equatorial Guinea to be
a responsible player in terms of security, maritime security in
that region. And so, I think, certainly, our concept is we want
to work with them to begin to develop their capacity or
increase their capacity to be able to respond to some of these
attacks. Equatorial Guinea, actually even had one pirate attack
in the outskirts of the capital. There was an attack against a
gas-processing facility in 2020.
So, it is a very serious problem and something that we need
to work with them on. But, at the same time, we have these very
serious concerns about human rights and governance and
democracy that we have had for a very long time.
So, my approach, if confirmed, would be to go very
cautiously in this direction. We want to work with them, but we
need to see what is their political will for reform. We need to
be very cautious in terms of not enabling corruption.
There have been allegations of corruption in the military
forces; of course, we have the [inaudible--1:56:44] vetting
process and if we are to work with security force members
there, we need to be very cautious and very thorough in that
process to know who we are dealing with.
So, if confirmed, I would take a very cautious approach, a
very measured approach, and I think a very step-by-step
approach with any engagement we are going to do, in terms of
working with their security forces. And I think we need to go
slowly, and I think we need to set benchmarks and take a very
cautious approach.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
And, right, we all will be working with you and rely on
your good judgment on how to best balance all these factors.
Senator Rounds, do you have any other questions, comments?
Senator Rounds. Mr. Chairman, I do not.
I have most certainly appreciated the responses that we
have received today.
And, once again, it is the fact that we have these
qualified individuals before us for these really challenging
posts, is appreciated. Thank you.
Senator Van Hollen. Well, let me add my thanks and
appreciation, as well, to all of you for your current service
in the Foreign Service and for, you know, taking on the
responsibilities for which you have been nominated.
And I will certainly support your confirmation. We have a
group here with deep expertise and experience. So, many thanks
to all of you and to your families.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned. Thank you.
Senator Rounds. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 3:44 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Patricia Mahoney by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Various armed groups control regions of the Central
Africa Republic (CAR), contributing to a fragmented and war-torn
landscape. How can the U.S. work with the Government the Central Africa
Republic, the United Nations, and like-minded partners to bring parties
to the negotiating table, and return to dialogue on a peace process
that will lead to a sustainable peace?
Answer. Understanding political grievances where they exist,
including through a robust and inclusive Republican Dialogue, and
strengthening implementation of the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace
and Reconciliation (Khartoum Accord), which the United States has
championed, are important factors in bringing signatories back to the
peace process. The United States, working with other international
partners, should also support initiatives which improve relations with
neighbors, reduce cross-border movement of arms and combatants, and
enable CAR to secure its borders. Strengthening CAR's security
institutions to consolidate control over government-controlled areas is
critical, as is deployment of state services to populations and
eventually supporting local elections. If confirmed, I will leverage
all the tools at my disposal to support these initiatives.
Question. On October 15, President Touadera declared a unilateral
cessation of hostilities against the rebel coalition.
How has this affected the security situation on the ground and
humanitarian access, if at all?
What prospects are there for negotiations with rebel leaders, and
what might such negotiations address?
What are the implications for the 2019 Khartoum Accord?
Answer. President Faustin-Archange Touadera's unilateral ceasefire
is something we and regional partners, including the International
Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) pressed for and welcomed,
including through a statement the Embassy and its G-5 partners (African
Union (AU), European Union (EU), Economic Community for Central African
States (ECCAS), France, the World Bank, and the U.N. Multidimensional
Integrated Stabilization Mission in CAR (MINUSCA)) issued in the wake
of Touadera's declaration. International partners are encouraging the
Government to stand up a monitoring mechanism as soon as possible, and
humanitarian actors are assessing the situation on the ground, which
remains dynamic.
It is my understanding that through the ICGLR initiative,
discussions are ongoing with armed group leaders with a view to having
them return to the 2019 Political Agreement for Peace and
Reconciliation (Khartoum Accord).
Touadera's initiative is an indication he is cognizant the only way
out of the current crisis is through dialogue leading to a political
settlement. It is my hope that armed groups will return to the
framework of the 2019 Accord which offers opportunities for political
representation, decentralization, and more equitable management of
natural resources.
Question. As the people of the Central Africa Republic struggle to
cope with multiple crises while attempting to restore basic governance,
how can the U.S. most effectively support humanitarian needs and civil
society efforts to build the foundations of democracy?
Answer. CAR presents a complex relay of urgent challenges,
including ongoing violence and instability, weak state institutions,
and lack of government control over much of its territory; a dire
humanitarian crisis; and now the influence of malign actors.
At the heart of these challenges lies the CARG's inability to exert
effective control over its territory. That inability to control and
provide essential services allows for the violence and instability of
armed groups vying for territory and resources; which in turn leads to
increased human rights abuses and constricts humanitarian access; and
leaves space for malign actors like the Russia-supported private
military company (PMC) Wagner Group (Wagner), and other U.S. sanctioned
entities associated with Yevgeny Prigozhin. These actors have
demonstrated clearly they do not have the long-term interests of CAR as
an operating principle.
Engaging a Russian PMC to help gain the upper hand may seem like a
short-term fix to some in the CAR Government, but it is doing long-term
damage to the goals of peace, national reconciliation, and rule of law,
which are linchpins to CAR's ultimate stability, without strengthening
government institutions or capacity that would make the CAR Government
able to hold and maintain effective control over additional territory.
The United States, working with international partners, needs to
support those diplomatic, security and peace initiatives which are most
likely to reduce the violence, and enable CAR to secure its borders. It
is important in this context to remember that Security Council members
recently agreed to significantly increase MINUSCA's troop strength.
Working with other members of the G-5, if confirmed, I would
support the ceasefire recently announced by President Touadera. In
concert with international and regional partners, I would press all
stakeholders to recommit to and reinvigorate the peace process under
the 2019 Accord. The CARG's recent steps to initiate a national
dialogue on peace and reconciliation are an encouraging step.
I would also re-emphasize the perils of working with an entity
sanctioned for sound reasons not only by the United States but by other
governments (EU and UK) as well. In the long term, I would continue our
ongoing efforts to strengthen CAR Government institutions--most
critically in the justice sector but also in the CAR Government's
stewardship of national resources.
Further, if confirmed, I would seek out ways to expand the U.S.
Government's myriad of successful health initiatives in Africa to
improve CAR's ability to respond to health issues including measles,
malaria, and infant mortality, if security conditions in country permit
increased programming.
Question. CAR's Government has pledged to investigate allegations
by U.N. human rights officers that state security forces and allied
security personnel--including Russian military instructors and private
military contractors--are responsible for grave human rights abuses,
including extrajudicial killings and torture of detainees.
What is the status of these investigations, and how credible have
they been to date?
How might the allegations, and the CAR Government's response,
affect the scope of U.S. security assistance in the future?
Answer. Minister of Justice Abazene's mid-October sharing of the
summary of the CAR Government commission of inquiry report is a useful
step toward accountability in these matters. Abazene mentioned that
proceedings related to the human rights abuses enumerated in the report
were ongoing in civilian and military courts. Embassy Bangui is
gathering more information on the precise number and status of these
cases, including through engagement with Abazene, and, if I am
confirmed, I will continue to press him and President Touadera to
ensure all are pursued to conclusion and perpetrators held accountable.
Human rights considerations factor into all aspects of our security
sector cooperation with CAR and are a critical determinant of its
breadth and scope. As indicated, and as we have done in the past, we
will scale back work if human rights concerns arise.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my Foreign Service career, I have worked to
advance U.S. policy to support and promote democracy and respect for
human rights. I regard that work as not only essential to my mission as
a diplomat representing the values of the United States but also among
the most personally rewarding aspects of my career. The impact of those
efforts has often been incremental (as in a counterpart government's
long-term efforts to institutionalize accountability mechanisms for its
military) or part of a broader team effort (as when colleagues across
the U.S. interagency worked to support members of civil society as they
advocated against anti-LGBTQI+ legislation in Uganda). As Ambassador to
the Republic of Benin, I advocated both publicly and privately for
increased space for dissent; greater media freedom; and fair process
and equitable treatment for detainees, including those detained on
political grounds. If confirmed, I commit to continue promoting and
supporting democracy and respect for human rights in the Central
African Republic.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in the Central Africa Republic? These
challenges might include obstacles to participatory and accountable
governance and institutions, rule of law, authentic political
competition, civil society, human rights and press freedom. Please be
as specific as possible.
Answer. Following consultations with colleagues and experts, I see
the most pressing challenges to democracy or democratic development in
CAR being threefold and interrelated: fragile institutions, ongoing
violence that stymies development and progress, and a lack of access to
justice by much of the population. Stemming from these foundational
challenges, we see troubling symptoms including but not limited to 1)
malign influence by Russia, which further erodes the country's
stability and respect for the rule of law; 2) a moribund peace process;
3) corruption in the mining sector; and 4) a worsening humanitarian
situation throughout the country, which is impacting millions of
Central Africans.
If confirmed, I will strive to provide honest counsel to President
Touadera and his Government, while ensuring good stewardship of the
Department of State's and interagency' s resources in concert with the
UN, EU, AU, France, regional organizations, and others to strengthen
the country's democratic institutions, advance the rule of law, improve
access to justice, end impunity, enable effective delivery of
humanitarian assistance, and increase transparency in the mining
sector. Additionally, I will seek to increase the capacity of Central
Africans to identify and call out hate speech, disinformation, and
propaganda through education and outreach to civil society. One of my
primary goals as ambassador, if confirmed, will be to support a viable
path for the Government to begin moving from lifesaving humanitarian
assistance to sustainable development.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in the Central Africa Republic? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments to
addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support democracy in CAR in
coordination with the Bureau of Democracy, Rights, and Labor, the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, the Office of
Global Criminal Justice, and other Department of State colleagues and
the interagency to strengthen CAR's judicial and security institutions
to make them more responsive to Central Africans' needs. Additionally,
I commit to spotlighting reports of human rights violations and abuses
and governance concerns to my CAR Government counterparts, and
spotlighting these concerns through Embassy Bangui's reporting, in
collaboration with NGOs and civil society.
The objectives I hope to accomplish through my engagement, if
confirmed, would be increased capacity by the Government to serve more
Central Africans throughout the country; security and law enforcement
officials who respect the rule of law and human rights; and a more
stable environment in which Central African entrepreneurs could begin
to make economic progress. Although we need to see further concrete
actions to hold those who commit human rights violations and abuses
accountable, I think the Government's commission of inquiry into human
rights abuses--which released a summary of its report on October 2 and
named CAR Armed Forces and "Russian instructors"--represents a
potential mechanism in the fight against impunity.
The country's fragile and undeveloped institutions, ongoing
violence, and corruption impede the United States' ability to achieve
these goals in collaboration with the Central African people. I think
it will be important to work with the CAR Government and our
international partners to develop innovative solutions to these complex
and interrelated issues.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. While the Democracy Commission Small Grants program is only
for countries in Europe, if confirmed, I will strive to make sure all
U.S. Government democracy and governance assistance for CAR is used
effectively and efficiently. I will do my utmost, if confirmed, to
ensure Department of State and USAID democracy and governance funding
is prioritized in ways that are coordinated, mutually reinforcing, and
will advance U.S. Government interests and strategic goals in CAR,
including strengthening institutions; increasing civilian security;
promoting respect for human rights, and enhancing transparency and
accountability in government. In coordination with the CAR Government,
civil society, and international partners, I will seek to make U.S.
funding responsive to local needs and aligned with our objectives in
CAR.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in the Central Africa Republic? What steps will you take to
pro-actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil
society via legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding Embassy
Bangui's strong relationships with civil society members, human rights
and other NGOs in the United States, and with NGOs and civil society
organizations in CAR. As the United States' Ambassador to the Republic
of Benin, I used the convening power of my position to create spaces
for NGOs and members of civil society to gather and voice their
concerns. If confirmed, I will strive to develop a robust dialogue with
government and civil society actors to better understand their
equities. Additionally, I will work closely with likeminded partners to
ensure our messaging to the CAR Government is unified in our advocacy
for respect for human rights, access to justice, and stressing the
importance of a free and open environment for Central Africans to
express their political views without fear of retribution.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties in CAR. As we look
ahead to the Republican Dialogue scheduled to begin in November, as
well as the first local elections in over 30 years--scheduled for
September 2022, our engagement with the CAR Government, political
opposition groups, neighboring countries, and likeminded nations will
be of utmost importance to ensure constructive political engagement and
avoiding violence that has plagued the country for too long.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
Central Africa Republic on freedom of the press and address any
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
regularly with independent, local press in the Central Africa Republic?
Answer. An independent Central African press is critical to the
success of CAR's democracy and to countering malign influence. If
confirmed, I will meet regularly with independent and local press in
CAR, building on Embassy Bangui's work to maintain strong relationships
with local and international journalists in CAR. I will work with
Department of State and interagency colleagues to continue providing
professional training and exchange opportunities for members of the
press to build their resilience to disinformation and hate speech.
Finally, I will continue Embassy Bangui's strong advocacy with the
Central African Government to protect and facilitate the work of a free
and independent press in CAR.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. It is critical for the United States to build on efforts to
counter disinformation and hate speech in CAR, which risks enflaming
tensions and exacerbating existing divisions in the country. If
confirmed, I will coordinate with Department of State and interagency
partners--as well as likeminded nations--to expand training initiatives
to empower journalists to report accurately on events and shed light on
allegations of human rights violations and abuses, instances of
corruption, as well as malign influence by Russian propagandists. I
will also seek to support the work of community leaders who promote
peace.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with the
Central Africa Republic on the right of labor groups to organize,
including for independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with the CAR
Government--specifically the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social
Protection--on the right of workers to exercise freedom of association,
including to form and join independent trade unions, and call out
incidents when the Government or other actors restricts that right.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Central Africa
Republic, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. I commit to using my position, if confirmed, to defend the
human rights and dignity of all people in CAR, no matter their gender
identity, expression or sexual orientation. As I did during my service
in Uganda as deputy chief of mission, I will work with colleagues
across the U.S. interagency to promote respect for the human rights of
LGBTQI+ persons in CAR, working in close partnership with local civil
society. I will support civil society voices in CAR to strengthen their
ability to advocate for the human rights of all persons. I will use all
the tools at my disposal, including Embassy Bangui's convening power to
bring together key actors from the Government, civil society, private
sector, and international community to discuss issues affecting LGBTQI+
persons.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the Central Africa
Republic?
Answer. CAR's penal code criminalizes public expressions of same-
sex affection, and LGBTQI+ individuals are stigmatized by societal
attitudes and prejudice.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in the Central Africa Republic?
Answer. I commit to better understanding the situation of LGBTQI+
persons in CAR and how the U.S. Government can advance their cause
including through our convening power, messaging, and programming.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to the Central Africa Republic?
Answer. I commit fully to briefing Congress consistently and openly
during my tenure as Ambassador to CAR, if I am confirmed.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, I agree these incidents and any threats to the health
and safety of U.S. personnel must be taken seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number one
responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and women
representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit to
ensuring Embassy Bangui treats any reported incident seriously. Should
they occur, we will report these incidents through appropriate channels
in a timely manner and ensure any affected individual receives prompt
medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will meet regularly with medical and
Regional Security Office staff in Bangui to ensure I understand the
full scope of threats against U.S. personnel and that all safety
protocols are being followed carefully.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Patricia Mahoney by Senator James E, Risch
Question. Beyond public messaging and diplomacy, what tools will
you have at your disposal to encourage the Touadera administration to
distance itself from partnerships developed with Russia and Russia-
linked actors, and encourage positive political, economic and security
reforms?
Answer. The United States supports CAR's efforts to develop strong
institutions and strengthen the rule of law through capacity building
and technical assistance. If confirmed, I will use my position as
ambassador to enhance coordination within the Department of State,
across the U.S. Government, with partners such as the European Union
and France, as well as regional organizations to ensure U.S. efforts
are strengthening the CAR Government's ability to mitigate conflict,
stop human rights abuses and violations, and hold those responsible
accountable.
To counterbalance Russia's influence, I will use the U.S.
Government's wide array of instruments to call out Russian behavior,
including working in collaboration with the U.S. Mission to the U.N.
and like-minded partners at the U.N. The CAR Government's commission of
inquiry--established to investigate allegations of human rights abuses
described in an August U.N. report--acknowledged abuses and violations
committed by ``Russian instructors'' and CAR Armed Forces (FACA). If
confirmed, I will press the CAR Government to hold perpetrators
responsible. I will also highlight the impact of previous sanctions on
Russian entities, and individuals operating in CAR, while strengthening
coordination with partner governments to ensure our activities have
mutually supporting and maximum impact. Within the Department of State,
I will build on ongoing collaboration between the bureaus of African
Affairs, European and Eurasian Affairs, International Organization
Affairs, the Global Engagement Center, and others to ensure U.S.
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Additionally, if confirmed, I
will ensure there continues to be robust dialogue between Embassy
Bangui and the U.S. Mission to the United Nations in New York.
Lastly, it is critical for the United States to build on efforts to
counter disinformation in CAR, which risks enflaming tensions and
exacerbating existing divisions in the country. If confirmed, I will
coordinate with Department of State and interagency partners--as well
as likeminded nations--to expand training initiatives to empower
journalists to report accurately on events and shed light on
allegations of human rights violations and abuses, instances of
corruption, as well as malign influence by Russian propagandists. I
will also seek to support the work of community leaders who promote
peace.
Question. In your view, how does the Central African Republic rank
in terms of strategic importance for the United States?
Answer. I think it is in the United States' national security
interest to continue engaging diplomatically with the CAR Government to
assist the country recover from its long history of violence and
fragility. The conditions that have led to serious allegations of human
rights abuses and violations against civilians, the threat of famine,
unlawful child soldier recruitment and use, the malign influence of
Russia, and a host of other issues will not stay localized to CAR and
will continue to threaten regional peace and security if left
unaddressed.
Question. Do you feel the U.S. level of engagement with the Central
African Republic reflects this level of strategic importance?
Answer. Based on my consultations with Department of State
colleagues, I have gained a deep appreciation for the tremendous work
being done by teammates throughout the U.S. Government to address CAR's
humanitarian needs, strengthen the country's institutions--particularly
the justice and security sectors, and counter Russia's malign
influence. If confirmed, I will explore additional opportunities for
the United States to engage diplomatically with the CAR Government--
where appropriate, in consultation with key U.S. interlocutors.
Question. If you do not feel as if the U.S.' level of engagement
with the Central Africa Republic reflects the level of strategic
importance, how would you, if confirmed, work as Ambassador to address
this imbalance?
Answer. The United States' humanitarian engagement in CAR has saved
countless lives. If confirmed, I look forward to discussing with you
and your colleagues innovative ways the Department of State and
interagency can achieve our objectives in the Central African Republic:
1) supporting the 2019 Peace Agreement to end the Central African
Republic's violence; 2) ensuring humanitarian assistance reaches those
most in need, and 3) strengthening the country's justice and security
institutions.
Question. The U.S. Embassy in the Central African Republic is a
small, unaccompanied mission, in one of the most difficult environments
in which to live and work in the world. As Chief of Mission, how will
you work to keep staff morale high?
Answer. The wellbeing, safety, and security of the embassy
community will be my primary concern. If confirmed, I will seek to
support my team members in Bangui by fostering an environment where
they feel valued, safe, and supported as they work to make progress on
critical U.S. policy objectives in CAR. Serving in CAR is undeniably
challenging and I will work in tandem with Deputy Chief of Mission
James Hogan to ensure 1) we focus our time and resources on tasks that
directly support the mission's primary objectives to prevent exhaustion
or burnout; 2) create a culture that promotes clear, respectful, and
honest communication among all team members; and 3) ensure colleagues
are taking advantage of their leave periods so they can recover from
the very significant demands service in Bangui imposes. If I am
confirmed, I look forward to discussing with my U.S. and Central
African locally employed staff colleagues to better understand their
needs and concerns so we can explore ways to reinforce what is working
well and strengthen areas of opportunity.
Question. How will you engage Africa Bureau leadership to support
the staff in Bangui?
Answer. I will engage my colleagues in the Bureau of African
Affairs leadership transparently and candidly to build an effective
dialogue between Bangui and Washington. I will continue Ambassador Lucy
Tamlyn's regularly scheduled calls with the Bureau of African Affairs
and establish new engagement channels if necessary to ensure the
Department of State understands the needs and challenges of the Embassy
Bangui team. Further, if confirmed, I would seek the counsel of all
colleagues at Embassy Bangui to better understand what engagement
practices have worked and where there may be areas we can improve upon
in collaboration with the Bureau of African Affairs.
Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
the term of the current President in power?
Answer. Based on my years working as a diplomat in Africa and
elsewhere I think it is imperative governments respond to the needs of
their people and govern from a position of trust and earned legitimacy.
I think clearly defined presidential term limits are necessary to a
well-functioning democracy. There are too many examples in Africa and
elsewhere in the world where the extension of presidential term limits
through various mechanisms has weakened institutions, diminished the
public's trust in government, and driven instability. No country can
thrive when much of its populace feels disaffected by its government.
Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to the Central
African Republic potentially extending the term of the current
President in power?
Answer. If I am confirmed, building a strong and respectful working
relationship with CAR President Faustin-Archange Touadera will be among
my top priorities. If the CAR Government considered extending
presidential term limits, I would seek out the perspectives of civil
society, the political opposition, and Touadera's allies and use those
insights to consult with the U.S. interagency. Once U.S. policy was
defined, I would leverage my relationship with President Touadera to
ensure U.S. objectives were met.
Question. Please provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
independent international election observation missions? Would you
support such a mission for the Central African Republic's next general
election?
Answer. I think there is significant value in the United States
supporting independent international election observations, especially
in fragile democracies like CAR that faced such destabilizing violence
following its December 2020 elections. As we look ahead to the planned
September 2022 local elections as well as the general elections
scheduled for 2025, I will--if confirmed--consult with the CAR
Government, civil society, and allies to understand the conditions on
the ground, and work to develop plans and options that permit the
holding of genuinely free and fair elections using open and transparent
electoral processes.
Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense
and security cooperation with the Central African Republic?
Answer. In collaboration with partners, including the European
Union and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization
Mission in CAR (MINUSCA) and in accordance with all applicable U.S.
regulations, I think the United States must continue its investment in
strengthening the FACA. The United States, Central African region, and
CAR all gain from a FACA that is professional, competent, and respects
human rights. The United States' approach to security sector reform is
unique in its focus on human rights, and if confirmed, I will work with
allies in country and colleagues in Washington to communicate clearly
to President Touadera and the CAR Government what is required for the
United States and partners to build on past defense and security
cooperation.
I will also press the Government to follow through on its promise
to investigate reports of human rights abuses by FACA and Russian
security forces and hold offenders accountable through a transparent
judicial process.
Question. Where are the opportunities and the risks if the United
States builds on its existing defense and security cooperation with the
Central African Republic?
Answer. The CAR Government has consistently expressed its
appreciation for U.S. security assistance, as well as a desire for
additional cooperation. Further engagement between the United States
and FACA--provided the CAR Government addresses U.S. concerns with
violations related to transfer agreements and other issues,
particularly those touching on human rights violations--may lead to a
more capable security force able to project state authority throughout
the country's territory for the first time in its history.
Additionally, the United States' focus on promoting respect for human
rights in our defense training is unique and cannot be discounted. I
believe that a FACA professionalized through U.S.-provided training and
other support will be a critical factor in CAR and the region's
stability going forward.
I worry that as allegations of human rights violations and abuses
by FACA as well as associated armed elements mount, it will become more
challenging for the United States to provide defense sector training or
assistance. Allegations of serious human rights abuses by Russia-
supported private military company elements from the Wagner Group
targeting CAR's Muslim minorities risks further marginalizing those
communities and triggering spillover effects across the region. If
confirmed, I will continue--and expand where appropriate--Ambassador
Tamlyn's engagement with the Government alongside the European Union,
MINUSCA, and allies to reiterate the importance of respecting human
rights while continuing to explore African-led security alternatives to
the Wagner Group's activities in the country.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Bangui?
Answer. Based on my consultations with Embassy Bangui leadership
and Department of State colleagues, it is my understanding my teammates
in country--from Ambassador Tamlyn to the officers who serve as the
mission's engine--are performing at an extraordinary level in terms of
their diplomatic engagement and reporting. However, they are also
dealing with a tremendous amount of stress associated with expanding
mandatory reporting requirements without additional resources,
insufficient staffing, and the day-to-day challenges of working in a
post far removed from their families and loved ones. Despite these
stressors, I understand my teammates in Bangui remain focused on their
mission and wholly committed to advancing the United States' interests
in the country and doing their utmost to improve the lives of the
Central African people.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Bangui?
Answer. The wellbeing of my teammates in Bangui will be my
paramount concern. If confirmed, I will create space for frequent one-
on-one check-ins and work to restart in-person communication and
community building events--COVID-19 conditions in country permitting. I
have learned as deputy chief of mission for two posts and as ambassador
to the Republic of Benin how important it is to consistently and
verbally express my appreciation for my colleagues' hard work and
efforts to accomplish the mission's objectives. Additionally, I think
there is great value in ensuring our priorities are clear and
investments in time are directly tied to those priorities. I humbly
acknowledge this will be an ongoing process--if I am confirmed--and I
am excited to build on Ambassador Tamlyn's exemplary leadership and
engage with my U.S. and Central African colleagues to create a culture
that allows people to be their best and feel valued.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Bangui?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all
sections to establish and review goals and develop strategies to
achieve common objectives. I will engage all teammates to conceive and
articulate clearly what we aim to accomplish, and how we will achieve
those objectives. If I am confirmed, I will endeavor to create a
culture of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I would describe my management style as collaborative,
respectful, and built on a foundation of trust and clear communication.
I think it is critical for chiefs of mission to model effective
leadership and management, and I am cognizant--as I learned as deputy
chief of mission in Nepal as well as Uganda and as Ambassador to the
Republic of Benin--that I set the tone for my U.S. and local team
members. Lastly, I think it is important for leaders to demonstrate
humility at all times and if confirmed, I commit to doing my utmost to
live these ideals every day I serve as the United States' ambassador to
the Central African Republic.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not think it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates in public or private. I think establishing clear
expectations and respectfully and constructively explaining why an
action did not meet expectations while offering a path forward is the
most effective means of helping colleagues reach their potential and
improve upon areas of opportunity. We are all human and we will all
make mistakes; I have found that delivering clear feedback with empathy
leads to more optimal performance. If confirmed, I commit to treating
my teammates of all rank with respect.
Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading
Embassy Cotonou?
Answer. From my tenure leading Embassy Cotonou, I have learned that
I do not have all the ideas (or even the best ideas!) and it is
important to create an environment in which all colleagues who make an
embassy function feel comfortable in offering suggestions. I have also
learned that even though I may know that I value my colleagues' input,
they will not necessarily know I appreciate them unless I make a point
of telling them clearly and consistently.
Question. How will your management style and approach differ from
Embassy Cotonou?
Answer. With humility, I think the principles I aspire to
(inclusivity, appreciation, clear communication) are critical to
effective leadership and management regardless of the assignment. That
said, there are important differences between Cotonou and Bangui such
as security, freedom of movement, and the size of the embassy team.
Acknowledging these differences, I will strive to be even more
attentive to the morale of those I am responsible to as ambassador, and
I will seek to work with the deputy chief of mission and all team
members--if confirmed--to make sure we are being mindful of the stress
we are carrying, and when our collective and individual wellbeing needs
additional care.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
deputy chief of mission?
Answer. Based on my time serving as deputy chief of mission in
Nepal and Uganda, and then as ambassador in Benin, I think the deputy
chief of mission-ambassador partnership is one of the most important
relationships to nurture in an embassy. If confirmed, I plan to develop
a close and collaborative partnership with Deputy Chief of Mission
James Hogan to ensure that our expectations related to priorities,
operations, reporting, and engagement are aligned and mutually
supportive.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. Traditionally, the deputy chief of mission is responsible
for an embassy's day-to-day operations as well as management and
serving as an ombudsman for colleagues to voice their concerns. With a
post such as Embassy Bangui with a smaller team, I think it will be
important and useful for Deputy Chief of Mission Hogan and me to begin
discussing this question in the coming weeks, if I am confirmed.
Considering my current distance from Bangui, I look forward to gaining
a more accurate understanding of daily conditions in country and
creating a partnership that works for the team and helps us to achieve
our objectives.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide employees with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. I think it is critical for team members' personal and
professional growth for managers to provide accurate, constructive
feedback on their performance. As ambassador, if confirmed, I will do
my utmost in partnership with the deputy chief of mission to ensure
Embassy Bangui managers are providing specific and constructive
feedback in a respectful manner to colleagues they are responsible to
as leaders.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support and encourage clear, accurate,
and direct feedback to employees in order to help them be their best
and incentivize those who demonstrate superior effort.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
the Central African Republic.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. The Department of State faces a challenging balancing act
in terms of ensuring our diplomats can engage effectively with
interlocutors throughout the country they are responsible for
understanding while limiting personal risk, especially in a high-threat
post like Bangui. As I have expressed previously, I think my team
members are the Department of State's most important resource and I
take their well-being seriously. That said, if I am confirmed, I will
work with my Regional Security Office in Bangui and Diplomatic Security
in Washington to ensure we are balancing these two requirements to
ensure our staff stay safe while effectively advancing U.S. policy
objectives.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. Embassy Bangui's threat environment is complex and creates
challenges for accessing many populations, especially outside of
Bangui. If confirmed, I will use all tools at my disposal in
coordination with partners, including MINUSCA, to actively support the
country's 2019 Peace Agreement, the best option we have currently to
reduce violence and return CAR to stability. These activities typically
involve engaging local populations, something we do as often as
possible and which Embassy Bangui did during September and October
trips to key areas in the country's center (Bria), southwest (Bayanga),
and southeast (Chinko).
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in the Central
African Republic?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?
Answer. Like most institutions in CAR, the country's press is
undeveloped and highly partisan. Radio dominates CAR's public messaging
space with internet penetration at approximately five percent
countrywide. Disinformation by malign Russian actors is also a serious
threat that at times compromises the activities of key partners like
MINUSCA.
In terms of strengthening our relationship with the Central African
people as well as civil servants, I think we can do more to enhance the
bonds between our two countries. In coordination with the Bureau of
Educational and Cultural Affairs, I would like to explore how we can
expand the use of International Visitor Leadership Programs to more
thoughtfully engage with Central Africans who desire the same things we
do for CAR, a country at peace with itself and its neighbors. In the
same vein, if confirmed, I would like to explore ways to provide
training for more journalists to strengthen their ability to tell fact
from disinformation and report objectively on events that impact their
fellow Central Africans.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Like most endeavors in the Department of State, open and
consistent communication between colleagues leads to more effective
coordination. If confirmed, I will seek to bolster the already-
productive working relationship between the Bureau of African Affairs'
public diplomacy office and Embassy Bangui's Public Affairs Section. As
we saw following President Touadera's October 15 ceasefire declaration,
there will continue to be significant opportunities for the Department
of State to amplify post's messages through various media channels, and
I will ensure these lanes remain synchronized and open, if I am
confirmed.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. The welfare of my teammates is the most important issue I
am responsible for as ambassador, and if confirmed, I commit to taking
the threat of anomalous health incidents very seriously. Working with
the deputy chief of mission and regional security officer, in
consultation with colleagues in Washington, I will work to better
understand this threat in CAR, and develop plans and responses, as
appropriate for conditions in country.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission CAR personnel?
Answer. I think transparency--while acknowledging the sensitivity
of some information we work with--is integral for a well-functioning
embassy. If confirmed, I commit to speaking as openly about anomalous
health incidents as possible with my U.S. and Central African
colleagues. Further, I would stress that team members should notify me,
Embassy Bangui's regional security officer, and the deputy chief of
mission if they experience any unexplained medical symptoms. Embassy
Bangui is a small team, and it is important we trust each other and can
discuss these issues transparently.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in the Central
African Republic and counter the malign influence of China?
Answer. China's footprint in CAR is lighter than elsewhere in the
region. That said, if confirmed, I look forward to deepening work on
this question in consultation with colleagues from the bureaus of
African Affairs, European and Eurasian Affairs, East Asia and Pacific
Affairs, and other key offices. Work in this lane will leverage the
already-robust inter-Departmental collaboration on countering Russia's
malign influence in CAR that I have observed during my consultations.
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, the Central
African Republic was identified as Tier 2 due to a lack of adequate
victim services, convictions of traffickers, and overall official
complicity. Yet, they did demonstrated overall improving efforts during
the reporting period and throughout the COVID-19 pandemic.
How will you work with the Government to address these issues if
you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. I was pleased to learn the Department of State's Office to
Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (J/TIP) assessed CAR
demonstrated overall increasing efforts to prosecute traffickers,
identify and protect victims, and prevent the crime over the course of
the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report rating period. This achievement
is especially notable as the country faced such a myriad of threats and
challenges over the course of 2020 and early 2021. If I am confirmed, I
will work in partnership with J/TIP to support the CAR Government's
anti-trafficking in persons lead, Josiane Bemaka-Soui (one of eight
global 2021 TIP Heroes), with training and technical assistance where
possible, while encouraging President Touadera to continue prioritizing
this important issue, as he has since 2019. Considering the central
government's limited presence throughout much of the country, I think
it will be important for authorities to focus their efforts in the
short term on identifying victims and prosecuting traffickers within
Bangui first, before expanding their efforts elsewhere in the country.
Lastly, owing to the Government's very limited resources, effective
partnership with civil society, NGOs, and international organizations
will be imperative for CAR to identify more victims and remove them
from their bondage.
Further, I will continue to collaborate with Department of State
and interagency teammates as well as our allies to strengthen the
country's justice and security institutions to help CAR transition from
lifesaving humanitarian assistance to development. Based on my years of
experience serving across the world, increasing the capacity of
governments to provide for their people and improving economic
conditions is the most effective way to prevent the heinous phenomenon
of human trafficking.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the
Central African Republic was identified as intolerant of religious
freedom, especially for Muslims. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority,?and
the Department of State continues to closely monitor?the religious
freedom situation?in CAR.? I commit to working with civil society and
the CAR Government to ensure all individuals enjoy freedom of religion
and equality regardless of religion as stated in the constitution. If
confirmed, I will work with?the Ambassador at Large for International
Religious Freedom and Congress to?emphasize the importance of religious
tolerance and to?address religious freedom concerns in CAR.
Specifically, I am deeply concerned with reports of Russian
mercenaries targeting individuals from the predominantly Muslim Peuhl
community. If confirmed, I will work with the Government and civil
society to ensure all individuals in CAR--regardless of religion--have
access to justice and a voice in their government.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, the Central African
Republic was identified as having serious human rights abuses committed
by the Government as well as armed groups.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The 2020 Human Rights Report narrative of human rights
abuses and violations in CAR is disturbing and extensive, and it is
crucial the Government holds those responsible accountable. I was
encouraged to see the CAR Government issue the summary of its
commission of inquiry in mid-October, which included an acknowledgement
of the involvement of the country's armed forces and ``Russian
instructors'' in some of these incidents. To demonstrate its commitment
to justice and accountability, it will be critical for the Government
to provide more transparency on the inquiry's findings and hold
offenders accountable.
Additionally, I commit to spotlighting reports of human rights
violations and abuses and governance concerns to my Central African
counterparts, and spotlighting these concerns through Embassy Bangui's
reporting, in collaboration with NGOs and civil society. If confirmed,
I would consult with Department of State colleagues from the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, as well as the Office of Global
Criminal Justice, and other agencies on exploring additional actions,
where appropriate.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding Embassy
Bangui's strong relationships with civil society members, human rights
and other NGOs in the United States, and with NGOs and civil society
organizations in CAR. As the United States' Ambassador to the Republic
of Benin, I used the convening power of my position to create spaces
for NGOs and members of civil society to gather and voice their
concerns. If confirmed, I will strive to develop a robust dialogue with
government and civil society actors to better understand their
equities. Additionally, I will work closely with likeminded partners to
ensure our messaging to the CAR Government is unified in our advocacy
for respect for human rights, access to justice, and stressing the
importance of a free and open environment for Central Africans to
express their political views without fear of retribution.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Ending the insurgency in Mozambique will require more
than just victory on the battlefield. What are the driving forces
behind the insurgency, and how is the United States working with the
Government of Mozambique and other actors to address those root causes?
Answer. There are many factors that fueled the rise of terrorism in
Cabo Delgado. Longstanding socio-economic grievances, unmet economic
expectations, political, cultural, and geographic isolation from
Maputo, negative experiences with security forces, a lack of government
services, tribal rivalries, criminal activity, and an influx of intra-
Muslim ideological divisions made northern Mozambique susceptible to
violent extremist ideologies.
The United States aims to counter ISIS-M and to support the
Mozambican Government and people. We share a holistic strategy in four
areas: security assistance, strategic communications, socio-economic
assistance, and diplomatic engagement. If confirmed, I will work with
the Government of Mozambique to address the underlying drivers of
violent extremism and terrorism by: protecting the civilian population,
addressing social and economic inequality and marginalization, and
strengthening the transparent provision of public services, while
upholding the core values of respect for human rights, good governance,
and democratic participation.
Question. Rwandan troops were deployed to Mozambique as part of a
bilateral agreement. What are Rwanda's goals and motivations for this
deployment, and what implications does the deployment have for the SADC
mission?
Answer. President Nyusi requested security assistance from Rwanda,
and its Government responded; their combined efforts, together with
SADC forces have resulted in the capturing of key towns, bases,
leaders, and strongholds--providing space for the Government to assess
and develop a reconstruction plan for Cabo Delgado. President Kagame
has publicly expressed his desire to promote regional security through
Rwanda's presence in Mozambique.
Question. Apart from the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique
faces challenges in the areas of governance, the economy, health, and
widespread poverty. What is the United States strategy for helping
Mozambique address issues in the areas of anti-corruption and good
governance in particular? What actions will you take if confirmed to
push for greater transparency in the area of debt held by the
Government of Mozambique?
Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would continue to support credible
initiatives that enhance the transparency and accountability of the
Government of Mozambique.
Democracy and Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have attended the trials of opposition leaders unjustly
accused of crimes and advocated for due process and the rule of law in
many of the countries where I have served. Bearing witness in such
trials may not change verdicts, but it demonstrates that eyes are
watching judicial proceedings. Defense attorneys around the globe often
bear the brunt of government efforts to repress their voices, and I
have advocated for their ability to represent those accused of crimes.
Whenever counter-accusations about the U.S. surface, I seize the
opportunity to make the point that such instances are flagged by a free
press and are fair game for debate in the political arena in the United
States. I always encourage counterparts to consider allowing and
listening to such debate in order to spur greater respect for human
rights. To foster more transparent electoral processes and more
democratic systems of governance, I am a firm believer in independent
election observation efforts, including those of embassies, as well as
a role for domestic political party observers.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Mozambique? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Mozambique is still a young, developing democracy with
institutions that have difficulty enforcing the law, particularly
regarding respect for human rights. Civil society has an influential
role, but requires greater capacity and, with the independent media,
occasionally faces threats for investigative reporting on sensitive
topics. Mozambique has been ruled by a single political party since its
independence, and the strongest competing party lost ground in the most
recent national elections. Corruption is widespread and impunity for
officials remains a serious problem. If confirmed, I plan to support
credible initiatives that enhance the Government's transparency and
accountability to ensure Mozambique is an anchor of stability,
security, and democracy in the region.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Mozambique? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue an integrated approach to
northern Mozambique, in coordination with Mozambican institutions and
international partners. This approach to creating conditions for
sustainable peace will build the capacity of Mozambican security
forces, address socioeconomic drivers of violence, such as
marginalization, promote respect for human rights, and support improved
governance to underserved communities. I look to partner diligently
with the Mozambican Government to respond to the needs of its citizens
transparently and accountably. If confirmed, I would also serve as the
co-Chair of the Contact Group that oversees the demobilization,
disarmament, and reintegration process that started in 2019 and seeks
to establish a durable peace after the devastating civil war. Currently
USAID's democracy and governance funding for Mozambique has been
prioritized to address governance challenges in the North.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to identify and support reputable
Mozambican and international partners who share our commitment to
helping Mozambique build an inclusive, responsive, and resilient
democracy. I will continue to advocate for the inclusion of people with
disabilities in our programs and policies.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Mozambique? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. A key function of an embassy is to engage with governments
and civil society. Often an embassy can be an effective forum for the
exchange of ideas, as I indicated in my testimony, and a forum for
debate on global challenges. If confirmed, I will encourage officers in
the U.S. Embassy in Maputo to be receptive to listening to the concerns
raised by civil society organizations and, if appropriate, helping to
seek redress of specific problems on cases with the appropriate
interlocutors in the host government. I would also look for synergistic
opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform,
accountability, and respect for human rights. I will continue to
advocate for the involvement of disabled persons and organizations in
inclusive, civil society-government discussions related to the rights
of people with disabilities.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to strengthen the
relationships the U.S. Mission has built with democratically-oriented,
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive,
political environment throughout Mozambique. If confirmed, I will
advocate for the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly for all
political actors, including those who do not agree with the Government.
If confirmed, I will advocate through public statements, targeted small
grants and other programming, and direct engagement with a diverse
spectrum of leaders and community members for a political environment
that is inclusive of women, youth, people with disabilities, and
Mozambicans who might otherwise be marginalized.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Mozambique on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Mozambique?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with media practitioners, like-
minded diplomatic missions, civil society, government, and
international partners to underscore the importance of an independent,
professional, and open media in a free and democratic society. If
confirmed, I will seek resources to continue support to both
Mozambique's private and state-run media, including professional
exchanges, targeted training programs, and seminars to educate
journalists and media stakeholders about the importance of the right to
free expression.
Mozambican journalists have consistently participated in U.S.
Government-sponsored professional exchange programs on investigative
reporting, safeguarding freedom of expression, and combating
disinformation, and the media's role in strengthening democratic
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to engage in the
independent press, as well as prioritize these exchanges and training
opportunities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
government counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda by
foreign state and non-state actors. If confirmed, I will also commit to
working with like-minded partners in Mozambique to do the same.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Mozambique on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. The United States has a long and strong tradition of
supporting the rights of workers to exercise freedom of association,
including to form and join independent trade unions. If confirmed, I
will ensure that I and others in the embassy engage with unions,
relevant government offices, and the private sector to support labor
rights. If confirmed, I will also mobilize U.S. Government policies,
programs, and trade agreements to empower workers in all sectors to
organize, successfully bargain with their employers, and improve
working conditions.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Mozambique, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a
priority for the U.S. Mission in Mozambique. If confirmed, I will
strive to defend respect for the human rights and dignity of all
persons in Mozambique, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Mozambique?
Answer. There have been no reports of bias-motivated attacks on
LGBTQI+ people in Mozambique in recent years, but discrimination
exists. The Government of Mozambique has not acted on the request for
registration by the Association for the Defense of Sexual Minorities
(LAMBDA), Mozambique's main LGBTQI+ organization, which has been
pending since 2008. Despite its lack of registration, LAMBDA has
partnered with diplomatic missions, including the U.S. Embassy, and
government agencies, such as the Ministry of Health, to combat stigma
and raise awareness about LGBTQI+ rights.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Mozambique?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a
priority for the mission in Mozambique. The U.S. Mission has worked
with the Association for the Defense of Sexual Minorities (LAMBDA),
Mozambique's main LGBTQI+ organization, as well as potential partners
from government, civil society, and the diplomatic community, to raise
awareness of LGBTQI+ issues and combat HIV/AIDS stigma. If confirmed, I
would support the LGBTQI+ community, including by raising the Pride
flag on International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia
and encouraging key grants to local organizations.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Mozambique.
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this
committee.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, there would be no higher
priority for me than the health, safety, and security of our personnel
and family members serving overseas. This commitment extends to the
handling of anomalous health incidents. These incidents and any threats
to health and safety must be taken seriously. If confirmed, I will make
sure that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a
potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family
members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that U.S. Government
personnel and family members should immediately alert the Mission's
health and security professionals at Post if they note any onset of
unexplained medical symptoms to receive prompt access to health care.
At the same time, I would reiterate that there is no stigma associated
with reporting, and that every report will be taken seriously by our
health and security professionals and the leadership of the Department.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will regularly meet with medical and
RSO staff to ensure I understand the full scope of threats against U.S.
personnel and their family members and that all safety protocols are
being carefully followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Peter Hendrick Vrooman by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your assessment of current U.S. policy toward
Mozambique?
Answer. The United States is Mozambique's largest bilateral donor,
with nearly $523 million allocated last year, and much of it focused on
health. I anticipate that the United States will want to increase
support of reform and transparency mechanisms, particularly in the
lead-up to elections in 2023 and 2024. Education and health are key
priorities for Mozambicans, who believe these sectors where the United
States engages are drivers of economic growth and prosperity. The
recent consolidation of Mozambican efforts in 2021 to combat ISIS-
Mozambique, offers opportunities to spur continued investment in both
resources and institutions. If confirmed, I plan to enhance our
engagement to ensure Mozambique is an anchor of stability, security,
prosperity, and democracy in the region.
Question. Do you feel the U.S. is adequately engaged given the
various threats and challenges the situation in Mozambique poses to the
region?
Answer. I believe that the United States correctly assessed the
seriousness of the threats posed by ISIS-M to Mozambique, as well as to
the region. We have also seen the Mozambican Government acknowledge the
root causes of violence and fragility, in the form of its new Strategy
for Resilience and Integrated Development in the North. This strategy
prioritizes peacebuilding, social cohesion, community-government
dialogue, fighting corruption, ensuring access to inclusive government
services, and fostering economic recovery in the North. If confirmed, I
would work with government and civil society to restore ties, rebuild
damaged infrastructure, and invest in the human capital in affected
regions.
Question. What adjustments, if any, do you feel are necessary for
U.S. engagement with the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I would endeavor to remain in close contact
with my counterparts, particularly those in capitals where regional
organizations, such as the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) and the East African Community (EAC), are situated. Beyond the
combined military operations that many of Mozambique's regional
partners and allies have conducted over recent months, there will be a
need for an acceleration of discussions about reconstruction and
governance in areas affected by terrorism and violent extremism. SADC
could also play a larger role in taking on regional challenges such as
illicit trafficking networks, conservation of southern African
biodiversity, and the promotion and respect for human rights.
Question. What is your perspective on the deployment of Rwandan and
Southern African Development Community (SADC) forces to Mozambique to
assist in the containment of the insurgency in Northern Mozambique?
Answer. We support SADC's goals of promoting regional cooperation
and integration, economic growth, socio-economic development, and
durable peace and security among its member states. SADC's support
through the organization's deployment of a four-country, Standby Force,
whose mission was recently extended through January 2022, could help
stabilize northern Mozambique and the region. Rwandan forces, with
Mozambican forces, have played an important role in reversing ISIS-M's
gains. I believe that these positive strides have created a window of
opportunity to consolidate gains with the necessary steps needed to
regain the trust of local communities in their security forces and in
their government institutions.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador to Mozambique, if confirmed, how will
you engage the Government of Mozambique on key democratic reforms in
order to support sustainable peace?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue an integrated approach to
northern Mozambique, in coordination with Mozambican institutions and
international partners. This approach to creating conditions for
sustainable peace will build the capacity of Mozambican security
forces, address socioeconomic drivers of violence, promote respect for
human rights, and support improved governance to underserved
communities. I would also serve as the co-Chair of the Contact Group
that oversees the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration
process that seeks to establish a durable peace after the devastating
civil war. Currently USAID's democracy and governance funding for
Mozambique has been prioritized to address governance challenges in the
North.
Question. What challenges do you foresee as Mozambique moves toward
2024 elections with President Nyusi term limited?
Answer. Polling confirms the strong preference of Mozambicans for
democracy with regular, open, and honest electoral processes resulting
in free and fair elections. The Constitutional Court of Mozambique
acknowledged there were irregularities in the 2019 elections but
concluded that they did not substantially alter the outcome. Those
irregularities included violence and intimidation in the pre-election
period and systemic issues during the election. If confirmed, I will
work with key stakeholders, including the Mozambican Government, civil
society, and the National Election Commission so they can ensure
peaceful pre-election periods and lay the groundwork for free and fair
district elections in 2023 and presidential and provincial elections in
2024.
Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
the term of the current President in power?
Answer. Actions by a president in power to change the laws to allow
him or her to remain in office extralegally pose an inherent threat to
any democracy's health. A healthy democracy abides both by the will of
its people and the underlying legal foundations upon which it rests.
This requires the active participation of all citizens to safeguard
democracy.
Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to Mozambique doing
something like extending the term of office of the presidency even if
that means it would extend the term of the current President in power?
Answer. Mozambique's strong democratic tradition includes term
limits that are respected by presidents, the political parties, and a
strong majority of the electorate. I expect this respect for
constitutional limits will continue. If confirmed, I will promote
democratic values and seek to strengthen democratic institutions.
Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
independent international election observation missions?
Answer. I have advocated for and supported independent
international election observations missions in many locations where I
have served overseas. Mozambique's elections are regularly observed by
external teams from the Southern African Development Community, the
African Union, the European Union, and the Commonwealth. In 2019,
Embassy officers supplemented the international election observation
teams. Mozambique welcomes and supports these missions and would likely
be amenable to additional electoral observation if the conditions
warrant such a mission.
Question. Would you support such U.S. funded, independent
international election observation methods for Mozambique's next
general election?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support independent
international election observation missions and encourage the relevant
institutions and parties in Mozambique to welcome them as well.
Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to
hold Mozambique officials accountable for corrupt behavior?
Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would support credible initiatives that
enhance the transparency and accountability of the Government of
Mozambique.
Question. If confirmed, how would you go about using the tools the
U.S. has to hold Mozambican officials accountable for corrupt behavior?
Answer. The U.S. Government has in the past year launched several
anti-corruption activities in Mozambique which support sub-national
systems of accountability; reduce teacher absenteeism and medical
supply leakage; promote policy reform through support to civil society
anti-corruption initiatives, including advocacy for the development of
a transparent and accountable sovereign wealth fund; and strengthen
investigative journalism to promote improved economic governance and
natural resource management. Corruption is the top governance concern
of Mozambicans. If confirmed, I would support credible initiatives that
enhance the transparency and accountability of the Government of
Mozambique.
Question. How can the United States best support Mozambique in
curbing the corrupt behavior of those companies and government
officials of malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt
governments and business environments?
Answer. The United States is the biggest investor in the human
capital of the people of Mozambique through our health and education
programs and we are increasing investments in Mozambican infrastructure
through various interagency programs and USAID projects. For those
parts of the Mozambican society that want to support good governance,
the United States' Foreign Corrupt Practices Act stands out as a gold
standard for private sector conduct and a selling point for American
business. If confirmed, I will help demonstrate that our Government and
business policies and practices are respectful of human rights and the
environment, transparent, and responsive to Mozambique's needs.
Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense
and security cooperation with Mozambique?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take stock of our developing defense
and security cooperation with a view to assessing its effectiveness and
the latest requirements of our partners.
Question. Where are the opportunities and the risks if the United
States does build on its existing defense and security cooperation with
Mozambique?
Answer. ISIS-affiliated violence and brutality are a grave threat
to Mozambique and the region. U.S. security assistance incorporates
programming to promote respect for human rights, protection of
civilians, and engagement with civil society and local communities.
Consistent with the Leahy laws, the U.S. Government provides assistance
only to Mozambican security force units that are fully vetted and where
there is not credible information that the unit has committed a gross
violation of human rights.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Maputo?
Answer. My understanding is that the move of the Embassy team to a
new chancery building only several weeks ago represents a big boost for
morale. The new embassy compound brings together the entire U.S.
Mission in Mozambique (with the exception of Peace Corps) under one
roof, including USAID, CDC, and the American Cultural Center to
facilitate a more cohesive, secure, and productive work environment.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to ask members of the Embassy team
and their families for their specific suggestions on how we can improve
morale. I firmly believe in listening to concerns and addressing them
as promptly and concretely as possible.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?
Answer. All U.S. Embassies are now embarking on a process of
reviewing Integrated Country Strategies. If confirmed, I look forward
to reviewing their work and contributing to it by providing Chief of
Mission priorities that can knit together our goals. Thereafter, my
practice is to regularly review where we are as a mission and to
reiterate our mission regularly at town halls and other fora.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I strive to be a servant leader, offering what I can to my
team to help us achieve our mission goals. I am a fair and democratic
leader interested in eliciting the contributions of each member of my
team. What I can offer my team is a commitment to make timely and well-
considered decisions that advance our goals while safeguarding our
team. I firmly believe that I--and all members of my team--must respect
the dignity of each person on the team. That fundamental requirement
allows teams to stay cohesive even in the face of challenges.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I cannot think of an occasion when berating
subordinates is either appropriate or effective. That said,
constructive, honest, and timely feedback on performance is an
imperative of good supervision that I strive to uphold.
Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as Chief
of Mission in Rwanda?
Answer. Regular communication is essential during times of crisis,
especially during pandemics such as COVID-19 or Ebola. To ensure that
communication is bi-directional, I regularly surveyed our staff and
their families on their morale. During virtual town halls, we always
provide a mechanism for eliciting anonymous feedback and questions.
Humility in the position of ambassador is critical to gaining the trust
and respect of a team, and I believe this lesson also applies to
diplomatic engagement. My efforts to learn and communicate in Rwanda's
one national language has proven to be an incredibly valuable tool that
demonstrates my respect for Rwandans.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with deputy chief
of mission?
Answer. This is the most critical relationship within an Embassy.
Not only must the DCM be trusted by the Chief of Mission but empowered
to represent him/her and assume his/her responsibilities on many
occasions. Frequent communication, both formal and informal, is
necessary. If confirmed, I would strive to be open to constructive
feedback from my DCM and to look for opportunities for the DCM to lead
and learn.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. The DCM has multiple responsibilities within an embassy.
Among the most important role that she has is the chairperson of the
Emergency Action Committee, the interagency body that is essential in
formulating recommendations to me as the Chief of Mission. As the
``Chief Operating Officer,'' she also has a responsibility for seeing
that management controls are in place across our operations and
programs. As morale-booster and the direct supervisor of many section
heads, she has another critical role to play in recruiting a diverse
team and sustaining staff on the job--and in addressing any problematic
relationships that could impact teamwork.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. A successful COM must step outside his/her Department of
State persona and strive to understand the priorities and personalities
of other agencies represented at post (or in the region). Listening and
participating in the activities, such as staff meetings, can be a good
way to learn directly from the employees of those agencies. If
confirmed, I will demonstrate curiosity and interest in other agencies:
going on USAID and USDA project site visits; participating in PEPFAR
programmatic reviews, joining promotion ceremonies with the Marine
Security guards or other DOD personnel, meeting Peace Corps volunteers
in rural areas, and soliciting CDC briefings on infectious disease.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. Interagency relationships are critical to accomplishing
mission goals. In my experience, forming interagency working groups
focused on Integrated Country Strategy goals can feed into more
effective Country Team discussions and decisions. Often, the Front
Office (COM and DCM) leaders are those who have the broadest
interagency perspective at post, so I believe that it is essential to
create opportunities for interaction, both formally and informally.
Interagency, in-country travel with the COM can be one effective way to
do this.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Embassy Maputo?
Answer. Hearing out all sides in an interagency disagreement is
critical to establishing a sense of fairness from the Front Office. If
a leader has fostered occasions for celebrating interagency
accomplishments, then that experience can be tapped to find a way
forward in the case of disagreements. For example, the PEPFAR program,
which is quintessentially interagency in make-up, often generates
disagreements over budgeting priorities or geographies (or functions)
where different agencies have the lead. Collectively coming together to
celebrate team victories--such as reaching epidemic control of HIV/
AIDS--can help each agency and its staff feel like they are playing an
important part in achieving goals.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, timely and constructive feedback on performance is
imperative. An ambassador must be intentional in providing
encouragement of excellent performance immediately after it is observed
to be most impactful.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I will undertake and encourage active
supervision of performance. Counseling sessions over the course of an
evaluation period are critical to this end and must be structured. I
use these sessions both with my direct reports and with those whose
performance I review each year, so they hear directly from me on how I
see their performance, as well as their areas for development. In turn,
I seek feedback from them on whether my own supervision is effective
and how I can improve as a leader.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. U.S. Ambassadors must lead by example in order to encourage
other colleagues to get outside the embassy walls. One way to do so is
by traveling to sites where we or our partners work. Another is to
request other officers to accompany me to events where they might meet
useful contacts or share a unique experience in the host country. If
officers sense that their absence from their embassy office occasions
even a hint of disapproval from a senior leader, then they and others
will not venture far from the embassy walls. If confirmed, I would
avoid sending this sort of signal and encourage the development of
broad and diverse embassy contacts.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. Learning local language(s) is critical to developing access
to local populations. If confirmed, I would aim to lead by example--
demonstrating both my willingness to speak the national and local
languages and allocating time to continue my study. Doing so with the
Kinyarwanda language in Rwanda provided critical opportunities for me
to get to know Rwandans better and to make me and our diplomatic
mission more accessible to those who do not speak English well.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Mozambique?
Answer. The strong U.S.-Mozambique bilateral relationship
facilitates a positive public diplomacy environment. Young Mozambicans
largely hold positive views of the United States and are eager to apply
to study in the United States. The Mozambican Government and people are
increasingly receptive to our policy issues and initiatives.
Independent press continues to publish in Mozambique despite incidents
of intimidation and threats against some journalists. If confirmed, I
would urge the Mozambican Government to preserve press freedom and
investigate harassment against journalists. My impression is that
Mozambicans are accessible and interested in exchanging ideas with
Americans, including diplomats at the U.S. Embassy.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in Mozambique?
Answer. The challenges include capacity issues such as an
organization's ability to qualify for and implement grants on behalf of
the U.S Government; few established civil society organizations, which
restricts our ability to offer diverse programming; and a nascent,
independent press corps. However, journalists and emerging leaders are
eager to gain additional training and experiences through USG exchange
programs. COVID-19 has severely impacted the Mission's ability to
conduct in person exchanges, training, and other outreach, and poor
internet connectivity throughout the country make virtual programming
challenging.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Embassy's Public Diplomacy Section balances these
occasionally differing objectives; generally, there is little appetite
overseas for any messaging content that appears ``canned'' or copied or
even retweeted or reposted in the case of social media. Local language
content is more readily read and considered by foreign audiences. If
confirmed, I would encourage our Public Diplomacy teams to translate
our messages considering cultural norms and local context in order to
reach broader audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission, there would be no higher
priority for me than the health, safety, and security of our personnel
and family members serving overseas. This commitment extends to the
handling of anomalous health incidents. If confirmed, I will make sure
that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to do should a
potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their family
members.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Mozambique personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I would underscore that U.S. Government
personnel and family members should immediately alert the Mission's
health and security professionals at Post if they note any onset of
unexplained medical symptoms. At the same time, I would reiterate that
there is no stigma associated with reporting, and that every report
will be taken seriously by our health and security professionals and
the leadership of the Department.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Mozambique and
counter the malign influence of China?
Answer. The U.S. Mission in Maputo works closely with like-minded
European partners to support Mozambique's democracy by strengthening
democratic institutions and coordinating engagement with the
Government, civil society, private sector and other stakeholders. Our
unified message with our partners must be that further efforts to
combat corruption will improve the investment climate, advance shared
goals of fiscal transparency, and counter money laundering and illicit
financing. If confirmed, I will work through the U.S. interagency,
multilateral financial institutions, and like-minded partners to
support private sector growth in Mozambique, encourage good local
governance practices, and promote U.S. business opportunities.
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Mozambique
remained on Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts, but prosecuted
fewer trafficking cases, convicted fewer traffickers, and did not
proactively identify trafficking victims aside from criminal referrals.
How will you work with the host government to address these issues
if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize our work to combat human
trafficking, and I will consistently communicate the importance of
combatting human trafficking through private exchanges and public
diplomacy. If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Mozambique
to finalize its draft, national referral mechanism for trafficking
victims. This will help community-level officials' efforts to identify
victims of trafficking. Similarly, I will urge the government to
finalize the implementing regulations for trafficking victims and
witness protection. Both of these recommendations would enable a more
victim-centered law enforcement approach to trafficking.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
religious intolerance and subsequent violence in Mozambique is a
growing concern for the Embassy as well as Congress.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed,
how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to bolster
religious freedom in-country and work to end religiously
motivated violence?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in
Mozambique. Northern Mozambique became susceptible to violence
undergirded by extremist ideologies spread by disaffected youth. If
confirmed, I would undertake an assessment of these factors to see
which drivers of violent extremism can be addressed with policy
solutions. I will also commit to working with the Ambassador at Large
for International Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the
importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious freedom
concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among and for
members of religious communities in Mozambique.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Mozambique was
identified as having committed and baring witness to severe human
rights abuses. Impunity remains a large problem.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the Embassy's
advocacy efforts as I engage the Government of Mozambique to address
concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights Report.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. A key function of an embassy is to engage with governments
and civil society. Often an embassy can be an effective forum for the
exchange of ideas, as I indicated in my testimony, and a forum for
debate on global challenges. If confirmed, I will encourage officers in
the U.S. Embassy in Maputo to be receptive to listening to the concerns
raised by civil society organizations and, if appropriate, helping to
seek redress of specific problems on cases with the appropriate
interlocutors in the host government. I would also look for synergistic
opportunities to cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform,
accountability, and respect for human rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Robert Menendez
Human Rights
Question. Attacks against religious minorities in Bangladesh are
increasing. In recent days, at the end of the Hindu holiday of Durga
Puja, press reports indicate more than two dozen homes of Hindu
families were burned and at least two people were killed following a
posting on social media perceived as insulting to Islam. What can the
U.S. do to ensure the Government, which sometimes fans the flames of
communal tensions, does to both quiet the violence and ensure
accountability?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the recent violent attacks on Hindu
temples and businesses in Bangladesh during the Durga Puja
celebrations. There is no justification for attacks on religious
minorities or violently disrupting sacred celebrations. Freedom of
religion or belief is a human right. If confirmed, I intend to work
with colleagues at Embassy Dhaka, in the Office of International
Religious Freedom, and within the Department to advocate for the
protection of all vulnerable communities, including religious minority
groups in Bangladesh, through engagement with government officials and
members of civil society. If confirmed, I will remain in contact with
members of all religious faiths and ensure that the annual State
Department International Religious Freedom Report accurately documents
restrictions on religious freedom in Bangladesh.
Question. Extrajudicial killings by the Rapid Action Battalion
(RAB) have spiked since the Government of Bangladesh began its ``war on
drugs'' in the months ahead of the December 2018 elections. Last year,
Sen. Young and I sent a bipartisan letter with eight of our other
colleagues urging the Trump administration to impose sanctions on
senior RAB commanders. Do you support imposing sanctions on senior
commanders of Bangladesh's Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which has
reportedly killed more than 400 people extrajudicially since 2015? Do I
have your commitment to advocate within the department for a process to
consider sanctions against Benazir Ahmed, the chief of police and
former head of RAB?
Answer. The extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and
torture committed by the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) are of deep
concern. I understand the United States does not provide security
assistance to the RAB and that all Bangladeshi security forces units
receiving assistance, including training, are vetted according to
applicable laws including the Leahy law. If confirmed, I commit to
consulting with Congress on the use of applicable authorities,
including sanctions and visa ineligibilities, in order to advance our
human rights interests and promote accountability for those responsible
for human rights abuses and violations within the RAB. Conducting a
thorough investigation of Benazir Ahmed's involvement in human rights
abuses and violations aligns with the United States' commitment to
human rights and accountability. If confirmed, I commit to supporting a
thorough investigation of allegations against Benazir Ahmed's
involvement with human rights abuses. I further commit to leveraging
all applicable accountability tools to hold accountable those who abuse
and violate human rights.
Labor
Question. Last year, this committee released a report that found
workers in Bangladeshi garment factories faced increased intimidation,
threats, and violence if they were involved in labor activism.
Meanwhile, other workers in Bangladesh still face unsafe work
conditions. Do I have your commitment to make support for labor rights
a priority at the Embassy in Dhaka? Do you commit to engage with me and
my staff on these issues throughout your tenure? Do you support the
deployment of a dedicated labor attache at the Embassy?
Answer. I am concerned about the status of labor rights, especially
as it relates to freedom of association and workplace safety in
Bangladesh. All workers should feel safe in their place of work and
have available mechanisms to report and push back against labor abuses,
including retaliation against workers for forming and joining unions of
their choosing. If confirmed, I commit to making support for labor
rights a priority at Embassy Dhaka and commit to working closely with
you, your staff, and Congress on these issues during my tenure. I will
ensure my team works to improve the environment for unions, supports
worker empowerment, urges accountability for abuses against workers,
and promotes freedom of association among workers across and between
sectors, as well as continues to raise concerns about labor rights and
abuses against employees at the highest levels of the Government of
Bangladesh. The Department of Labor is already in the process of adding
a labor attache at Embassy Dhaka, and if confirmed, I commit to
ensuring that this process proceeds quickly.
Question. How is State measuring Bangladesh's progress on labor
rights in the aftermath of the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster and the July
2021 fire? Is the administration considering restoration of Dhaka's
access to the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)? Under what
circumstances or conditions would it do so?
Answer. Since the horrific building collapse at Rana Plaza in 2013,
the United States Government has worked with partners across the
international community, major industries, and Bangladeshi authorities
to advocate for and enable improvements in factory safety, which
included the establishment of new agreements by major international
brands to enforce safety standards across factories. While these
changes are encouraging, much more needs to be done to institutionalize
safety standards across Bangladesh's major industries, as evidenced by
the tragic Hashem Foods fire in July 2021. The Department of State
works closely with the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) and the
Department of Labor to monitor Bangladesh's progress meeting
internationally recognized labor rights, especially workplace safety,
freedom of association, and collective bargaining. I commit, if
confirmed, to upholding the position that restoring Bangladesh's GSP
benefits must be contingent upon strengthening labor rights and
workplace safety, as well as improving the overall business and civil
society operational environment.
Attack on Ambassador Bernicat
Question. In August 2018, armed persons attacked a vehicle carrying
U.S. Ambassador Marcia Bernicat after she met with civil society
activists in November 2018. Congress still does not have a clear
understanding of exactly what happened. Your safety as ambassador is of
paramount concern to me. What is being done to bring the culprits--who
have already been publicly identified--to justice? Will you bring this
issue up with the Government, if confirmed?
Answer. The Department is closely following proceedings against
nine individuals accused of attacking Ambassador Marcia Bernicat's
motorcade with bricks. Charges were officially filed and accepted by a
court in March 2021. If confirmed, I will work with my team in Dhaka
and the Government of Bangladesh to ensure full accountability for this
act. Moreover, if confirmed, the health and safety of those supporting
the mission and their families will be my highest priority.
Question. How do you think the U.S can use its leverage on trade,
development and security assistance to advance the protection of human
rights, including of Rohingya? Further, how can the U.S. utilize
economic cooperation to ensure that Bangladesh will improve or develop
clear social and environmental policies and practices which are
inclusive and nondiscriminatory of all communities, including Rohingya?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment
to place human rights at the center of our foreign policy. That
includes looking at all the tools the United States has to incentivize
Bangladesh to take actions that advance the human rights of its people,
particularly related to reversing democratic backsliding and holding
perpetrators accountable for human rights abuses. Our humanitarian and
development assistance also plays an essential role in easing tensions
between Rohingya refugees and host communities. The United States is
the largest single-country destination for Bangladeshi exports, and our
economic partnership with Bangladesh can support our broader foreign
policy goals in the areas of human rights and sustainable development.
If confirmed, I will utilize the tools that the United States has
available--including infrastructure credentialing programs like the
Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S. economic cooperation with
Bangladesh has a central focus on inclusive growth, environmental
sustainability, and transparent financing.
Humanitarian
Question. The protection environment in the Rohingya refugee camps
continues to deteriorate. This has been heightened even more following
Mohib Ullah's assassination.
How do you plan to work with UNHCR and the Government of Bangladesh
to ensure the root causes of insecurity, such as impunity for
criminal and militant actors, are recognized and that
protection needs are adequately and expeditiously addressed?
How will you press the Bangladeshi Government to prioritize
security and protection of Rohingya activists-and all Rohingya
refugees- in Cox's Bazar while avoiding over securitization of
the camps?
What should the United States do to urge the Bangladeshi Government
to guarantee the protection and rights of Rohingya in Bhasan
Char?
Answer. Like you, I was deeply saddened and disturbed by the murder
of Mohib Ullah. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the Government of
Bangladesh to improve the safety of Rohingya refugees by addressing the
root causes of insecurity in the camps in Cox's Bazar and ensuring
those who commit crimes or abuses are held accountable. I will also
continue to advocate for unhindered humanitarian access for protection
activities in the camps, especially for the most vulnerable Rohingya
refugees, and expanded freedom of movement for Rohingya in the camps.
Regarding Bhasan Char, I plan to work with my team to continue to
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on
safe living conditions, freedom of movement, and adequate protection
for Rohingya on the island. I will work closely with colleagues across
the Department and interagency to ensure that U.S.-funded programming
takes these security, human rights, and protection considerations for
Rohingya into account and work with donor nations and U.N. agencies to
advocate for government actions when necessary.
Question. How can the United States promote and support rights-
respecting, sustainable solutions for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh,
particularly in light of the February coup in Burma?
Answer. The February 1 military coup d'etat and horrific violence
perpetrated by the military regime in Burma have closed the door for
the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of Rohingya
refugees to Burma in the near future. The military leaders who launched
the coup are many of the same people responsible for atrocities against
Rohingya. If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the
U.S. Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative
Mechanism for Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries
to promote justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis,
including at the U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the
Rohingya crisis will require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and
sustainable return of Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions
allow. A return to Burma for Rohingya would require addressing the root
causes of their displacement and violence against them.
Question. How can the U.S., as by far the largest donor to the
humanitarian response, engage constructively with Government of
Bangladesh counterparts to ensure Rohingya fundamental rights are
protected, including basic security and access to education, and that
Rohingya are consulted in the process?
Answer. The United States is the largest contributor of
humanitarian assistance in response to the Rohingya refugee crisis,
having provided more than $1.5 billion to affected communities in
Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region since August 2017. USG
assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for education, livelihood
opportunities, prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention
and response to gender-based violence, and other activities that are
critical to ensuring Rohingya rights and security. Accountability to
affected populations, which ensures that refugee participation and
feedback are a part of every step of the process, is an essential part
of all USG humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya refugee response.
If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that the United States Government
continues to support the Rohingya crisis response, including in
consultation with Rohingya to determine their security and protection
needs.
Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?
Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including education,
vocational and skills trainings, and other livelihood opportunities for
Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with the
Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic barriers to U.N. and
NGO operations and ensure that security measures such as fencing do not
impede life-saving activities, including protection and disaster
prevention and response.
Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of
Bangladesh and UNHCR allows for livelihoods and formal education on
Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has been very resistant to
allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you work with Bangladesh
and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further increase in
restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya to relocate
to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services between the two?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and education
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.
Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that
will be taken to ensure voluntariness of relocation to Bhasan Char.
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of
Bangladesh signing an MoU with the U.N. establishing a framework of
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team to continue to
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on
safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya on Bhasan
Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan Char would
have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a principled
humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and freedom of
movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed to working
with Congress as we continue to assess whether these conditions can be
met.
Question. While the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan
Char, there is no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's
Bazar. Hundreds of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with
some dying in boat accidents and others detained and returned to the
island against their will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of
``voluntariness.'' If confirmed, how will you work to address these
issues?
Answer. The Department is following closely the relocation of
Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char and has made it clear that such
relocations must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also
be permitted to move freely on Bhasan Char as well as to and from Cox's
Bazar. The Department welcomes the Government of Bangladesh's agreement
to sign an MoU with the U.N. establishing a framework of cooperation on
U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The MoU ensures the stay of refugees on
Bhasan Char is voluntary and permits refugees' freedom of movement
including to and from the island on a needs basis. If confirmed, I will
work with UNHCR and the international community to ensure that the
Government of Bangladesh upholds these principles in practice, which
includes allowing Rohingya refugees to return to Cox's Bazar in a
timely manner should they find their stay on Bhasan Char untenable.
Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such
measures?
Answer. The violence against Rohingya is truly horrifying. As
Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is committed to
reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address these
atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of that
review is considering the question of genocide determination. If
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.
Regional Diplomacy
Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and
the U.S.? How will you work with your counterparts in Dhaka to improve
collective engagement on shared interests, including on the Rohingya?
Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with U.S. embassies in
neighboring countries to highlight the importance of sharing their
responsibilities by rescuing and allowing safe disembarkation and
reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and on the high seas,
including by providing shelter, healthcare services, protection against
abuses, and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims. I also
plan to regularly meet with other donor nations, U.N. agencies, NGOs,
and the Government of Bangladesh to coordinate on Rohingya issues.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Question. Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and
pose a threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Mission
Dhaka staff, their family members, and all those supporting the Mission
will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that
all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given serious
attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate channels. I will
also ensure that staff who are affected by these incidents receive
prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical care that they
need.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Dhaka to discuss past reported anomalous health
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Mission
Dhaka staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health
incidents are followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Bangladesh
remained on Tier 2 for ongoing improving effort, including increasing
prosecutions, but declining convictions as well as forced labor and sex
trafficking of Rohingya, among other pressing issues. How will you work
with the Bangladeshi Government to address these issues if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The exploitation of human beings through trafficking and
sexual exploitation is a horrific crime. The Government of Bangladesh
remained on Tier 2 because it does not fully meet the minimum standards
for the elimination of human trafficking; however, it is making efforts
to do so. Nevertheless, trafficking in persons remains a persistent
challenge in the country, including in Rohingya refugee camps, and
refugee communities are vulnerable to forced labor, sex trafficking,
and other serious abuses. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the
Government of Bangladesh to continue its efforts to prevent, protect,
and prosecute human trafficking. I will also work with the Government
of Bangladesh to urge that trafficking survivors receive shelter,
psychosocial care, and justice through the appropriate governmental
mechanisms.
Question. Please describe your planned engagement with the office
of the Ambassador at Large to combat and monitor trafficking in
persons, given the high rates of forced labor and sex trafficking of
Rohingya refugees.
Answer. If confirmed, my team at Embassy Dhaka and I will work
collaboratively with the Office of the Ambassador-at-Large to Combat
and Monitor Trafficking-In-Persons (J/TIP) to accurately depict the
situation in Bangladesh in the annual Trafficking-In-Persons Report. I
will also coordinate with J/TIP, USAID, and other interagency partners
to implement programs that support victims of trafficking and work to
expand livelihood opportunities to prevent trafficking in the first
place.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, the
U.S. Embassy is described as having robust, routine engagement to
foster a climate of religious tolerance and consistently encouraging
the Bangladesh Government to respect the rights of religious
minorities. Obviously, this is an ongoing issue that will require your
consistent engagement, if confirmed. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to
bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Bangladesh is the third-largest Muslim majority country in
the world. It is also home to members of Christian, Buddhist, Hindu,
and other faiths. Its constitution commits the Government to
maintaining secularism, a commitment the Prime Minister reiterated
after the horrible violence against Hindus during this year's Durga
Puja celebration. These tragic events show that there is still much to
be done to maintain a secular, tolerant society. If confirmed, Embassy
Dhaka and I will work with colleagues in the Office of International
Religious Freedom led by the Ambassador-at-Large, and elsewhere within
the Department to advocate for the protection of all vulnerable
communities, including religious minority groups in Bangladesh, through
engagement with government officials and members of civil society.
If confirmed, Embassy Dhaka and I will remain in contact with
members of various religious faiths to publicly demonstrate the U.S.
Government's support for religious freedom and ensure that the annual
State Department International Religious Freedom Report accurately
documents restrictions or progress on religious freedom in Bangladesh.
If confirmed, my team and I will coordinate with USAID and the Office
of International Religious Freedom to find ways to use foreign
assistance to bolster religious freedom and promote harmonious inter-
communal relations.
Question. There have been increased security incidents inside of
the refugee camps in Cox's Bazaar, including a recent targeted killing
of a Rohingya leader. How do you plan on engaging with the Bangladeshi
Government to address security concerns and ensure that justice is
served?
Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a
durable solution to the crisis.
As the international community works towards a durable solution, we
should urge that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar be protected and have
safe and humane living conditions. If confirmed, I commit to pressing
the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of refugees residing
in the camps in Cox's Bazar. I will note the importance of addressing
the root causes of insecurity in the camps and ensuring that those who
commit crimes (to include individuals from the security forces) and
abuses are held accountable in accordance with the law. I will also
encourage the Government of Bangladesh to provide freedom of movement
for Rohingya and permit increased access to livelihood and educational
opportunities to reduce refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual
exploitation.
Question. The Digital Security Act (DSA) in Bangladesh is another
repressive step to stifle freedom of expression, particularly online.
Do you believe that ``internet shutdowns'' are a threat to human
rights?
Answer. The internet is a lifeline to information as well as a
platform for people to exercise their human right to freedom of
expression. Governments that use ``internet shutdowns'' to stifle
freedom of expression and the media, including criticisms of the
Government and alternative political viewpoints, are contravening the
universal right to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression is
vital for a healthy democracy. Members of the media, civil society
organizations, and opposing political parties should be able peacefully
to express their views and advocate for policy change without fearing
retribution. An accessible internet is an important conduit for free
expression.
Question. Do you believe that people should be able to freely
express themselves online without fear of authoritarian creep into
their privacy?
Answer. Yes, I believe that people should be able to freely express
themselves online without fear of persecution or retribution from their
Government.
Question. How will you engage with the host government on this
important issue?
Answer. bring the law into compliance with Bangladesh's
international obligations on human rights. Amending or repealing the
Digital Security Act will allow the people of Bangladesh to exercise
their right to freedom of expression; that right includes peacefully
criticizing their Government and presenting alternative political
viewpoints and restoring a healthy and functioning civil society space
in Bangladesh. Additionally, I will continue to urge government
authorities to provide a fair trial and safe detainment guarantees to
those already charged, arrested, or detained under the law. If
confirmed, I commit to addressing the anti-democratic, speech-
suppressing effects of the Digital Security Act, when they arise.
Question. How can you work with functional and regional bureaus in
the Department on internet freedom, especially as more programs are
formed to bolster freedom of expression within civil society in
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Department of
State's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor as well as the
Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs to ensure that U.S.
Government programming highlights the importance of internet freedom,
freedom of expression, and the centrality of both to a healthy, vibrant
civil society.
Question. This law is being used to harass and detain journalists
in an already hostile environment to their profession. How will you
work to improve conditions for the press in Bangladesh?
Answer. I share your concerns about the growing application of
various laws to intimidate journalists, such as in the case of
investigative journalist Rozina Islam who was arrested and charged
under the Official Secrets Act. A free press is vital to a government
that is accountable to its people and to a healthy, public debate about
the future of a country. If confirmed, I will work with like-minded
nations to sound an alarm about potential abuses of power that could
stifle the work of journalists. I will also coordinate within the
Department and with USAID to execute programs to train journalists and
offer exchange opportunities to build the capacity of investigative
journalists in Bangladesh.
Question. As conditions in Burma continue to deteriorate,
Bangladesh has graciously hosted close to 1 million Rohingya refugees.
Yet, the Government shut off their internet for almost a year, denied
children formal access to education, and built barbed wire fences
around the camps. It has been reported that refugees in the camps are
also extremely vulnerable to trafficking, forced labor, and other
horrific crimes. Please describe your engagement to encourage
additional protection for Rohingya refugees.
Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that the
Rohingya refugee crisis has placed on the Government and people,
especially the host community, of Bangladesh. The United States is the
largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in response to the
Rohingya refugee crisis, having provided more than $1.5 billion to
affected communities in Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region
since August 2017. USG assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for
case management, education, livelihood opportunities, prevention of
sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention and response to gender-based
violence, and other activities that are critical to protecting Rohingya
rights and ensuring their security. If confirmed, I will continue to
press the Government of Bangladesh to permit Rohingya increased access
to livelihood and educational opportunities and expanded freedom of
movement inside Bangladesh. I will request that security measures such
as fencing do not impede life-saving activities, including protection
and disaster prevention and response. I will also work closely with
colleagues across the Department and interagency, so that protection
continues to be at the core of U.S.-funded programming for Rohingya
refugees.
Question. Over the last two years, the Government of Bangladesh
placed gradual numbers of Rohingya on a silt island in the Bay of
Bengal, Bhasan Char, under the premise it was ``temporary.'' The
Government denied access to NGOs and the U.N. for protected visits, and
refugees reported abuse by government authorities. Now that Bangladesh
and UNHCR have cemented a Memorandum of Understanding about protection
of the populations on the island, it is imperative that the United
States, as well as other donors, have visibility into the operations
both on the island and in the mainland camps.
Do you commit, if confirmed, to briefing congress about the ongoing
Bhasan Char agreement and any changes to U.S. policy towards
resettlement on Bhasan Char?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to communicating with Congress
about ongoing developments related to the Rohingya humanitarian crisis
in Bangladesh. I will ensure that Embassy Dhaka's reporting on Bhasan
Char agreement and the Memorandum of Understanding with the U.N. are
accurate, timely, and communicated to Washington quickly.
Question. Do you commit, if confirmed, to encourage the Government
of Bangladesh to reconsider sending Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team at Embassy Dhaka to
continue to encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and
the U.N. on safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya
on Bhasan Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan
Char would have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a
principled humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and
freedom of movement between the island and Cox's Bazar.
Question. Please explain your plan of engagement with the
Bangladesh Government about the plight of the Rohingya people and the
necessity of protection and adequate resources for them.
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate within the U.S. Government
to provide protection and assistance and develop durable solutions for
Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi host communities. I understand that
since August 2017, the U.S. Government has provided more than $1.5
billion to affected communities in Bangladesh, which supports life-
saving humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees across all sectors
of the response, including education, emergency telecommunications,
food security, health, logistics, protection, shelter, and water,
sanitation, and hygiene. The assistance also supports programs to
improve disaster preparedness and bolster access to education and
livelihoods for Rohingya and host communities. This helps safeguard
Rohingya refugees until their voluntary, safe, dignified, and
sustainable return to Burma when conditions allow. I will also continue
to press the Government of Bangladesh to allow unhindered access to the
camps for humanitarian actors to improve protection and access to
services, including educational, vocational and skills training, and
other livelihood opportunities for Rohingya refugees.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such
measures?
Answer. The violence committed against Rohingya is truly
horrifying. As Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is
committed to reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address
these atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of
that review is considering the question of genocide determination. If
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.
Question. While I recognize and appreciate the Government of
Bangladesh's generosity for taking in nearly one million Rohingya
refugees, prospects for repatriation in the near-term appear slim and
conditions continue to deteriorate in Cox's Bazar. Recognizing the
difficult position Bangladesh is in, how will you nonetheless encourage
your counterparts in the Bangladesh Government to take a more
constructive approach to the growing humanitarian and security
challenges in Cox's Bazar if you are confirmed? What, in your view, are
the key elements that must be addressed?
Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a
durable solution to the crisis. We thank and recognize the Government
of Bangladesh for hosting Rohingya refugees and urge Bangladesh to
attend to Rohingyas' protection as much as possible.
As the international community works towards a durable solution, we
should ensure that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar are protected and
have safe and humane living conditions. If confirmed, I commit to
pressing the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of refugees
residing in the camps in Cox's Bazar by addressing the root causes of
insecurity in the camps and ensuring those who commit crimes and abuses
are held accountable. I will also press Bangladesh to permit Rohingya
increased access to livelihood and educational opportunities to reduce
refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual exploitation. Improving the
relations between Rohingya refugees and host communities through
humanitarian and development programming and protecting civil society
in Cox's Bazar are also key items I will look to address.
Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?
Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including
educational, vocational and skills training, and other livelihood
opportunities for Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to
engage with the Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic
barriers to U.N. and NGO operations and ensure that security measures
such as fencing do not impede life-saving activities, including
protection and disaster prevention and response.
Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of
Bangladesh and the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) allows for livelihoods
and formal education on Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has
been very resistant to allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you
work with Bangladesh and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further
increase in restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya
to relocate to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services
between the two?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and educational
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.
Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that
will be taken to ensure that relocation to Bhasan Char is voluntary and
ensure freedom of movement for those who choose to relocate there.
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations? Further,
while the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan Char, there is
no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's Bazar. Hundreds
of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with some dying in boat
accidents and others detained and returned to the island against their
will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of ``voluntariness.'' If
confirmed, how will you work to address these issues?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team at Embassy Dhaka to
continue to encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and
the U.N. on safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya
on Bhasan Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan
Char would have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a
principled humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and
freedom of movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed
to working with Congress as we continue to assess whether these
conditions can be met.
Question. How will you work with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. to
ensure the Rohingya crisis is on the agenda of the U.N. Security
Council (UNSC), including issues related to accountability, and
increase the political price for China to block any meaningful UNSC
action?
Answer. The United States is stronger when it works with partners.
If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the U.S.
Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative Mechanism for
Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries to promote
justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis, including at the
U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the Rohingya crisis will
require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of
Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions allow. A return to Burma
for the Rohingya would require addressing the root causes of their
displacement and violence against them. Many of those who led the
February military coup in Burma are also the same individuals largely
responsible for the atrocities against Rohingya. Working together with
partners in the U.N. will ensure that this issue does not go
unaddressed due to China's role on the UNSC and will underline to the
PRC that the international community's norms include treating refugees
humanely and that the international community has a duty to protect
refugees.
Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and
the U.S.?
Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the U.S. embassies in
Bangladesh's neighboring countries to highlight the importance of
Bangladesh's neighbors sharing their responsibilities to protect the
most vulnerable of human beings, by rescuing and allowing safe
disembarkation and reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and
on the high seas, including by providing shelter, healthcare services,
and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims.
Question. Bangladesh has vocally called for developed countries to
meet their $100 billion annual pledge for climate finance. How
important is it that the United States lead by example through its
climate finance investments to help move Bangladesh towards a carbon
free future?
Answer. Bangladesh is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change,
and it is vitally important that the United States leads by example to
help Bangladesh's move towards a carbon-free future. President Biden
has announced his intent to work with Congress to increase the United
States' international climate financing, including an increase in
adaptation support to fully six-fold from its peak under President
Obama--to $3 billion. If confirmed, I commit to working diligently to
support Embassy Dhaka's continuing work to ensure that U.S. climate
finance and assistance supports Bangladesh's climate change mitigation,
adaptation, and resilience, as well as its efforts to deploy renewable
energy technology.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Peter D. Haas by Senator Todd Young
Question. As the U.S. and Bangladesh both look to increase
opportunities to expand their trade and commercial relationship
bilaterally, how do you intend to balance economic policy and human
rights concerns?
Answer. As the eighth most populous country in the world coupled
with dynamic economic growth, Bangladesh presents tremendous
opportunity for U.S. investment and economic collaboration. However,
there are also worrying trends in Bangladesh's human rights record,
especially related to crackdowns on freedom of expression and the
press. If confirmed, I will continue to press Bangladesh to uphold
democratic principles and respect human rights, while seeking a
stronger economic partnership with Bangladesh. For example, one way our
economic partnership can support human rights is to work with the
Government of Bangladesh on improving worker rights, which would
improve the country's business environment and attract more U.S.
investment.
Question. How do you think the U.S can use its leverage on trade,
development and security assistance to advance the protection of human
rights, including of Rohingya? Further, how can the U.S. utilize
economic cooperation to ensure that Bangladesh will improve or develop
clear social and environmental policies and practices which are
inclusive and nondiscriminatory of all communities, including Rohingya?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment
to place human rights at the center of our foreign policy. That
includes looking at all the tools the United States has to incentivize
Bangladesh to take actions that advance the human rights of its people,
particularly related to reversing democratic backsliding and holding
perpetrators accountable for human rights abuses. Our humanitarian and
development assistance also plays an essential role in easing tensions
between Rohingya refugees and host communities. The United States is
the largest single-country destination for Bangladeshi exports, and our
economic partnership with Bangladesh can support our broader foreign
policy goals in the areas of human rights and sustainable development.
If confirmed, I will utilize the tools that the United States has
available--including infrastructure credentialing programs like the
Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S. economic cooperation with
Bangladesh has a central focus on inclusive growth, environmental
sustainability, and transparent financing.
Question. How can the US, as by far the largest donor to the
humanitarian response, engage constructively with Government of
Bangladesh counterparts to ensure Rohingya fundamental rights are
protected, including basic security and access to education, and that
Rohingya are consulted in the process?
Answer. The United States is the largest contributor of
humanitarian assistance in response to the Rohingya refugee crisis,
having provided more than $1.5 billion to affected communities in
Bangladesh, Burma, and elsewhere in the region since August 2017. USG
assistance supports U.N. and NGO programming for education, livelihood
opportunities, prevention of sexual exploitation and abuse, prevention
and response to gender-based violence, and other activities that are
critical to ensuring Rohingya rights and security. Accountability to
affected populations, which ensures that refugee participation and
feedback are a part of every step of the process, is an essential part
of all USG humanitarian assistance for the Rohingya refugee response.
If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that the United States Government
continues to support the Rohingya crisis response, including in
consultation with Rohingya to determine their security and protection
needs.
Question. While we recognize and appreciate the Government of
Bangladesh's generosity for taking in nearly 1 million Rohingya
refugees, prospects for repatriation in the near-term appear slim and
conditions continue to deteriorate in Cox's Bazar. Recognizing the
difficult position Bangladesh is in, how will you nonetheless encourage
your counterparts in the Bangladesh Government to take a more
constructive approach to the crisis if you are confirmed? What, in your
view, are the elements of such an approach?
Answer. I recognize the challenges and responsibilities that
Bangladesh is facing in hosting approximately 900,000 Rohingya
refugees. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Government
of Bangladesh, the international community, and other donors to find a
durable solution to the crisis. We thank and recognize the Government
of Bangladesh for hosting Rohingya refugees and urge Bangladesh to
attend to Rohingyas' protection as much as possible.
But while the international community works towards a durable
solution, ensuring that Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar are protected
and have safe and humane living conditions is paramount. If confirmed,
I commit to pressing the Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety
of refugees residing in the camps in Cox's Bazar by addressing the root
causes of insecurity in the camps and ensuring those who commit crimes
and abuses are held accountable. I will also press Bangladesh to permit
Rohingya increased access to livelihood and educational opportunities
in order to reduce refugees' vulnerability to labor and sexual
exploitation. Improving the relations between Rohingya refugees and
host communities through humanitarian and development programming and
protecting civil society in Cox's Bazar are also key items I will
address.
Question. The protection environment in the camps continues to
deteriorate. This has been heightened even more following Mohibullah's
assassination. How do you plan to work with UNHCR and the Government of
Bangladesh to ensure the root causes of insecurity, such as impunity
for criminal and militant actors, are recognized and that protection
needs are adequately and expeditiously addressed?
Answer. The Department was deeply saddened and disturbed by the
murder of Mohib Ullah. If confirmed, I commit to pressing the
Government of Bangladesh to improve the safety of Rohingya refugees by
addressing the root causes of insecurity in the camps in Cox's Bazar
and ensuring those who commit crimes or abuses are held accountable. I
will also continue to advocate for expanded humanitarian access for
protection activities in the camps, especially for the most vulnerable
Rohingya refugees. I will work closely with colleagues across the
Department and interagency to ensure that U.S.-funded programming takes
these considerations into account and work with donor nations and U.N.
agencies to advocate for government actions when necessary.
Question. COVID restrictions have largely been lifted in the camps
but limitations in programming and bureaucratic restrictions for
implementers remain, especially for education and livelihood
activities. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government of
Bangladesh and U.N. Agencies to push for consistent, unhindered access
to the camps for humanitarian actors, access to protection services for
refugees, and expanded education and livelihood opportunities?
Answer. As the largest contributor of humanitarian assistance in
response to the Rohingya refugee crisis, the United States has a major
role to play in advocating for unhindered access to the camps for
humanitarian actors to improve access to services, including education,
vocational and skills trainings, and other livelihood opportunities for
Rohingya refugees. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with the
Government of Bangladesh to reduce bureaucratic barriers to U.N. and
NGO operations and ensure that security measures such as fencing do not
impede life-saving activities, including protection and disaster
prevention and response.
Question. The MoU recently signed between the Government of
Bangladesh and UNHCR allows for livelihoods and formal education on
Bhasan Char, activities that Bangladesh has been very resistant to
allow in the camps in Cox's Bazar. How will you work with Bangladesh
and U.N. agencies to ensure there isn't a further increase in
restrictions in Cox's Bazar as a means to compel Rohingya to relocate
to Bhasan Char and to encourage a parity of services between the two?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that the United States will not accept any double standards
in conditions, protections, and services for Rohingya refugees between
Cox's Bazar and Bhasan Char. If confirmed, I will work with the
international community, other donors, and UNHCR to press the
Government of Bangladesh not to curtail livelihoods and education
programs for Rohingya in the camps in Cox's Bazar or further restrict
refugee rights in order to pressure refugees to relocate to Bhasan
Char. As for the feasibility of services on the island, I look forward
to reviewing UNHCR's assessment and operations plan.
Question. Following the MoU recently signed between the Government
of Bangladesh and UNHCR, there are still questions on measures that
will be taken to ensure voluntariness of relocation to Bhasan Char.
There is substantial evidence that prior relocations involved coercion
and false promises. How do you think the U.S. can work to ensure
informed consent of Rohingya prior to further relocations? Further,
while the MoU guarantees freedom of movement on Bhasan Char, there is
no mechanism for enabling Rohingya to return to Cox's Bazar. Hundreds
of Rohingya have attempted to flee the island, with some dying in boat
accidents and others detained and returned to the island against their
will, underscoring Bangladesh's narrow view of ``voluntariness.'' If
confirmed, how will you work to address these issues?
Answer. The Department has made it clear to the Government of
Bangladesh that any relocations of Rohingya refugees to Bhasan Char
must be safe, informed, and voluntary. Refugees should also be
permitted to move freely between the island and Cox's Bazar. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the Department
and interagency to urge the Government of Bangladesh to uphold these
humanitarian principles. The Department welcomes the Government of
Bangladesh signing an MOU with the U.N. establishing a framework of
cooperation on U.N. engagement on Bhasan Char. The Department also
supports UNHCR's request that the Government of Bangladesh allow the
U.N. to conduct an assessment of the island prior to resuming
relocations. If confirmed, I will work with my team to continue to
encourage dialogue between the Government of Bangladesh and the U.N. on
safe living conditions and adequate protection for Rohingya on Bhasan
Char. Any U.S. Government funding for operations on Bhasan Char would
have to be conditioned on a demonstrated commitment to a principled
humanitarian response, including voluntary relocations and freedom of
movement between the island and Cox's Bazar. I am committed to working
with Congress as we continue to assess whether these conditions can be
met.
Question. How will you work with your counterparts in Dhaka to
improve collective engagement on shared interests, including on the
Rohingya?
Answer. One of our nation's greatest strengths is our network of
allies and partners. If confirmed, I will work closely with both our
traditional and emerging partners in the Indo-Pacific. For instance, I
look forward to coordinating with G7 nations on infrastructure through
the Build Back Better World Partnership, and to working with Quad
nations and Bangladesh itself on public health and climate adaptation.
I also plan to regularly meet with other donor nations, U.N. agencies,
NGOs, and the Government of Bangladesh to coordinate on Rohingya
issues.
Question. How will you work with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. to
ensure the Rohingya crisis is on the agenda of the U.N. Security
Council (UNSC), including issues related to accountability, and
increase the political price for China to block any meaningful UNSC
action?
Answer. The United States is stronger when it works with partners.
If confirmed, I commit to continue working closely with the U.S.
Mission to the U.N., the U.N.'s Independent Investigative Mechanism for
Myanmar, and the Missions of other likeminded countries to promote
justice and accountability for the Rohingya crisis, including at the
U.N. Security Council. A durable solution to the Rohingya crisis will
require the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of
Rohingya refugees to Burma, when conditions allow. A return to Burma
for the Rohingya would require addressing the root causes of their
displacement and violence against them. Many of those who led the
February military coup in Burma are also the same individuals largely
responsible for the atrocities against Rohingya. Working together with
partners in the U.N. will ensure that this issue does not go
unaddressed due to China's role on the UNSC and will underline to the
PRC that the international community's norms include treating refugees
humanely and that the international community has a duty to protect
refugees.
Question. The Rohingya crisis and military coup in Burma have
cross-border dimensions and far-reaching regional implications. If
confirmed, how will you work with regional governments to promote
constructive engagement with issues of concern to both Bangladesh and
the U.S.?
Answer. The impacts of the Rohingya crisis are felt throughout the
region. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the U.S. embassies in
Bangladesh's neighboring countries to highlight the importance of
Bangladesh's neighbors sharing their responsibilities to protect the
most vulnerable of human beings by rescuing and allowing safe
disembarkation and reception of Rohingya refugees in their waters and
on the high seas, including by providing shelter, healthcare services,
and access to UNHCR to assess their protection claims.
Question. Rohingya are seeking accountability and justice for the
crimes committed against them, including genocide and crimes against
humanity; Bangladesh has largely been supportive of these efforts. The
United States is yet to make a genocide determination though we know
from Secretary Blinken's comments that a determination process is
ongoing. What accountability measures do you believe would be
appropriate for the United States to take in response to the atrocities
against the Rohingya? If confirmed, how would you support such
measures?
Answer. The violence against Rohingya is truly horrifying. As
Secretary Blinken has said, the State Department is committed to
reviewing this issue and taking steps necessary to address these
atrocities and make sure they never happen again. One aspect of that
review is considering the question of genocide determination. If
confirmed, I commit to supporting this process and exploring other
methods to seek accountability and justice for these crimes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julie Chung by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What do you think the role of the United States is in
emphasizing accountability for past and ongoing human rights violations
by the Sri Lankan military? What do you think the U.S. role is in
assuring that security forces are not primarily deployed in regions
primarily inhabited by Tamil and Muslim populations? Do you commit to
engaging closely with this committee on any new developments with
respect to security assistance in Sri Lanka?
Answer. The Biden administration has centered human rights in our
foreign policy. Human rights abusers have enjoyed impunity in Sri
Lanka, and in some cases have received support from the Sri Lankan
Government. If confirmed, I will continue to seek a commitment from the
Sri Lankan Government to credibly address longstanding human rights
abuses, including by holding abusers to account, ending the over-
deployment of security forces in regions primarily inhabited by
minority groups, and finding a long-term resolution of ethnic and
religious tensions in Sri Lanka. Additionally, I will use available
U.S. tools to promote accountability, including, as applicable and
appropriate, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky
sanctions to advance our human rights goals. The State Department and I
commit to engaging closely with the committee on new developments with
respect to security assistance to Sri Lanka.
Question. In 2015, the United States led a resolution in the U.N.
Human Rights Council co-sponsored by Sri Lanka to provide transitional
justice following the armed conflict, which ended in 2009. After
minimal progress, Sri Lanka withdrew from this resolution and the
commitments made. The U.S. supported a March 2021 U.N. Human Rights
Resolution on Sri Lanka, mandating the U.N. Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights collect and preserve evidence of serious
violations of international law that occurred in Sri Lanka and report
on opportunities for accountability for these crimes. How can the
United States best support the UNHRC process in Geneva and more broadly
promote international accountability for reconciliation,
accountability, and human rights in Sri Lanka?
Answer. The Department remains committed to using the U.N. Human
Rights Council (UNHRC) and other multilateral fora to press the
Government of Sri Lanka to credibly address its longstanding human
rights abuses. Our co-sponsoring of Resolution 46/1 is a testament to
our commitment to promoting democratic values, human rights, justice,
and accountability measures in Sri Lanka. The United States will rejoin
the Sri Lanka core group in the UNHRC at the earliest opportunity to
continue our work with international partners to promote human rights
and accountability in Sri Lanka. The long-term social stability, peace,
and prosperity for all Sri Lankans can best be ensured by credibly
pursuing justice, accountability, and reconciliation as outlined in the
UNHRC resolutions on Sri Lanka. If confirmed, I will continue to press
Sri Lanka to engage meaningfully with the UNHRC and to make good on its
own commitments to its people as well as to the Council to redress
human rights abuses and pursue reconciliation.
Question. In March 2021, Sri Lanka expanded the Prevention of
Terrorism Act (PTA) with a new regulation, which was highly criticized
by human rights organizations, U.N. Special Rapporteurs and a European
Parliament resolution. Since its enactment in 1978, the PTA has been
used disproportionately against Tamil populations and, more recently,
the island's Muslim population. Do you commit to engaging with the Sri
Lankan Government on the PTA and other institutional reforms necessary
for the protection of civil society?
Answer. The Department has repeatedly made clear to the Sri Lankan
Government that the continued use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act
(PTA) is inconsistent with respect for human rights and contrary to the
Sri Lankan Government's pledges to amend the act. The PTA offers
detainees no right to due process, and many of those arrested under the
PTA remain in detention without charge. Those in detention include more
than 300 Muslims arrested after the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, 70
Tamils held for many years for alleged links to the Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during the civil war, and more than 100 Tamils
more recently arrested mainly for their posts on social media. The
Government's appointment of a Cabinet Sub-Committee charged with
reviewing the PTA is a welcome step, but it must lead to aligning Sri
Lanka's counterterrorism law with international standards and to the
immediate release of many who have been arbitrarily detained. If
confirmed, I commit to engaging with the Sri Lankan Government on the
PTA and other institutional reforms necessary for the protection of
civil society and the promotion of human rights and religious freedom.
Question. Sri Lanka has the second-largest number of unresolved
enforced disappearance cases in the world. Despite repeated promises
from the Government and the establishment of an Office of Missing
Persons, a 2020 United Nations Special Rapporteur's report states, ``no
observable progress has been made on pending cases.'' For over four
years, Tamil families of the disappeared have been conducting
continuing protests, in the face of intimidation from the Sri Lankan
state, demanding answers regarding their loved ones. How will U.S.
engagement show support for these civil society actors and emphasize
accountability and justice regarding enforced disappearances?
Answer. The Department remains concerned about the persistent lack
of progress by the Sri Lankan Government in addressing missing persons
and enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka. Families of the disappeared
and other civil society activists who are pressing the Government on
this issue have faced violence and intimidation when seeking answers on
what happened to their family members and loved ones. The Department
continues to seek a commitment from the Sri Lankan Government to
credibly address longstanding human rights cases including those of
missing and disappeared persons, and to end intimidation against civil
society and human rights defenders. If confirmed, I will continue to
support Sri Lanka's civil society, including demonstrating our support
for the resolution of missing and disappeared persons cases, and
advocate for the protection of religious and ethnic minority groups and
the strengthening of the country's democratic institutions.
Question. Sri Lanka currently faces a severe financial crisis
resulting from high levels of debt incurred during and after the armed
conflict and exacerbated by corruption and the COVID-19 global
pandemic. When considering economic support for Sri Lanka--whether it
be through aid, the IMF and/or other multilateral funders, or
connections with private investors and bankers--how will U.S.
engagement emphasize the necessary political, economic, and military
restructuring requisite for lasting economic stability and sustained
peace on the island?
Answer. Sri Lanka is in an unsustainable financial situation and
facing imminent debt restructuring and/or default. The Department has
urged the Sri Lankan Government to work with the IMF to develop a
reform and relief package to place the Government's fiscal stance and
debt obligations on a sustainable path. If confirmed, I will seek to
further build the capacity of the Sri Lankan Government to meaningfully
address corruption, manage financial obligations, and enact policies
that support healthy trade and sustainable and inclusive development. I
will also seek to use the tools that the United States has available--
including the Development Finance Corporation and infrastructure
credentialing programs like the Blue Dot Network--to ensure that U.S.
economic cooperation with Sri Lanka focuses on inclusive growth,
environmental sustainability, and transparent financing. Furthermore,
the People's Republic of China (PRC) aggressively seeks political,
economic, and strategic advantage in Sri Lanka and in many cases enjoys
wide public support for its engagement. If confirmed, I will
appropriately highlight the detrimental impact of the PRC's activities
on Sri Lanka's sovereignty and sustainable development.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I am also deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. Serving one's country overseas should not come at the cost of
one's health. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the
wellbeing of U.S. personnel, and must be taken extremely seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, the health, safety, and security of Embassy
Colombo staff, their family members, and all those supporting the
Mission will be my highest priority. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring
that all reported potential anomalous health incidents are given
serious attention and reported swiftly through the appropriate
channels. I will also ensure that staff who are affected by these
incidents receive prompt access to the treatment, support, and medical
care that they need.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO at Embassy Colombo to discuss past reported anomalous health
incidents so that I am most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy
Colombo staff and ensure that all protocols regarding anomalous health
incidents are being followed appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Julie Chung by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Sri Lanka
remained on Tier 2 Watch List after receiving a waiver preventing an
automatic downgrade to Tier 3. Given the serious issues the Government
is facing in combating human trafficking, how will you work with the
Government to boost their prevention, prosecution, and protection
efforts so they do not stay on the watch list?
Answer. Trafficking in Persons remains a significant challenge in
Sri Lanka and one the Department takes seriously. While we welcomed the
Sri Lankan Government issuing and funding a National Action Plan to
address trafficking in persons last year, additional progress will be
needed to merit an upgrade to Tier 2 and to avoid an automatic
downgrade to Tier 3 in 2022. If confirmed, I will stress to the
Government the need for tangible progress to address trafficking in
persons, as recommended in the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report.
These recommendations include investigating and prosecuting suspected
traffickers, increasing efforts to identify victims of trafficking,
increasing the availability of victim services, and countering child
sex tourism.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Sri
Lankan societal respect for religious freedom and the protection of
religious minorities is thin. What is your assessment of this
particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the
Ambassador At Large to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Religious freedom is guaranteed under Sri Lanka's
constitution, and citizens are often free to practice their beliefs. I
am concerned about discrimination, intimidation, and harassment of
religious minorities practicing their faith traditions. For example, in
March the Government finally reversed a month's long policy of
compulsory cremation for COVID-19 victims in contravention of Islamic
tenants. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large
for International Religious Freedom to highlight how such practices are
inconsistent with Sri Lanka's constitution and promote respect for
freedom of religion or belief, including as it relates to the
protection of houses of worship and other religious sites, especially
for members of minority communities.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Sri Lanka was identified
as having committed serious human rights issues, including impunity for
police who harassed citizens, corruption, arbitrary detention,
restrictive NGO laws, and more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. Promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms are key
aspects of the administration's foreign policy, including with regard
to Sri Lanka. The United States seeks a peaceful, democratic, and
inclusive Sri Lanka that respects the human rights and fundamental
freedoms of all persons in Sri Lanka and is a reliable partner in
addressing global challenges. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the
Government of Sri Lanka to take meaningful steps to advance democratic
governance, human rights, equal access to justice, and reconciliation,
and to address the concerns of minority communities and civil society.
Additionally, I will use available tools to promote accountability for
abusers who enjoy impunity in Sri Lanka, including, as applicable and
appropriate, Section 7031(c) visa restrictions and/or Global Magnitsky
sanctions, to advance our human rights goals.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Sri Lanka was identified
as having committed serious human rights issues, including impunity for
police who harassed citizens, corruption, arbitrary detention,
restrictive NGO laws, and more.
How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. Civil society has a critical role to play in advancing
human rights and democratic governance in Sri Lanka. In order for
progress and reforms in Sri Lanka to be resilient in the face of
internal and external pressures, civil society groups must be allowed
to operate free from monitoring, surveillance, intimidation,
harassment, and fear. The Department has continued to urge the Sri
Lankan Government to credibly address longstanding human rights cases
and respect civil society, members of ethnic and religious minority
groups, and human rights defenders. If confirmed, Embassy Colombo and I
will continue to support Sri Lanka's civil society, advocating for
peaceful organizations to operate without undue governmental restraint,
protection for religious and ethnic minority groups, and the
strengthening of the country's democratic institutions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Brian Wesley Shukan by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Benin has long been considered a democratic leader in
West Africa. Under President Talon however, Benin has experienced
significant democratic backsliding. During this year's election, for
example, the Government detained several figures within the opposition,
including its leader. What steps can the United States take to help
Benin reverse this alarming trajectory?
Answer. The United States can encourage Benin to resume its
traditional role as a positive influence and example in West Africa for
democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights by
directly engaging the Beninese Government on these issues, partnering
with Benin on regional initiatives for peace and security, and health,
and by creating strong economic opportunities for Benin's large and
growing youth population. If confirmed, my focus in Benin will be to
promote democratic, inclusive, and transparent governance, respect for
human rights, a prosperous and healthy society with closer trade links
to the United States, and a partnership with Benin to strengthen
regional security and address global threats such as violent extremism
and transnational organized crime.
Question. Like many states in littoral West Africa, Benin faces the
threat of encroaching violent extremism from the Sahel and Nigeria. How
is the United States helping Benin address threats from beyond its
borders and counter the spread of extremist ideology to populations
within the country?
Answer. The United States supports Benin's efforts to train rural
border police officers and military personnel to prevent criminality
and the development of violent extremist ideologies through integration
with, and support to, previously marginalized communities in border
areas. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Cotonou's engagement with
the Beninese Government on security sector assistance, youth
development, and strategic communications. USAID's Littorals Regional
Initiative supports local counterparts to withstand the increasing
pressures of violent extremist organizations by addressing weak
governance, conflict, and weak social cohesion.
Question. One could argue there is a tension between providing a
government with valuable security assistance while that same government
seeks to dismantle democracy. If confirmed, how will you balance the
United States' security interests against our goal of spreading and
strengthening democracy?
Answer. If confirmed, I would balance the United States' security
interests against our goal of spreading and strengthening democracy by
supporting and encouraging Benin to resume the positive influence it
once had, and could continue to have, in promoting peaceful democratic
governance, rule of law, and respect for human rights while
strengthening regional security and addressing global threats such as
violent extremism and transnational organized crime.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have promoted democracy and respect for human rights
throughout my 26-year foreign service career. In Sudan, I have worked
to support the civilian-led democratic transition, including ensuring
that U.S. programs and advocacy advance this objective. In Haiti, I
coordinated Mission efforts and worked with international partners to
support the completion of long-delayed elections. In Iraq, I led a team
that lobbied Iraq's parliament to pass a provincial election law and
monitored elections in northern Iraq. And in Ghana, I engaged political
activists, government officials, candidates, civil society and
religious leaders to promote the democratic process in advance of
Ghana's 2008 election and led embassy efforts to combat human
trafficking.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Republic of Benin? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The most pressing challenges to democracy in Benin are
increasing restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly,
arrests of political prisoners, and laws that undermine electoral
competitiveness. Of significant concern is the Government's jailing of
political opponents and critics, often on questionable charges, for
extended periods of time, and without a public, transparent judicial
process. Although President Talon has had significant success
combatting low-level corruption and improving infrastructure, rule of
law issues and democratic backsliding run counter to U.S. democracy and
human rights priorities and discourage the private investments and
international commerce that would bring long-lasting prosperity.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Republic of Benin? What do you hope to accomplish through
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support and encourage Benin to resume
its traditional role as a positive influence in promoting peaceful
democratic governance, rule of law, and respect for human rights in the
region. I would also advance these priorities by promoting regional
initiatives for peace and security, supporting the development of a
healthier society, and creating economic opportunities for Benin's
large and growing youth population. Potential impediments include
corruption and slow bureaucratic processes.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize U.S. Government assistance
resources to encourage Benin to resume its traditional role as a
positive influence and example in West Africa for democratic
governance. In administering such assistance, such as USAID's programs
to counter democratic backsliding, promote respect for human rights,
and support peacebuilding efforts by local civil society organizations
that began implementation in the past year, I would prioritize
democratic, inclusive, and transparent governance.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Republic of Benin? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society members,
human rights and other non-government organizations in the U.S., and
with local human rights NGOs, and other members of the civil society in
Benin. If confirmed, I would also seek to strengthen relationships with
civil society leaders and human rights advocates in Benin, the U.S.,
and internationally. Where possible, I will work in partnership with
diplomatic counterparts to proactively counter efforts to close the
space for NGOs and civil society to operate.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
oriented political opposition figures. To encourage genuine political
competition, I will take steps to strengthen existing relationships and
build new ones across the political spectrum. I also commit to
advocating for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth
within political parties, if confirmed.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Republic of Benin on freedom of the press and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Republic of Benin?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Benin and actively engaging, with the
Embassy team, with the Beninese Government on freedom of expression,
including for members of the press. I also commit to addressing
government efforts to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, and other measures.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's engagements
with civil society and government counterparts to counter
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in the country.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Republic of Benin on the right of labor groups to organize, including
for independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to actively engage with the
government of Benin on the right of workers to exercise freedom of
association, including to form and join independent trade unions, and
call out incidents when this right is restricted.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Republic of Benin,
no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to promote
respect for human rights and the dignity of all people in Benin, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Republic of Benin?
Answer. According to the 2020 Department of State Human Rights
Report, members of the LGBTQI+ community reported that police tolerated
violence against LGBTQI+ persons. Benin's laws do not criminalize
consensual same-sex sexual conduct between adults. A provision related
to public indecency in the penal code, however, may be applied to
prosecute same-sex sexual conduct by charging individuals with public
indecency or acts against nature.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Republic of Benin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Beninese Government to
resume its traditional role as a positive influence and example in West
Africa for respect for human rights, including for LGBTQI+ persons,
women and girls, persons with disabilities, and persons of every ethnic
background, faith, and heritage. I will also work with diplomatic
counterparts and allies in civil society to promote respect for the
human rights of all in Benin.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Benin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that I fully brief
Members of Congress and/or their staff each time I am in Washington for
visits or consultations throughout my tenure as Ambassador to Benin.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately. Do you agree
these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a threat to the
health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring any reported incident is
treated seriously and reported through appropriate channels in a timely
manner and that any affected individual promptly receives medical care.
Secretary Blinken's number one responsibility as Secretary of State is
to protect the men and women representing our country around the world.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously, working through the appropriate channels
within the Department, and that any individual who experiences an
anomalous health incident, or any other matter that would have an
impact on their health and safety, will receive prompt medical
attention and care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and
the RSO to discuss any past incidents, and to ensuring that all health,
safety, and security protocols are followed and implemented. I will
also work together with our medical team and the RSO to ensure that
Embassy personnel are?aware of what to do in the event of a potential
anomalous health incident.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Brian Wesley Shukan by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Benin has experienced significant democratic decline
under President Talon. As ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage
the Talon administration, civil society and the opposition on
democratic and electoral reforms in an effort to help restore Benin's
democratic credentials?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage Benin to resume its
traditional role as a positive influence and example in West Africa for
democracy, rule of law, and human rights by directly engaging the
Beninese Government, civil society, and other political actors. If
confirmed, my focus would be promoting democratic, inclusive, and
transparent governance, respect for human rights, a prosperous and
healthy society with closer trade linkages to the United States, and a
partnership to strengthen regional security and address global threats
such as violent extremism and transnational organized crime.
Question. Like the rest of Littoral West Africa, Benin faces a
growing threat of violent extremism moving south from the Sahel. As
ambassador, if confirmed, what is your perspective on the types of
investments the U.S. needs to make and/or maintain to reduce Benin's
vulnerability?
Answer. Engagement on counterterrorism is a bilateral priority and
Benin is a strong U.S. partner. If confirmed, I would strengthen our
partnership with Benin on counterterrorism operations in the region by
supporting continuing counterterrorism and countering-violent extremism
assistance. This includes training for border police and military
personnel to prevent criminality, and efforts to prevent development of
violent extremist ideologies through support for marginalized
communities in border areas. I would also continue counterterrorism
engagement with the Beninese Government in the areas of security sector
assistance, youth development, and strategic communications.
Question. Do you believe it is the sign of a healthy democracy when
a duly elected government, in consultation with its citizens, extends
the term of office of the presidency even if that means it would extend
the term of the current President in power?
Answer. Every country has the ability to make constitutional
changes, which the U.S. supports as long as such changes are made
through a consultative and broad process that includes all
stakeholders, including civil society and opposition parties. However,
constitutional changes designed to favor incumbents or extend terms
erode democratic principles.
Question. If confirmed, how would you respond if Benin were to
extend the term of the office of the presidency even if that means it
would extend the term of the current President in power?
Answer. If confirmed, I would advocate for regular, democratic
transitions of power, which yield more accountability, stronger
institutions, and less corruption.
Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
independent international election observation missions?
Answer. Promoting democracy and respect for human rights has long
served as the basis of American foreign policy. Election observation
can promote public participation, encourage transparency and public
confidence in the electoral process, and mitigate the potential for
electoral violence. Both U.S. Mission observers and independent
observation missions help deter fraud at polling stations and
facilitate the collection of critical information on conditions. To
ensure real democratic gains, it is important that our elections work
not focus solely on Election Day, but also address institutional or
conduct problems in the lead up to elections.
Question. Would you support a U.S. funded, independent
international election observation mission for Benin's next general
election?
Answer. If confirmed, I would carefully consider how U.S. support
to observation efforts can contribute to free and fair elections, and
transparent electoral processes in Benin.
Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to
hold Benin officials accountable for corrupt behavior?
Answer. Corruption is a significant challenge in Benin. President
Talon has described endemic corruption as one of the country's biggest
problems. The United States can best use the tools it has to hold
Beninese officials accountable for corrupt behavior by directly
engaging the Beninese Government, promoting internationally recognized
standards, and reinforcing the important role played by civil society,
the media, and the business community.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach in using the
tools it has to hold Benin officials accountable for corrupt behavior?
Answer. If confirmed, I would enlist the full resources of the
Department of State's anticorruption teams and other U.S. Government
resources to support these efforts, including continuing USAID's
support to the National Anti-Corruption Authority to implement an anti-
corruption action plan designed to elevate awareness of the perils and
price of corruption.
Question. How can the United States best support Benin in curbing
the corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of
malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt governments and
business environments?
Answer. If confirmed, the Embassy could best support Benin in
curbing corrupt behavior of those companies and government officials of
malign foreign actors like the PRC that feed on corrupt governments and
business environments by prioritizing anti-corruption; promoting
democratic values, including inclusive electoral processes and media
freedom; promoting high-quality alternatives to PRC trade and
investment such as the African Growth and Opportunities Act and the
West African Trade Hub; and providing assistance to Benin in the energy
sector through the Millennium Challenge Corporation, health sector
through USAID, and the security sector through Department of Defense
and Department of State funding.
Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense
and security cooperation with Benin? Where are the opportunities and
the risks?
Answer. Benin is a strong partner to the United States for peace
and security in West Africa and the Sahel. Our assistance to Benin's
armed forces and police supports Benin's participation in peacekeeping
and regional security efforts and advances its ability to interdict
maritime and transnational organized crime. Our security and military
engagement creates opportunities for U.S. law enforcement and service
members to integrate respect for human rights and international
humanitarian law as core training components and allows Beninese
military personnel to attend professionalization training in the United
States. If confirmed, I would support building on our existing defense
and security cooperation with Benin.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID. What is your
understanding of morale throughout Mission Benin?
Answer. My understanding is that morale throughout Mission Benin is
strong, motivated by staff's commitment to promoting democratic,
inclusive, and transparent governance, promoting respect for human
rights, supporting a prosperous and healthy society with closer trade
linkages to the United States, and working in partnership with Benin to
strengthen regional security and address global threats such as violent
extremism and transnational organized crime.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Benin?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize building a strong team and
community. I would support frequent and robust communication with local
and U.S. staff, ensuring opportunities to share information and hear
concerns. I would ensure that we communicate and put into practice
Mission priorities and values, emphasizing the importance of diversity,
inclusion, and respect. And as the father of two daughters who attended
international schools overseas, I would prioritize ensuring that the
educational needs of U.S. Mission families are served as well as
possible.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Benin?
Answer. If confirmed, I would focus on establishing strong
communication among all agencies and personnel to ensure a common
understanding of Mission priorities and values, and to promote a
unified approach to achieving our objectives. Since some Mission
offices are represented by non-resident personnel based in neighboring
countries, I would also prioritize incorporating those personnel into
key discussions.
Question. Management is a key responsibility for chiefs of mission.
How would you describe your management style?
Answer. As a manager and leader, I want to create an empowered,
collaborative, and creative team that is motivated to achieve Mission
objectives. I am committed to ensuring a respectful and inclusive
workplace, in which everyone's contribution is valued. I prioritize
frequent and open communication to ensure that the team understands our
vision and values, while maintaining an environment in which personnel
at all levels are empowered and able to share information, expertise
and suggestions.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. It is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure as the
Chief of Mission in Sudan?
Answer. This has been an extremely dynamic period in the U.S.-Sudan
relationship. I have worked with a new government that took office
following the overthrow of Sudan's longtime dictator, dealt with a
transformed bilateral relationship following the rescission of Sudan's
designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism, and managed the Embassy
team during the COVID pandemic. Engaging with a new and relatively
inexperienced government has underscored the importance of clear and
coordinated communication, transparency, adaptability, and managing
expectations.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with
deputy chief of mission?
Answer. I have had the opportunity to serve as deputy chief of
mission at Embassy Port-au-Prince under two ambassadors, and as consul
general in Casablanca. For me, a strong and mutually supportive
relationship between the DCM and the chief of mission is critical. I
envision a close and collaborative relationship, with the DCM involved
in all decisions. This requires a constant open line of communication
and trust between the two.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. While the chief of mission has overall leadership and
management responsibility at the Embassy, I view the DCM as a key
embassy leader and the chief of mission's principal partner and
advisor. If confirmed, I would look to the DCM to help ensure strong
communication within the embassy community, coordinate an active
mentoring program, assist in coordinating interagency activities and
programs, promote a culture of respect, inclusion and diversity, and
ensure robust and effective management controls.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. The Chief of Mission should lead a post with multiple U.S.
Government agencies present by establishing strong communication among
all agencies and personnel to ensure a common understanding of Mission
priorities and values, and to promote a unified approach to achieving
post's objectives.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. In my experience, interagency relationships within a post
are critical to the success of the overall mission. If confirmed, I
would promote strong coordination between all offices and agencies at
Mission Benin.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Embassy Cotonou?
Answer. If confirmed, I would handle interagency disagreement
within Embassy Cotonou by prioritizing frequent and open communication
and ensuring that the Embassy is a respectful and inclusive workplace,
in which everyone's contribution is valued. As a manager and leader, I
want to create an empowered, collaborative, and creative team that is
motivated to achieve Mission objectives.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking. Do
you believe that it is important to provide employees with accurate,
constructive feedback on their performances in order to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their roles?
Answer. I believe it is important to provide employees with timely,
accurate, constructive feedback on their performances to encourage
improvement and reward those who most succeed in their roles.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to improve performance and
reward high achievers.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats stationed in
Benin. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. I agree that it is essential that U.S. diplomats get
outside of posts abroad to meet with local actors, including host
government officials, civil society activists, non-government
organizations, and fellow foreign diplomats, in addition to ensuring
oversight of projects and programs. In my experience, U.S. diplomats
get outside of the embassy walls enough to fully accomplish their
mission, although this has been made more challenging by the COVID-19
pandemic.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would encourage U.S. diplomats in Benin to
better access local populations by utilizing all available public
diplomacy tools for in-person, virtual, and media engagement. I would
also encourage in-country travel and representation outside of the
capital.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Benin?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face there?
Answer. U.S. public diplomacy in Benin is focused on bolstering
support for democratic values among the country's rapidly growing youth
population and municipalities beyond the capital, strengthening media
institutions and the culture of investigative journalism, and promoting
American-style entrepreneurial values among women and other
underrepresented groups.The Embassy engages thousands of Beninese youth
through its growing network of English Clubs, four American Spaces, and
five active exchange program alumni organizations, and reaches hundreds
of thousands more Beninese citizens through community radio and social
media highlighting the scale and scope of the U.S. commitment to Benin
and Africa.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. Post has latitude to tailor our public messaging to local
issues and concerns. If confirmed, I would ensure that our public
diplomacy posture continues to play a key role in promoting our shared
values and America's generous financial assistance and support across
the range of issues.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to taking the threat of anomalous
health incidents seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Benin personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to talking as openly as I can to
Mission Benin personnel.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Benin and
counter the malign influence of China?
Answer. The United States should partner with European countries to
build on likeminded interests in Benin and counter the malign influence
of the PRC by promoting shared democratic values, good governance,
transparency, anti-corruption efforts, and calling out nondemocratic
behavior. If confirmed, I would engage with like-minded partner
embassies to encourage a common understanding and approach to these
challenges.
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Benin remained
on Tier 2 due to overall increasing efforts to eliminate trafficking
but can improve on convictions of traffickers and assigning
proportional sentences. How will you work with the host government to
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Beninese Government to
increase knowledge of its anti-human trafficking laws within the
judiciary and assign proportional sentences to traffickers by
encouraging implementation of Benin's anti-human trafficking laws and
2020-2024 National Action Plan. I will also continue the Embassy's
efforts to engage the Beninese Government at all levels to increase
awareness of human trafficking and to spur action to counter
exploitation by implementing the prioritized recommendations in the
U.S. Department of State's annual Trafficking in Persons report.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Benin
was identified as having great societal respect for religious freedom.
Despite this, there is still work the U.S. Embassy can do to bolster
international religious freedom. How will you work with the Ambassador
At Large on this issue?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
the Department closely monitors the religious freedom situation in
Benin. Benin has long been a strong example for ethnic and religious
tolerance in an often-turbulent region. If confirmed, I commit to work
with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom and
Congress to emphasize the importance of religious freedom, addressing
religious freedom concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and
respect among and for members of religious communities in Benin.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Benin was identified as
having committed or baring witness to (severe) human rights abuses. If
confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the
host?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the Beninese Government to
address impunity and hold accountable those responsible for human
rights violations and abuses. I will also support and encourage Benin
to resume the positive role it once had, and could continue to have, in
promoting respect for human rights in the region.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Embassy team to work with
our like-minded partners and allies in civil society to improve respect
for human rights on the ground by prioritizing programs that work
closely with local civil society organizations, including USAID
programs to counter democratic backsliding, promote respect for human
rights, and support peacebuilding.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. President Gnassingbe or his father have ruled Togo since
1967. Political opposition often face harassment, detention, and even
high-tech surveillance by the Togolese Government. What is the state of
democracy in Togo, and what can the United States do to help Togo
establish a competitive political system with real protections for
opposition voices?
Answer. The United States continues to urge the Government of Togo
to make greater advancements towards increasing respect for democracy
and human rights. In 2019, the Government reformed the constitution to
institute a two-round election system and a two-year term limit for
presidents, though the presidential term-limit is not retroactive. Togo
held local elections last year for the first time in 30 years and
engaged in a government-initiated national dialogue with opposition
parties to modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the
electoral process for upcoming regional elections. The regional
elections are the next step in decentralizing the Government and
implementing the constitutionally-mandated Senate and Constitutional
Court. If confirmed, I will continue to push the Government to increase
political space so that the people of Togo can make their voices heard
and peacefully express dissent, through the ballot box and through
greater respect for human rights and a competitive political system.
Question. The Togolese Government has alleged used digital
surveillance tools, including from Israeli and Indian firms to monitor
opposition and civil society. What role can the United States play in
countering digital authoritarianism and what steps would you take if
confirmed to confront digital authoritarianism in Togo?
Answer. In August 2021, international media cited Togo as the only
West African country and one of four sub-Saharan African countries
using Pegasus software to monitor internet communications, journalists,
opposition parties, Catholic clergy, and political dissidents. The
right not to be subject to arbitrary or unlawful interference with
one's privacy is a human right, guaranteed in Article 28 of the
Togolese Constitution and in the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights which Togo acceded to in 1984.If confirmed, I will
collaborate with the Government of Togo, political parties, civil
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote
transparency and privacy rights, increase access to justice, and
strengthen democratic institutions. We will continue to urge the
Government of Togo to adhere to international commitments they made and
to make greater advancements towards increasing respect for democracy,
and human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Question. U.S. relations with Togo have mainly focused on the fight
against HIV/AIDS and more recently on security assistance. What areas
do you see as opportunities for increased engagement by the United
States?
Answer. Supporting good governance and democracy in Togo is a key
goal of our bilateral relationship in Togo. If confirmed, I will
continue to urge the Government of Togo to make greater advancements
towards increasing respect for democracy, and human rights and
fundamental freedoms.Recent restrictions on the press following
politically motivated arrests, limitations on applications for
political gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets have greatly
impeded Togolese ability to participate in their democracy. If
confirmed, I will collaborate with the Government of Togo, political
parties, civil society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to
promote political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and
strengthen electoral institutions and processes to promote free and
fair elections. I will also support the freedoms of peaceful assembly
and association.
Question. What is the COVID-19 situation in Togo right now? Is the
United States doing enough to help Togo vaccinate its population?
Answer. As of October 18, the Government of Togo has recorded
25,899 confirmed cases of COVID-19 and 239 deaths. The Embassy managed
over $1,484,000 in COVID-related programming from AFRICOM, USAID, the
State Department, and Embassy Small Grants. Through COVAX, the United
States made available 607,230 Pfizer-BioNTech doses to Togo and 4,000
test kits and other equipment through the International Atomic Energy
Association.
The PEPFAR program in Togo received $590,000 in American Rescue
Plan Act (APRA) funds to mitigate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic
on PEPFAR implementation in FY 21-22, including infection prevention
control measures and training, procurement of PPE for healthcare
workers, and laboratory strengthening. If confirmed, I will continue
the work of Embassy Lome to work with the Togolese Government to end
the COVID-19 pandemic and ensure that the U.S. Government is working
with the Togolese Ministry of Health to meet the health needs of the
country to end COVID-19.
Democracy & Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to publicly
championing democracy and respect for human rights. Many of my overseas
tours were in Public Affairs Sections, where I worked directly with
media and the public to promote the ideals of democracy and respect for
human rights. Direct engagement with youth leaders on issues of
democracy, governance, and human rights throughout my career has
offered the greatest impact, as those youth leaders emerge as
influential figures in government, business, and the media.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Togo? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern and
certainly present challenges to Togo's democracy. The Government
amended the ``Bodjona'' Law in late 2019 to restrict the time, place,
frequency, and application process for demonstrations citing rising
terrorist threats. A 2019 modification to the press and communication
code increased fines and granted the High Authority for Audiovisuals
and Communication (HAAC) more stringent control over the press. The
HAAC exercised this additional control more rigorously over the past
year. On April 8, 2020, the Government of Togo banned protests and
political rallies under the COVID-19 State of Emergency, which now is
scheduled to last until September 2022.
Following the 2020 Presidential elections, the Government initiated
a six-month national dialogue with opposition parties, the National
Consultation between Political Parties (CNAP), to modify the electoral
code and constitution and improve the electoral process for upcoming
regional elections. Despite boycotts from a few political parties, CNAP
produced over 50 suggestions for consideration. The Government's
willingness to adopt these suggestions is still unclear. Togo's
regional elections, the next step in its decentralization process, are
necessary for the appointment of the Senate, as regional
representatives select two-thirds of Senators.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Togo? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will collaborate with the Government of
Togo, political parties, civil society organizations, and other
diplomatic missions to promote political reforms, reinforce democratic
institutions, and strengthen electoral institutions and processes to
promote free and fair elections.
I would support the continued use of available State Department and
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and
respect for human rights in Togo. The Embassy has leveraged these kinds
of resources in the past to support the decentralization process in
Togo, support the efforts of Togo's Committee for the Prevention and
Fight Against Violent Extremism, and increase women's participation in
the political process.
USAID/West Africa's Reacting to Early Warning and Response II
program helps address democratic backsliding through a combination of
approaches that prevents the spread of COVID-19 infections, fights
COVID-19-related misinformation, builds the capacity of women and youth
to lead conflict prevention efforts, and promotes social cohesion and
community resilience against COVID-19.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to leverage the Government of
Togo's strong desire for an MCC Compact to encourage further reforms
that improve transparency and reduce corruption. In 2019, MCC signed a
Threshold Program with Togo to increase competition and private sector
participation in the Information and Communications Technology (ICT)
services market and to improve agricultural land tenure and management.
Both of these areas will be critical to driving economic growth and
reducing poverty in the country. If confirmed, I will explore all
USAID, small grants, and other available U.S. funding to support and
prioritize democracy and governance activities to focus on efforts to
increase political pluralism and end limitations of freedom of assembly
and expression.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Togo? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meet with and listen to all civil
society and political actors in Togo who support strengthening Togo's
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to
lift undue restrictions on the press and journalists and allow for
freedom of peaceful assembly. I would also continue to encourage the
Government to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between
the Government and its people, and a concrete way the Government can
build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true freedom of
peaceful assembly and association.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue and strengthen the
relationships our mission has built with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the
efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive
political environment in Togo, including their government-initiated
dialogue with opposition parties to support regional elections. I will
urge the Government to respect the freedoms of association and peaceful
assembly for all political actors, even those who do not agree with the
Government. Through public statements, small grants and other
programming, and direct engagements, I will advocate for a political
environment that is inclusive of women, youth, minorities, and Togolese
who might otherwise be marginalized.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Togo
on freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other
measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in Togo?
Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern. If
confirmed, I would, along with the rest of my Embassy team, prioritize
work with the Government of Togo to end restrictions on media outlets
and reporters and to remind them that freedom of expression, including
for members of the press, is key to maintaining a healthy democracy. If
confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with independent and
local press outlets in Togo as visible sign of support for press
freedom.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the Embassy team's great work
and programs to combat disinformation and propaganda perpetuated by
foreign and non-state actors. A well-informed citizenry is required for
a functioning democracy, which is why the Embassy provides programs to
educate journalists about the dangers of disinformation and publicly
refutes dangerous disinformation, a recent example being the
disinformation circulated on the efficacy and safety of COVID-19
vaccines.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with Togo
on the right of labor groups to organize, including for independent
trade unions?
Answer. The Togolese constitution provides that workers may form
and join unions and bargain collectively. Togolese labor law also
prohibits forced labor, child labor, and discrimination in the
workplace; and outlines a minimum wage, occupational safety and health,
and hours of work protections. The Government has demonstrated on
several occasions its willingness to negotiate with labor groups. At
the same time, concerns regarding government enforcement of worker
rights protections, including on child labor and forced labor, remain.
If confirmed, my team and I will encourage the Government of Togo to
support the rights of organized labor groups which are protected in by
law.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Togo, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using the position of the
U.S. Ambassador to defend the human rights and dignity of all people in
Togo, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity. Through
collaboration with various Togolese NGOs, the Embassy supports
programming that promotes the rights and representation of women and
LGBTQI+ persons in the Togolese economy and politics and increases
public-private partnerships to encourage citizen participation and
local governance. We will not compromise on these important American,
and frankly global, ideals.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Togo?
Answer. Togolese law prohibits ``acts against nature committed with
an individual of one's sex,'' widely understood as a reference to same-
sex sexual activity. The law provides that a person convicted of
engaging in consensual same-sex sexual activity may be sentenced to one
to three years' imprisonment and a substantial fine, but it is rarely
enforced. The law forbids promotion of immorality, which is understood
to include promotion of same-sex activities. Lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons face societal
discrimination in employment, housing, and access to education and
health care. Existing antidiscrimination law does not apply to LGBTQI+
persons. No law allows transgender persons to change gender markers on
government-issued identity documents.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Togo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to engaging with LGBTQI+ people
in Togo on the best ways the U.S. Government work to end the
discrimination LGBTQI+ persons face in Togo. I will listen whole-
heartedly to their concerns, take their lead, and develop a
collaborative approach to ending discrimination against members of the
LGBTQI+ community. If confirmed, I will work with like-minded
diplomatic partners and strengthen civil society advocacy to fully
support and advance the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons. Members of
Togo's LGBTQI+ community can be assured that promoting respect for
human rights for all individuals, with no exception or caveat, is a
U.S. foreign policy priority.
Congressional Consultations
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Togo?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to respond promptly to all
appropriate requests for briefings and for information by this
committee. Congress has an important role to play not only in foreign
policy legislation but also during the implementation process. Our
foreign policy is stronger when the two branches of government
coordinate, and I would look forward to strengthening the coordination
between our two branches.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, absolutely. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number
one responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and
women representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit
to ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and reported
through appropriate channels in a timely manner and that any affected
individual promptly receives medical care.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to treating each case seriously
and working through the appropriate channels within the Department. Any
individual who experiences an anomalous health incident or any other
matter that would have an impact on their health and safety will
receive prompt medical attention and care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will hold regular meetings with medical
staff and the RSO on any past incidents to ensure that all health,
safety, and security protocols are followed and implemented at Embassy
Lome. If confirmed, I will work together with our medical team and the
RSO to make sure that the entire Embassy community is aware of what to
do should a potential incident affect them, their colleagues, or their
family members.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy Fitzsimmons by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Given your background in public diplomacy, how will you
balance public diplomacy and quiet diplomacy in working with the
Togolese Government?
Answer. Understanding how to balance public messaging and quiet
diplomacy is vital to achieving U.S. goals. If confirmed, I would build
on Embassy Lome's use of quiet diplomacy to urge the Government to make
democratic reforms. I would also continue to encourage the Government
to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between the
Government and its people. I would also support, if confirmed,
increasing engagement through our Public Diplomacy programs that give
youth, journalists, and opposition leaders a voice to allow us to
promote the ideals of democracy and respect for human rights for the
Togolese people.
Question. How do you view the U.S. role in supporting positive
democratic and institutional reforms in Togo?
Answer. Supporting positive democratic and institutional reforms in
Togo is a top policy priority for the United States. If confirmed, I
will collaborate with the Government of Togo, political parties, civil
society organizations, and other diplomatic missions to promote
political reforms, reinforce democratic institutions, and strengthen
electoral institutions and processes to promote free and fair
elections.
I would support the continued use of available State Department and
USAID regional and centrally managed resources to advance democracy and
respect for human rights in Togo. The Embassy has leveraged these kinds
of resources in the past to support the decentralization process in
Togo, support the efforts of Togo's Committee for the Prevention and
Fight Against Violent Extremism, and increase women's participation in
the political process.
Question. As U.S. Ambassador, if confirmed, how will you engage the
Gnassingbe administration and opposition figures in supporting positive
democratic and institutional reforms?
Answer. Following the 2020 Presidential elections, the Government
of Togo initiated a six-month national dialogue with opposition
parties, the National Consultation between Political Parties (CNAP), to
modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the electoral
process for upcoming regional elections. Despite boycotts from a few
political parties, CNAP produced over 50 suggestions for consideration.
The Government's willingness to adopt these suggestions is still
unclear. If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, I will encourage both the
Gnassingbe Government and opposition figures to continue to build upon
the CNAP and enact the necessary reforms to strengthen democracy and
political pluralism in Togo.
Question. The U.S. mission in Togo is a relatively small, and Togo
commands significantly less attention from Washington than many of its
close neighbors, including Nigeria, Ghana, Niger and Burkina Faso.
As Chief of Mission, if confirmed, how will you operate in such a
post to manage the staff and lead U.S. policy on the ground?
Answer. My experience as both Deputy Assistant Secretary and Acting
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of African Affairs
provided me ample opportunity to understand how to work with my
interagency colleagues in Washington to best support our missions
overseas. If confirmed, I will partner with the team at Embassy Lome to
ensure their ideas about how to achieve policy successes in a resource-
constrained environment are heard and leverage my knowledge of
Washington to acquire the appropriate resources and attention from
Washington to achieve the U.S.G. mission goals in Togo.
Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving
rulers who, like in the case of Togo, manipulate constitutional and
electoral processes to give the facade of democratic legitimacy?
Answer. We continue to urge the Government of Togo to make greater
advancements towards increasing respect for democracy, and human rights
and fundamental freedoms. One such needed change is greater political
pluralism. In 2019, the Government reformed the constitution to
institute a two-round election system and a two-year term limit for
presidents, though the presidential term-limit is not retroactive. Togo
held local elections last year for the first time in 30 years and
engaged in a government-initiated national dialogue with opposition
parties to modify the electoral code and constitution and improve the
electoral process for upcoming regional elections. The regional
elections are the next step in decentralizing the Government and
increasing political pluralism. If confirmed, I will continue to push
the Government to increase political space so that the people of Togo
can make their voices heard and peacefully express dissent through the
ballot box and through greater respect for human rights and political
pluralism.
Question. If confirmed, how will you address the issue of political
dynasties and long-serving rules as U.S. Ambassador, particularly in
light of broader regional trends?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue our work with all
stakeholders in ensuring that Togo's political system remains fair and
transparent and that the Togolese people are heard and given an
opportunity to choose their political leaders. I will promote
democratic values and seek to strengthen democratic institutions,
including through electoral processes that have credibility and
integrity in representing the will of the people of Togo.
I understand our Embassy in Lome and the MCC have continually
reminded the Togolese Government that MCC compact assistance is
predicated on a clear, demonstrated commitment to MCC's eligibility
criteria, as well as successful implementation of its Threshold
Program. If confirmed, I will continue to use this and other programs
as an incentive toward making political reforms in Togo.
Question. Can you provide your view on supporting U.S. funded,
independent international election observation missions?
Answer. Election observation can promote public participation,
encourage transparency and public confidence in the electoral process,
and mitigate the potential for electoral violence. Both U.S. Mission
observers and independent observation missions help deter fraud at
polling stations and facilitate the of information during elections. To
promote real democratic gains, it is important that our election work
looks beyond election day and addresses problems in the lead up to
elections.
Question. Would you support a U.S. funded independent international
election observation mission for Togo's next general election?
Answer. If confirmed, I would identify ways the U.S. could support
international observation efforts to contribute to free and fair
elections and transparent electoral processes in Togo. International
observers from ECOWAS and the African Union judged the Presidential
elections held in 2020 to be generally free and fair and international
consensus is that President Gnassingbe won the election. Nevertheless,
the level of distrust between Togo's major political factions remains
exceptionally high. An overly centralized executive with political
power concentrated in the ruling party inhibits broad-based
participatory democracy. In addition, the Government expelled National
Democratic Institute staff and pulled the credentials of their local
partner days before the 2020 presidential election, limiting efforts to
increase electoral transparency and build confidence in the electoral
process.
Question. How can the United States best use existing tools to hold
Togolese officials accountable for corrupt behavior?
Answer. The United States supports efforts to counter corruption
throughout the world. Some of the best tools that the U.S. Government
has at its disposal are those that include benchmarks on corruption
reduction, such as MCC Threshold and Compact programs. If confirmed, I
would utilize all available U.S. assistance tools and programs to
combat government corruption in Togo and prioritize programs that help
the U.S. and Togo achieve those goals.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your approach in using the
tools at the U.S.'s disposal to hold Togolese officials accountable for
corrupt behavior?
Answer. Combatting corruption in Togo is essential to promote
economic opportunities and inclusive development for all Togolese and
to increase government trust and accountability. If confirmed, I would
seek to leverage the Government of Togo's strong desire for a MCC
Compact to encourage further reforms that improve transparency and
reduce corruption. In 2019, MCC signed a Threshold Program with Togo to
increase competition and private sector participation in the
Information and Communications Technology (ICT) services market and to
improve agricultural land tenure and management. Both of these areas
will be critical to driving economic growth and reducing poverty in the
country, but that will only happen if corruption is reduced.
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Lome?
Answer. Embassy Lome is a small mission in a region facing growing
challenges. I understand that Mission Togo's morale is good,
particularly for a post of its size in a difficult environment, and
that many officers choose to extend their tour in Togo for a third
year. To me, that speaks volumes about the team and the environment
that Embassy leadership has fostered in the country and, if confirmed,
I will endeavor to build upon that foundation and ensure that morale
remains good.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale?
Answer. If confirmed, maintaining morale of the team at Embassy
Lome will be of utmost importance to me. I intend to work closely with
my staff, understand their concerns, make improvements where those can
be undertaken at post, and communicate those concerns which cannot be
addressed at post back to Department leadership for action. I will seek
to support all employees and their families to create an inclusive and
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve
professional and personal goals. Our foreign service family members
contribute directly to mission morale, and if confirmed, I will ensure
that those family members are also supported and happy by seeking to
work with the Office of Overseas schools in an effort to improve
schooling options in Togo so that more families can consider service at
Embassy Lome. I will work to ensure that eligible family members who
wish to work in the mission find meaningful employment in Embassy Lome.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?
Answer. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all
agencies to establish and review goals and develop strategies and
tactics to achieve common objectives. If confirmed, I intend to ensure
that all employees working in Embassy Lome, whether they are locally
employed staff, eligible family members, or U.S. direct hires, feel
supported and heard in their work. I would maintain an open office
policy and welcome the contributions and ideas of those working in our
mission. Throughout my career, I valued and encouraged a diverse and
inclusive work environment, and if confirmed, I intend to bring that
same spirit to Embassy Lome.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I am an inclusive leader and manager and if confirmed will
encourage every member of the team to contribute - this is particularly
important in an environment like Togo in which the Embassy team is
small and relatively less experienced and the policy challenges are
complex, varied, and growing. I am constantly seeking to innovate and
learn in my own professional life, and I strive to create a culture of
creativity, diversity, and inclusion so that all members of the team
are valued, and their voices are heard. I think these are particularly
important leadership traits in a small Embassy like Lome, where
innovative ideas and diverse perspectives will help the team leverage
our relatively modest resources to achieve significant results.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. Absolutely not. It is neither acceptable nor productive to
berate anyone in a professional setting. If confirmed, I will not
tolerate abusive behavior at Embassy Lome and I will seek to lead by
example, praising in public, constructively correcting in private when
necessary, and being open to dissent and constructive feedback from the
team.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. The Department of State provides a list of suitable Deputy
Chief of Mission candidates for a Chief of Mission to select when those
positions become open. If confirmed, I will select a DCM who
compliments my skills, experience, and knowledge and we will work as a
true team to ensure the U.S. Mission in Togo is best placed to advance
U.S. interests.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to entrust my Deputy Chief of
Mission with the responsibilities akin to those of a Chief Operating
Officer, modeling the function of the Embassy Front Office on the
effective organization of the Bureau of African Affairs in which the
Assistant Secretary functions as Chief Executive Officer and the
Principal Deputy as COO. While both the DCM and I will have
responsibility for coaching and mentoring the Embassy Team, if
confirmed, I will also ask the DCM to play the primary role in ensuring
the career development of the first and second tour officers on the
Embassy team. And I will be open to any ideas that the DCM has about
functions in which he/she is particularly interested or where he/she
has particular strengths.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. Incorporating voices from all government agencies is the
best way to capitalize on the knowledge, experience, and perspective
they bring to Embassy Lome. If confirmed, I will lead regular
discussions with all agencies to establish and review goals and develop
strategies and tactics to achieve common objectives. I will hold
regular meetings with all U.S Government agencies represented at the
mission and with our regional colleagues based at other Embassies in
West Africa.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. In my experience, creating strong interagency relationships
is extremely important for achieving U.S. priorities and goals at out
missions overseas. In my previous Foreign Service assignments, I have
relied on and fostered a close, productive relationship with my
interagency colleagues, and I intend to do the same, if confirmed, as
the next U.S. Ambassador to Togo.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Embassy Lome?
Answer. If confirmed, I will regularly hold meetings with the
interagency and incorporate interagency colleagues into the mission
country team. I will encourage my staff to work closely as a team to
resolve any disagreements, and I will make sure that each member on the
team feels like their input and perspective is valid and important - we
all work for the same U.S. Government.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes. Our duty as leaders is to provide accurate and
constructive feedback to our subordinates and to reward them for a job
well done.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes. I view that as a duty for any manager of people, and
if confirmed I commit to provide clear, accurate, timely, and direct
feedback to my team.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. In my experience, it is imperative that U.S. diplomats
leave their office space on a regular basis and meet not only with
government leaders but also with businesspeople, members of civil
society, influencers, and change-makers in the country in which they
work to fully understand the local context and in order to be able to
provide the most effective advice to decision makers in the inter-
agency. If confirmed, I will encourage my staff to work outside Embassy
walls to achieve our foreign policy goals and will mentor those members
of the team who need more experience in this area, while also modeling
regular constructive outreach to all elements of Togolese society. I am
a public diplomacy officer, and throughout my career I have valued,
both personally and professionally, the relationships I have fostered
outside the office to achieve U.S. goals.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person
with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement
through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people
throughout Togo and use those visits to facilitate contacts for other
U.S. diplomats.
COVID-19 has physical interactions and poor telecommunications
infrastructure makes virtual interactions difficult. However, nearly
all Mission personal have been vaccinated and the number of vaccinated
Togolese is also increasing. This should slowly improve our ability to
access more people locally.
Once the COVID-19 situation is sufficiently improved we intend to
fully re-engage with all our stakeholders throughout the country in-
person. Once we achieve a healthy threshold of vaccinated people, we
plan to return to hosting more representational events as they have
historically been well received, especially our Fourth of July
celebrations. A resumption in issuing tourist and business visas will
also increase our interaction as it will raise interest in the United
States.
Question. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts.
What is the public diplomacy environment like in Togo?
Answer. Although the constitution provides for freedom of
expression and freedom of the press, the Government restricted these
rights. The law imposes penalties on journalists deemed to have
committed "serious errors" as defined in the media code.
Independent media are active and express a wide variety of views,
many highly critical of the Government. Authorities sometimes attempt
to influence the press through illicit means, for example, by giving
"year-end gifts" to encourage positive media coverage or by applying
libel and slander laws to restrict public discussion and retaliate
against journalists.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in Togo?
Answer. Recent restrictions on the press following politically
motivated arrests, limitations on applications for political
gatherings, and suspensions of press outlets raise concern and also
makes our public diplomacy work in Togo challenging. If confirmed, I
would, along with the rest of my Embassy team, engage the Government of
Togo to end restrictions on media outlets and reporters and to remind
them that freedom of the press is key to maintaining a healthy
democracy. If confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with
independent and local press outlets in Togo as visible sign of support
for freedom of the press and of expression. COVID-19 restrictions have
made it more difficult to reach out to the Togolese public. If
confirmed, I fully intend to in-person engagement with the Togolese
public as health and safety indicators allow.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. The Embassy's Public Affairs Office does a good job
balancing these occasionally differing objectives. The Mission's
strategic planning working group meets monthly to discuss important
policy objectives and to decide how to best deliver messaging to the
public. As a Mission, we focus most of our messaging on our priority
policy goals and objectives including on democracy and governance,
peace and security, trade and economic growth, and development.
However, we also deliver messaging on Washington's policy priorities.
Most public messaging is delivered via our social media platforms, but
also via traditional media including radio, television, and newspaper
interviews, which is dominated by state media. If confirmed, I will
also use my past experience at the Bureau of African Affairs Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs to achieve
the correct balance in our public diplomacy messaging.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Togo personnel?
Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission
Togo personnel as it relates to AHI and any other matters that would
have an impact on the health and safety of Mission Togo personnel and
their families.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively.
In what ways should the United States partner with European
countries to build on likeminded interests in Togo and counter
the malign influence of China?
Answer. The United States and our European partners share an
interest in supporting Togo's efforts for financial transparency,
respect for human rights, respect for freedom of expression, and
efforts to counter corruption. We are concerned about the PRC's
influence on these areas in Togo. Working with like-minded partners,
like the EU, is critical to advancing U.S. foreign policy goals in
Togo. If confirmed, I will work closely with the EU mission in Lome as
well as with diplomats from our European and other like-minded partners
to ensure that Togo's democratic institutions can counter malign
influence in the country.
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Togo remained
at Tier 2 due to lack to a lack of convictions of traffickers and
identifying fewer victims. How will you work with host government to
address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Government of Togo, with support of the U.S. Embassy,
has taken steps to increase its anti-trafficking efforts. Past State
Department-funded workshops trained magistrates, police officers, and
customs officials on the trafficking provisions of the 2015 penal code.
In addition, U.S. funding supported a local NGO to train social workers
and journalists and conduct an awareness raising campaign. Following
this, the Government of Togo established a formal partnership with Plan
International in support of a regional program targeting TIP and
illegal immigration.
If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government of Togo to
increase its efforts to combat TIP, including finalizing and adopting
the pending decree to create a Trafficking in Persons Inter-ministerial
Committee, increasing accessibility to shelters for victims, and
drafting and resourcing a national action plan that incorporates adult
victims and increases coordination with NGOs, neighboring countries,
and regional organizations.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report, Togo
was identified as tolerant of religious freedom. What is your
assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
with the Ambassador At Large to continue to bolster religious freedom
in-country?
Answer. The Togolese constitution specifies the state is secular
and enshrines the right of all individuals to exercise their religious
beliefs, consistent with the nation's laws. Relations among members of
religions in Togo are generally amicable. Occasional disputes among
members of religious groups were related to noise caused by religious
celebrations, or competition for parishioners among churches. Members
of different faiths regularly invite one another to their respective
ceremonies. Intermarriage between persons of different religions is
common.
If confirmed, I commit to work with the Ambassador at Large for
International Religious Freedom and Congress to strengthen Togo's
efforts to foster an environment that respects religious freedom and
plurality. I would continue the U.S. Embassy's programs to reach out to
all religious groups in Togo in conjunction with the office of the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. If confirmed,
I would also support peace and tolerance courses and programming that
counters violent extremism alongside key Muslim leaders.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Togo was identified as
having significant human rights issues, including unlawful or arbitrary
killings by security forces, political prisoners, restrictions on free
speech and on the internet, violence against women, and more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about allegations of
human rights violations and abuses, violence against civilians,
arbitrary arrests and killing by security forces, political prisoners,
and undue restrictions on freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly
in Togo. We have called on the Government of Togo to respect the human
rights of individuals in Togo, notably freedoms of expression and
peaceful assembly, both publicly and privately, and to ensure that all
those arrested are afforded fair trial guarantees. If confirmed, I will
continue to speak out for democratic pluralism and respect for human
rights.
If confirmed, I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the
Government to increase the transparency of the electoral process, lift
undue restrictions on the press and journalists, and allow for freedom
of peaceful assembly. I would also continue to encourage the Government
to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between the
Government and its people.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with and listen to all civil
society and political actors in Togo who support strengthening Togo's
democracy. I would build on Embassy efforts to urge the Government to
lift punitive restrictions on civil society organizations and allow for
freedom of peaceful assembly and speech by Togolese who hold views in
opposition to the ruling party. I would also continue to encourage the
Government to take seriously issues of impunity to build trust between
the Government and its people and a concrete way the Government can
build that trust is to allow NGOs and civil society true freedom of
peaceful assembly and association. As health and safety allows, my team
and I will meet in-person with civil society leaders throughout Togo to
hear and support their voices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. David R. Gilmour by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the main challenges faced by U.S. firms
operating in Equatorial Guinea and how would you seek to promote
opportunities for U.S. firms if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will represent the interests of U.S.
companies with the Government, including with the Ministry of Mines and
Hydrocarbons, the Ministry of Commerce, and the Ministry of Finance,
the Economy and Planning. I will also ensure that Embassy Malabo
continues to maintain strong relationships with local offices of U.S.
companies and prioritize the protection of U.S. investments and
interests. Natural resource-driven economies like that of Equatorial
Guinea face liquidity problems when the price of the export commodity
falls dramatically; such developments also directly affect the
efficiency and profitability of U.S. firms in the hydrocarbon sector.
Non-oil and gas companies in Equatorial Guinea have also faced a
variety of obstacles in conducting business, which is reflected in
Equatorial Guinea's low ranking on the World Bank's Ease of Doing
Business Index. If confirmed, I will emphasize to Equatoguinean
officials how damaging these obstacles, including non-payment of debts
to U.S. investors, as well as apparent political influence or
favoritism in commercial dealings, are to Equatorial Guinea's ability
to attract and maintain foreign investment.
Question. What impact has corruption had on economic development,
and what steps will you take if confirmed to address the issue of
corruption?
Answer. It is telling that the World Bank classifies Equatorial
Guinea as an upper middle-income country, yet 75 percent of the
population lives in poverty. The oil and gas boom that began in the
early 1990s did allow the Government to undertake some important
infrastructure projects such as a high-quality road network, yet the
country has not built a new public school throughout President Obiang's
42 years in office. If confirmed, I will utilize a measured and
strategic approach by urging the Government of the Republic of
Equatorial Guinea to adopt good governance practices, including
increased transparency and accountability, more effectively implement
its international anticorruption obligations and commitments, and
invest more in its people, particularly in education and health.
Equatorial Guinea recently passed a new anti-corruption law, and if
confirmed, I will work to build on that and obtain real commitments
from the Government to counter the corruption that threatens the
Equatoguinean people's security, economic opportunity, and development.
I will also continue to work with interagency partners to consider all
available tools that promote accountability and combat corruption.
Question. China is a player in Equatorial Guinea and involved in
construction, business, and maritime activities. How would you assess
the level of Chinese influence and how should the U.S. work to counter
it?
Answer. I understand that Equatorial Guinea's political and
economic situation has created opportunities for exploitation by the
PRC and other countries. If confirmed, I will build on ongoing
collaboration among all relevant U.S. Government entities to ensure our
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Moreover, while U.S. oil and
gas companies have been the cornerstone of Equatorial Guinea's economic
development for the past three decades, hydrocarbons are a limited
resource and Equatorial Guinea needs to diversify its economy to
promote further growth. Unfortunately, potential foreign investors from
other sectors are rightly wary about the current investment climate,
including contract sanctity and a politicized judicial system. The
Government of Equatorial Guinea will need to address such issues if it
wants to encourage increased foreign investment from reliable,
transparent partners.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As Ambassador in Togo, I used a combination of personal
diplomacy and a forceful critical statement from Washington to persuade
the Government to cease the use of vigilantes who harassed and beat
opposition demonstrators during a period of high political tension in
2017. I persuaded the Government to restore internet service that was
shut down following mass demonstrations. I urged senior officials to
compromise with the opposition on setting ground rules for
demonstrations that restored freedom of assembly. In Chad, I joined
with other likeminded chiefs of mission to convince the transitional
government to allow peaceful public demonstrations, something which had
not been permitted for many years. Throughout my career, I have worked
with and supported journalists in countries with limited freedom of
expression. As a public diplomacy officer, I administered training and
exchange programs for human rights defenders and civil society
activists.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in the Equatorial Guinea? These challenges
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report on
Equatorial Guinea notes many significant issues of concern, including
reports of excessive use of force by security forces; disregard for the
rule of law; undue restrictions on freedom of expression including for
members of the press; restrictions on peaceful assembly; and widespread
official corruption--all of which negatively affect democracy and
democratic development. While Equatorial Guinea is officially a
multiparty democracy with a constitution that guarantees certain rights
to its citizens, opposition parties have significantly fewer resources
and less capacity than the president's political party, and the same
person has been in power for 42 years. Opposition parties have not
achieved political goals, and therefore have no track record with the
public. There is no independent electoral commission and thus no
accountability process before, during or after elections. Press freedom
is slowly emerging, but journalists are censored or self-censor, and
journalistic capacity is low. If confirmed, I will raise these
important concerns with the Government of the Republic of Equatorial
Guinea, in addition to fostering and expanding the Embassy's own
engagement with civil society, the political opposition, and media
representatives.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in the Equatorial Guinea? What do you hope to accomplish
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing
the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Human rights and democratic governance are central
priorities for our engagements with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I
will raise human rights concerns with the Government of Equatorial
Guinea, especially emphasizing how those concerns intersect our other
areas of cooperation, such as fiscal transparency, economic
diversification, anticorruption, trafficking in persons, and maritime
security. I will also continue to use cultural exchanges, journalist
trainings, democracy and good governance grants, and capacity building
resources to expand and strengthen the Embassy's network of local
partners and voices, who are critical in advocating for and
implementing meaningful change in a society. We need to recognize,
however, that the changes we and so many Equatoguineans seek will not
happen overnight. While I would hope that the timeline for such changes
will not be truly ``generational,'' it may be wise to adopt an
incrementalistic approach that embodies the philosophy of ``First, Do
No Harm,'' lest we endanger the very people we seek to assist. If
confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to discuss our approach with
you and your colleagues in greater depth.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. From FY 2018 to FY 2020, the United States has provided
multiple grants totaling $725,000 through Africa Regional Democracy
Fund to strengthen civil society capacity and advocate for democracy
and transparency in governance. The United States has also been able to
increase cultural and educational cooperation due to Equatorial
Guinea's upgrade from Tier 3 in the TIP Report, including exchange
programs such as the Fulbright Program. USAID has minimal programming
in Equatorial Guinea and provided $150,000 in humanitarian assistance
in response to the March 2021 Bata explosions. USAID will also disburse
a COVID-19 rapid deployment award with WHO and UNICEF as implementing
partners. If confirmed, I will continue to support all this important
work.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in the Equatorial Guinea? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society
via legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with members of civil
society, human rights, and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States and local human rights NGOs, and civil society in the
Equatorial Guinea. I will be clear in messaging that if the Government
of Equatorial Guinea demonstrates interest and takes concrete steps to
improve democratic governance and respect for human rights--including
transparent and inclusive regulations to allow civil society
organizations to register and operate--we could potentially discuss
other ways to improve the bilateral relationship.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties. I will also advocate
for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and youth within
political parties. Political parties are only one part of the equation,
however. The Government of Equatorial Guinea must continue to address
important issues like corruption, transparency, the lack of a robust
civil society, the lack of access to justice for all, and the lack of
respect for human rights. Without concerted attention to improving
these systemic challenges, democratic development will still fall
short. Continued engagement on democracy and human rights issues will
help strengthen democratic institutions and encourage inclusion of all
elements of society in decision-making.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with the
Equatorial Guinea on freedom of the press and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in the Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to building on and expanding
Embassy Malabo's strong relationships with journalists and members of
civil society to increase their professional capacity in order to build
public trust, dispel myths and disinformation, and work to hold the
Government accountable.
Question. Will you and your Embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging with civil
society members and government counterparts on countering
disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
state actors in the country. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy
Malabo's efforts to build journalists' capabilities, professionalism,
and public trust as an important part of countering disinformation.
Question. Will you and your Embassy teams actively engage with the
Equatorial Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including
for independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with
the Equatoguinean Government--specifically the Ministry of Labor,
Employment, and Social Protection--on the right of labor groups to
organize and call out incidents when the Government or other actors
restricts that right.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Equatorial
Guinea, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. I commit to using my position, if confirmed, to defend
the human rights and dignity of all people in Equatorial Guinea, no
matter their gender identity, expression or sexual orientation. As I
did during my service in Togo as Ambassador, I will work with
colleagues across the U.S. interagency to promote and protect the human
rights of LGBTQI+ persons in Equatorial Guinea, working in close
partnership with local civil society. Understanding that, as in all
operating environments, the U.S. Embassy should do no harm. I will
support civil society voices in Equatorial Guinea to strengthen their
ability to advocate for the human rights of all persons. I will use all
the tools at my disposal, including Embassy Malabo's convening power to
bring together key actors from the Government, civil society, private
sector and international community to discuss issues affecting LGBTQI+
persons.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. No laws exist in Equatorial Guinea expressly criminalizing
same-sex sexual conduct, but neither do they prohibit discrimination,
and members of the Equatoguinean LGBTQI+ community are challenged by
societal stigmatization and discrimination. Some LGBTQI+ individuals
were removed from government jobs or academic positions because of
their actual or perceived sexual orientation. The Equatoguinean
Government has made no effort to combat this or investigate abuses. The
Government has stated such sexual orientations and gender identities
are inconsistent with cultural beliefs.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in the Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and democracy is a
priority for our mission in Equatorial Guinea. As part of that effort,
Embassy Malabo has developed a positive and productive relationship
with local LGBTQI+ organization Somos Parte del Mundo, and has funded
this group and others to help foster a more inclusive environment for
LGBTQI+ citizens of Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will ensure our
Embassy continues promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBTQI+
persons in partnership with civil society working against
discrimination and stigmatization.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to the Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. Yes. I commit fully to briefing Congress consistently and
openly during my tenure as Ambassador to Equatorial Guinea, if I am
confirmed.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes, these incidents and any threats to the health and
safety of U.S. personnel must be taken seriously.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. Yes. As Secretary Blinken has said, his number one
responsibility as Secretary of State is to protect the men and women
representing our country around the world. If confirmed, I commit to
ensuring any reported incident is treated seriously and reported
through appropriate channels in a timely manner and that any affected
individual promptly receives medical care.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will regularly meet with medical and
RSO staff to ensure I understand the full scope of threats against U.S.
personnel and that all safety protocols are being carefully followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. David R. Gilmour by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Despite the many challenges faced in U.S. relations with
Equatorial Guinea, it is also an important destination for U.S.
investment, particularly in the oil and gas sector. How will you
support American investors as U.S. Ambassador to Equatorial Guinea, if
confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will represent the interests of U.S.
companies with the Government, including with the Ministry of Mines and
Hydrocarbons, the Ministry of Commerce, and the Ministry of Finance,
the Economy and Planning. I will also ensure that Embassy Malabo
continues to maintain strong relationships with local offices of U.S.
companies and prioritize the improvement of the investment climate for
U.S. companies invested in Equatorial Guinea.
Question. Equatorial Guinea has harbored former Gambian President
Yahya Jammeh since his ouster at the ballot box in 2016. How will you
engage with Equatorial Guinea on issues of accountability for President
Jammeh?
Answer. Yahya Jammeh and his wife live in Equatorial Guinea at the
invitation of the Equatoguinean Government. The Gambian Government has
not requested Jammeh's extradition to date. Equatorial Guinea and The
Gambia should resolve this issue bilaterally. If confirmed, I will
encourage the Equatoguinean Government to continue to discuss this
issue with their Gambian counterparts.
Question. What is your view on political dynasties and long-serving
rulers who, like in the case of Equatorial Guinea, manipulate
constitutional and electoral processes to give the facade of democratic
legitimacy? If confirmed, how will you address this issue as U.S.
Ambassador, particularly in light of broader regional trends?
Answer. The promotion of human rights, democracy, and good
governance is a key U.S. objective in Equatorial Guinea and, if
confirmed, I will ensure that my team and I remain focused on these
issues. As Ambassador to Togo and more recently as Charge d'Affaires in
Chad, I am familiar with countries in which sons succeeded their
fathers as either the actual or de facto head of state, and while we do
not currently face that situation in Equatorial Guinea, it is true that
the president's son is serving as vice president and that he is widely
rumored to be his father's most likely successor. It is more important,
I believe, to focus not on the ``who'' becomes Equatorial Guinea's next
leader but on the ``how.'' Equatorial Guinea is scheduled to hold
legislative elections in 2022 and presidential elections in 2023. If
confirmed, I will lead Embassy Malabo's engagement with like-minded
diplomatic missions and the full range of Equatoguinean officials and
citizens to promote free, fair, and transparent electoral processes.
Question. How can the United States best use the tools it has to
hold Equatorial Guinea officials accountable for corrupt behavior? If
confirmed, what would be your approach in using those tools?
Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize a measured and strategic
approach by urging the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea
to adopt democratic governance practices, including increased
transparency and accountability, more effectively implement its
international anticorruption obligations and commitments, and invest
more in its people, particularly in education and health. Equatorial
Guinea recently passed a new anti-corruption law, and if confirmed, I
will work to build on that and obtain real commitments from the
Government to counter the corruption that threatens the Equatoguinean
people's security, economic opportunity, and development. If confirmed,
I will continue to work with interagency partners to consider all
available tools to promote accountability and combat impunity in
Equatorial Guinea.
Question. How can the United States best engage Equatorial Guinea
to curb the corrupt behavior of those companies and government
officials of malign foreign actors like China that feed on corrupt
governments and business environments?
Answer. I understand that Equatorial Guinea's political and
economic situation has created opportunities for Beijing and other
competitors to exploit. If confirmed, I will build on ongoing
collaboration among all relevant U.S. Government entities to ensure our
efforts remain aligned and complementary. Moreover, while U.S. oil and
gas companies have been the cornerstone of Equatorial Guinea's economic
development for the past three decades, hydrocarbons are a limited
resource and Equatorial Guinea needs to diversify its economy to
promote further growth. Unfortunately, potential foreign investors from
other sectors are rightly wary about the current investment climate,
including contract sanctity and a politicized judicial system, and thus
the Government of Equatorial Guinea will need to address such issues if
it wants to encourage increased foreign investment from reliable,
transparent partners.
Question. Should the United States build on its existing defense
and security cooperation with Equatorial Guinea? Where are the
opportunities and the risks?
Answer. The United States is committed to support Equatorial Guinea
in facing security challenges in the maritime domain. After nearly a
decade of inactivity, the United States has taken a deliberate,
cautious approach to our military reengagement, focusing on confidence
building activities to assess host nation buy-in and absorptive
capacity. Our long-term partnerships within the region are vital for
addressing immediate threats from piracy and building capacity to
ensure long-term security and stability in the region. Maritime
security in the Gulf of Guinea region is an important U.S. interest. We
recognize the threat posed by piracy to maritime security in the region
and to the significant U.S. oil sector investments there. The United
States works actively with Gulf of Guinea countries to increase their
capacity to address a range of maritime security threats and to improve
maritime security cooperation among the states of the region.
Question. What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission
Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. According to what I have been told, morale overall is quite
good despite some real challenges. The mission is small and tightly-
knit, an attribute that is fostered by the fact that most U.S.
personnel including the Chief of Mission and DCM reside on the same
compound. Local staff have also showed great resilience and dedication
to duty despite COVID-19's heavy toll on Embassy Malabo, with many
members of our community having lost loved ones. Infrastructural
challenges like telecommunications, healthcare, and food availability
are very real, for both U.S. and local personnel. The Embassy has
adapted to this new environment, with staff building stronger ties with
each other as they rely on one another more than they did prior to the
pandemic. Isolation and travel times to/from the United States also
have the potential to affect our staff's well-being. Our mission in
Malabo continues to prioritize Embassy morale through tools such as
regular town halls, which provide a platform for staff to connect with
leadership and for speakers to discuss resilience and coping
mechanisms. As the COVID-19 situation evolves, we would also hope to
return to the past practice of sponsoring well-attended athletic,
cultural, and social events for community members and their families.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale at Mission Equatorial
Guinea?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the Embassy
community will be of primary importance. I will seek to support
American employees and their families to create an inclusive and
welcoming culture where individuals are safe and can achieve
professional and personal goals. The welfare of our local Equatoguinean
and third-country staff members is also of great importance to me, and
I commit to meeting regularly with the local staff committee in a
spirit of open and constructive dialogue.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
at Mission Equatorial Guinea?
Answer. Having led small missions in the past, I am cognizant of
the particular challenges such missions face regarding resources and
workload. If confirmed, I will lead regular discussions with all
agencies, including those whose representatives covering Equatorial
Guinea are resident in neighboring countries, to establish and review
goals and develop strategies and tactics to achieve common objectives.
If confirmed, I will engage all employees and stakeholders to conceive
and articulate clearly what we will do, and how we will do it despite
our size and resource limitations. As appropriate and necessary, I will
work with the Department to identify resource gaps and seek ways to
address those when possible. If confirmed, I will also create a culture
of inclusion in which all employees' contributions are valued.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I aspire to create a leadership culture in which all are
encouraged to contribute, create, and grow. If confirmed, I would like
to create the ideal workplace in which people achieve shared objectives
while respecting and valuing everyone's contributions. This requires
from leadership and employees a recognition of individuals' strengths
and areas of development, and a respect for shared values, inclusion,
and our institutions.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe there is an acceptable place for
`berating' subordinates, either in public or in private.
Question. What lessons have you learned from your tenure leading
Embassy N'Djamena?
Answer. My tenure in N'Djamena as Charge d'Affaires, a.i.,
reinforced lessons I had learned serving in other isolated hardship
posts, notably that the Chief of Mission must pay close and continuing
attention to the morale and welfare of the Embassy staff. N'Djamena is
a challenging and historically difficult post to staff. Staff members
face security threats, physical and mental health hazards, isolation,
and loneliness. The chief of mission must ensure that employees and
families have safe and acceptable housing, and that Embassy services
for employees are efficiently delivered to maintain quality of life. In
a high-threat environment such as N'Djamena, the chief of mission must
devote extra attention to assuring the physical safety of employees and
family members. Equally important for the chief of mission is to
clearly communicate the nature of the Embassy's mission and strategic
direction so that employees and family members understand how their
work and presence in such an isolated and difficult place serves the
national security interests of the United States.
Question. How will your management style and approach differ from
Embassy Malabo?
Answer. If confirmed, I anticipate applying the same management and
leadership practices I used as Chief of Mission in Togo and Chad, to
ensure a happy, healthy and highly productive Embassy staff.
Question. How do you envision your leadership relationship with the
deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to collaborate closely with the
deputy chief of mission to conceive goals, then implement and oversee
tactics and activities to achieve those goals. If confirmed, I will
work with the deputy chief of mission to articulate and maintain high
ethical standards and create a culture of inclusion and respect. I
believe deputy chiefs of mission are most effective, productive, and
valued when they are permitted to work with independence, while
understanding that the chief of mission is ultimately responsible in
all ways for the work of the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ask the deputy chief of mission to
lead our mission-wide efforts to train, develop, and empower our small
but dedicated staff to serve effectively in a challenging environment
while promoting U.S. interests. I will also ask the deputy chief of
mission to lead recruitment efforts for our Foreign Service positions
and work with other agencies to ensure that their personnel covering
Equatorial Guinea are fully integrated into Embassy Malabo's policy
formulation and implementation. If confirmed, I will collaborate
closely with the deputy chief of mission on policy implementation,
engagement with the Government of Equatorial Guinea, and outreach to
key groups-particularly youth-through traditional and social media. The
deputy chief of mission at any mission must be able to stand in for the
Ambassador as needed and potentially on short notice; if confirmed, I
will ensure that my deputy chief of mission has the knowledge, skills,
and awareness to stand in for me with confidence.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide employees
with accurate, constructive feedback on their performances in order to
encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in their
roles?
Answer. Yes I do.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our
Embassy walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. The most effective U.S. diplomats are those who actively
engage broadly with people throughout all parts of society in the
country to which they are assigned. During normal times (i.e., outside
the context of COVID-19), our U.S. Mission community was actively
involved in external engagement with our Government, civil society, and
media partners and members of the international community throughout
the country. This has continued even during the pandemic although on a
more limited basis to ensure everyone's health, safety, and security,
which are paramount responsibilities of all posts' leadership. If
confirmed, I will ensure Embassy Malabo continues to engage externally
in a manner commensurate with the local context at any given time,
including by traveling to the continental portion of Equatorial Guinea
and the distant island of Annob"n to ensure we are getting the most
complete understanding we can of what is going on in the country beyond
the capital.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to better access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, and as health and safety conditions permit, I
will encourage U.S. diplomats to engage actively, broadly and in-person
with local populations. Until then, we will maintain active engagement
through virtual media. If confirmed, I intend to regularly visit people
throughout Equatorial Guinea and use those visits to facilitate
contacts for the rest of my team.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Equatorial Guinea? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats
face there?
Answer. The Equatoguinean public is generally receptive to U.S.
Government programs and messaging on our policy priorities, and access
to less expensive data plans has steadily increased the number of
social media users following Embassy accounts. However, the combination
of an underfunded education system, the low capacity of civil society
and media professionals, and the GREG's conflation of all civil society
actors as connected to the political opposition poses real challenges
to engagement. Our civil society and journalist interlocutors are
hungry for training and skill-building and have participated without
incident in bi-monthly trainings provided by the public affairs
section, with additional trainings on the horizon that have been
tailored to participants' demands and needs. COVID-19 limited the
Mission's ability to conduct in-person exchanges and outreach for much
of the pandemic, but since June 2021 we have been able to safely
conduct in-person trainings at the Embassy with virtual speakers to
mitigate participants' connectivity issues and create an esprit-de-
corps for those involved.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I understand the Embassy's strategic planning working group
meets regularly to discuss important policy objectives and to decide
how to best deliver messaging to the public. If confirmed, I will focus
most of our messaging on our priority policy goals and objectives
including democracy and governance, anticorruption, antitrafficking in
persons, regional security, and strengthening the economy. Most public
messaging is delivered via our influential social media platforms
including Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter, but also via traditional
media including radio, television, and newspaper interviews, which is
dominated by state media. Two emerging independent digital platforms
have entered the media space with the goal of providing news that
Equatoguinean citizens can trust; Embassy Malabo is working closely
with both of these outlets via training and support ahead of the
legislative elections in 2022 and presidential elections in 2023.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat
seriously?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Equatorial Guinea personnel?
Answer. Yes, I commit to transparent communication with Mission
Malabo personnel as it relates to AHI and any other matters that would
have an impact on the health and safety of Mission Malabo personnel and
their families.
Question. In November 2020, I published a Senate Foreign Relations
Committee majority report entitled ``The United States and Europe: A
Concrete Agenda for Transatlantic Cooperation on China.'' The report
gave several recommendations on increased transatlantic cooperation,
including in Africa, to counter Chinese malign influence more
effectively. In what ways should the United States partner with
European countries to build on likeminded interests in Equatorial
Guinea and counter the malign influence of China?
Answer. The United States and our European partners share an
interest in promoting financial transparency, respect for human rights,
respect for freedom of expression, and efforts to counter corruption in
Equatorial Guinea. We are concerned about the PRC's influence in
Equatorial Guinea, including in the areas listed in your question. If
confirmed, I would continue to work with European and other likeminded
nations and the Government of Equatorial Guinea to strengthen
Equatorial Guinea's resilience to external influence that exacerbates
domestic problems. If confirmed, I will work with our partners that
have influence with the Government to highlight the advantages to
Equatorial Guinea of cooperation with U.S., European, and likeminded
countries on areas of common strategic interest including in the
economic and security realms. This may at times include speaking up
against the PRC's malign actions and attempts to undermine the
international rules-based system and/or advocating for Equatoguinean
support of U.S. positions in the U.N. system.
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Equatorial
Guinea remained on Tier 2 Watch List due to an overall lack of
increasing efforts to eliminate trafficking, like never convicting a
trafficker under its 2004 law, government complicity, and a lack of
identifying victims. How will you work with host government to address
these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Embassy regularly engages the Equatoguinean Government
on this issue, including by focusing on the 2021 Trafficking in Persons
Report's prioritized recommendations to adopt a whole of government
approach, as well as measures to proactively identify and provide
assistance to trafficking victims. If confirmed, I will continue to
press for additional progress in the year ahead.
Question. Because Equatorial Guinea remained on the Trafficking in
Persons Report Tier 2 Watch List for a second year, they are at risk of
being automatically downgraded if they remain on the Watch List in
2022. Please explain what steps you believe the Government can take to
significantly improve efforts to combat human trafficking in country
during the remainder of this reporting period.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Equatoguinean Government
to address the recommendations included in the 2021 Trafficking in
Persons report. I will work to foster good relationships with the
Government to encourage progress in key areas, including drafting and
implementing an updated National Action Plan. I will also work with the
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to address how else
the United States can best help Equatorial Guinea to continue to
improve its anti-TIP efforts.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
Equatorial Guinea was identified as having societal respect for
religious freedom. What is your assessment of this particular issue and
if confirmed, how will you work with the Ambassador At Large to
continue to bolster religious freedom in-country?
Answer. Religious freedom is a U.S. foreign policy priority, and
the Department continues to closely monitor religious freedom in
Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I commit to working with civil society
and the Equatorial Guinea Government to ensure all citizens enjoy
freedom of religion and worship as stated in the Constitution. If
confirmed, I commit to also work with the Ambassador at Large for
International Religious Freedom and Congress to emphasize the
importance of religious freedom, addressing any religious freedom
concerns, and further strengthening tolerance and respect among and for
members of religious communities in Equatorial Guinea.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Equatorial Guinea was
identified as having committed and bearing witness to severe human
rights issues.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these
instances with the host government?
Answer. Human rights are a central priority for the U.S.
Government's engagements with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will
raise human rights concerns with the Government of Equatorial Guinea,
especially emphasizing how those concerns intersect our other areas of
cooperation, such as fiscal transparency, economic diversification,
anticorruption, trafficking in persons, and maritime security. I will
also continue to work with Embassy and Department programs such as
cultural exchanges, journalist trainings, democracy and good governance
grants, and capacity building resources to expand and strengthen the
Embassy's network of local partners and voices, who are critical in
advocating for and implementing meaningful change in a society.
Question. How will you direct your Embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. The promotion of human rights is of the highest priority in
our relations with Equatorial Guinea. If confirmed, I will continue to
strengthen and expand the relationships we have built in this space. I
will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen the capacity of
civil society organizations and amplify their voices, encourage the
Government to collaborate productively with these organizations for the
betterment of Equatorial Guinea, while respecting the local operating
context and adhering to the fundamental principle of ``First, Do No
Harm.'' In this vein, I will work to ensure that we coordinate our
efforts with other diplomatic missions.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., by
videoconference, Hon. Jeff Merkley presiding.
Present: Senators Merkley [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, Booker, Van Hollen, Johnson, Young, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senator Duckworth.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF MERKLEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON
Senator Merkley. Welcome, everyone. This is Senator Jeff
Merkley. I am checking to see if we have Senator Hagerty with
us, who I think is--yes, Senator.
Senator Hagerty. Jeff, I am here. Good morning.
Senator Merkley. Tremendous. And I think we are beginning
now so I will gavel this meeting to order.
Welcome, everyone. Warm welcome to my colleagues and our
five nominees. Thanks on behalf of the committee to our
nominees for taking the time to meet with us today.
Today, we will consider the nominations of five highly
qualified individuals for a diverse array of positions that
impact U.S. national interests and global economic growth and
development and the advancement of human rights, democracy, and
religious freedom.
First, we will consider Mr. Marc Stanley, the nominee to be
Ambassador to Argentine Republic. Mr. Stanley is an established
leader in the legal field and has served in leadership
positions in numerous local and national charitable and civic
organizations throughout his career.
Our second nominee is Mr. Rashad Hussain to be Ambassador-
at-Large for International Religious Freedom. Mr. Hussain
previously served as U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of
Islamic Cooperation, which included meeting regularly with
heads of state and numerous other roles in government, and
endorsed by dozens of Christian, Jewish, and Muslim leaders for
this position advancing religious freedom around the world.
I would like to enter into the record two letters, one from
Christian and Jewish leaders and one from the International
Religious Freedom Roundtable in support of Mr. Hussain's
nomination.
Is there any objection?
[No response.]
Senator Merkley. Hearing none, those are entered into the
record.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
Senator Merkley. We will also consider Ms. Chantale Wong to
be the U.S. Director of the Asian Development Bank, a position
that comes with the rank of Ambassador.
Ms. Wong has deep experience in government and development
finance and previously served as the acting U.S. executive
director of the Asian Development Bank.
In her ample free time, Ms. Wong--which I am sure is very
scarce--chronicled the annual congressional civil rights
pilgrimages in Alabama with the late Congressman John Lewis
during which I had the opportunity to meet her. Welcome.
Welcome to see you in a whole different role today.
For the position of U.S. Executive Director of the
International Bank for Reconstruction Development, we will
consider Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler. Dr. Kugler is a tenured
professor of public policy and economics at Georgetown
University. She has a distinguished list of honors and
publications and deep experience in economics, including having
[inaudible] economist at the U.S. Department of Labor.
And, finally, for the position of Assistant Secretary of
State for Economic and Business Affairs, we have Mr. Ramin
Toloui as nominee. Mr. Toloui is professor of the practice for
international finance at Stanford University. He has decades of
experience in finance and investment. He has served as the
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for international finance.
I will just remind everyone if you are not speaking please
mute your mic so we do not get the opportunity to hear your
side conversations. Thank you all.
Just over a month ago, the chairman of this committee,
Senator Bob Menendez, took to the Senate floor to highlight the
obstruction that has prevented the swift confirmation of nearly
100 nominations for the State Department and for USAID,
including numerous career Foreign Service officers.
These nominees constituted individuals who would be
responsible for critical national security roles. Thanks to the
work of members of this committee, we have made progress and
just last week referred out 33 nominees to the full Senate.
We are very appreciative of the momentum and movement that
the committee has taken in advancing nominees for all of our
critical national security positions.
But we still have 54 nominees pending on the Senate floor
and 22 nominees pending before Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, and future nominees to come.
I am sure many of my colleagues share my hope that this
spirit of comity in the committee will continue with future
slates of nominees.
With that, I will turn to Senator Hagerty for some opening
remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
thank all the nominees for appearing before our committee
today. I want to congratulate you and thank you for your
willingness to serve our great nation. I am looking forward to
hearing from each of you.
Today, we consider five nominees for important positions. I
would like to start with the nominee to be Assistant Secretary
of State for Economic and Business Affairs.
This position links America's diplomatic power and
America's economic might. It helps to advance American economic
opportunities for U.S. businesses overseas, helps to attract
foreign investment in the United States, and to employ economic
pressure against our adversaries.
In my prior role as ambassador to Japan, I worked very
closely with the previous incumbent on a variety of strategic
initiatives like our Blue Dot Network. At a time when economic
security and national security have become more intertwined
than ever, we need an assistant secretary who will lead
engagement in economic sectors of strategic significance to the
United States: shoring up critical supply chains, cooperating
with partners on advanced technologies, countering investments
by malign actors in strategic infrastructure, and pursuing an
all-of-the-above energy strategy.
I would like to turn to the nominee to be U.S. Executive
Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development. As the world's largest development bank, the IBRD
provides financial products and policy advice to help countries
reduce poverty and extend the benefits of growth throughout the
world.
At a time when our strategic adversaries are attempting to
rewrite international rules and norms, it will be critical for
the U.S. Executive Director of the IBRD to advance policies and
values that represent the free world.
I would like to turn now to the nominee to be the United
States director of the Asian Development Bank. This is a
critical moment for the ADB to play a leading role in ensuring
that economic, financial, and infrastructure needs of the Indo-
Pacific reflect the values and policies of the United States as
well as those of our allies and our partners in the region.
We must leverage the full scope of U.S. economic tools to
promote concrete foreign policy goals and expand collaboration
with key allies and partners.
Specifically, we must use these tools to counter the growth
of state-directed economic engagement by China, which
simultaneously distorts markets, pushes out American and allied
companies, and undermines U.S. national security.
Next, I would like to turn to the nomination to be
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. This
is a critical position, perhaps today more than ever, because
religious freedom is under attack across the globe, from
Christians in Iran and in the Middle East to Uighur Muslims in
China.
Today, the United States needs a strong ambassador who will
work tirelessly to sustain America's leadership in
international religious freedom.
And last, but certainly not least, I would like to focus on
the nomination to be U.S. Ambassador to Argentina.
Argentina is an important partner in terms of diplomacy,
trade and economics, counter narcotics, counterterrorism,
space, science, and technology.
I look forward to hearing from the nominee about how we can
strengthen the U.S. partnership with Argentina while also
countering China's malign influence in the country and
throughout Latin America.
With that, I would like to turn it back to Chairman
Merkley. Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator.
And so now we are going to proceed with the testimony and
we are going to do something a little unusual in that when
Senator Kaine arrives he is going to give an introduction after
the testimony has been presented by Mr. Marc Stanley and also
after testimony has been done by Mr. Rashad Hussain.
When we have completed those two testimonies we will go to
Ms. Chantale, and Senator Tammy Duckworth is here to introduce
her, and then Chris Van Hollen--Senator Chris Van Hollen of
Maryland will introduce Dr. Adriana Kugler.
Mr. Marc Stanley, I am not going to give an extended
introduction now. Senator Kaine will make remarks later to add
to the few points that I made earlier, and we are going to turn
directly to your testimony.
You have the floor.
STATEMENT OF MARC R. STANLEY OF TEXAS, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC
Mr. Stanley. Thank you.
Chairman Merkley and Ranking Member Hagerty, thank you for
the opportunity to appear before you as President Biden's
nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Argentine Republic.
I am deeply grateful that President Biden and Secretary
Blinken have asked me to serve, and I do want to thank Senator
Kaine in advance for his leadership, his friendship, and what I
hope will be a kind introduction. I look forward to working
with him as chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.
Serving in this role will truly be the honor of a lifetime
and another humbling chapter in a family story that is unique
to the American promise, a story that finds its roots in small
villages in Belarus, Ukraine, and Poland.
My father's family first made their way to Brooklyn, New
York, with little to their name. My mother's father fled
pogroms in the early 1900s and landed in London before my
mother eventually crossed the Atlantic at age 19 to reach
America's shores as well.
My parents met at a Jewish singles dance on Long Island,
and after marrying and having two sons they moved to Dallas,
built a business and planted the seeds of a fruitful life.
My younger brother and I were born in Dallas, first-
generation Texans. Although my father and two brothers have
passed, and I miss them dearly, I am grateful that my 92-year-
old mother, Renee, and my brother, David, are still with us in
Dallas.
And Texas is where I met my extraordinary wife of 38 years,
the love of my life, Wendy Hillebrand, and together we have
been blessed every day by three incredible kids, Daryl, Paul,
and Mikey, and their partners, Marshal, Nicky, and Jesse, and
now one perfect granddaughter, Jed August Sosland. I want to
thank my family and my friends for their love and for their
support.
Throughout my life, public service, the pursuit of justice,
the desire to give back and repair the world, what in Judaism
we call tikkun olam, have always been a central part of my
identity as a young intern and staffer on Capitol Hill, as a
lawyer, as a volunteer, as an activist in everything from the
fight to rescue Soviet Jewry to the cause of a safer state of
Israel, to leadership roles in national and local nonprofits,
and serving in state and federal government.
Now, if confirmed, I have the chance to continue forging
that path on behalf of our nation. And I do not see this
process simply one of ceremony. Argentina, Latin America's
second largest country, is a critical partner in our
hemisphere, and as the United States Ambassador, I intend to do
my part to advance matters of mutual interest rooted in our
mutual values.
And I know I will do so in a truly beautiful country, a
place where I would love meeting the people and exploring,
walking the streets of Buenos Aires, hiking in Bariloche and
getting drenched at Iguazu.
I know I will be strengthened by the outstanding staff at
our embassy, the distinguished members of the Foreign Service,
and local Argentine staff who perform the quiet but vital work
of diplomacy every day.
And I will come to this position with clear priorities in
mind. These priorities are described in my formal statement,
which was submitted to the committee, but limited to five
minutes I will highlight just a few goals and be happy to go
into more details in response to your questions.
First, COVID-19. Argentina has started to turn the corner
on COVID-19 infections and the United States has played a great
role. Ending the pandemic globally will benefit the United
States, Argentina, and the entire world, and, if confirmed, I
will continue to explore all avenues to assist Argentina in
this global fight.
The economy. Sadly, Argentina is experiencing significant
economic challenges, including its huge IMF debt and a
prolonged recession. If confirmed, I will work to support
Argentina's efforts to address those challenges.
Trade. Two-way trade has been shrinking, and some U.S.
companies are leaving the field due to regulatory barriers. If
confirmed, I will keep engaging the Argentine Government to
address these challenges as we explore opportunities to expand
U.S. trade and investment.
Human rights. Argentina has not yet joined the United
States and others in pressing hard enough for the protection of
human rights and meaningful reforms in countries like
Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.
And if confirmed, I plan to engage with Argentine
leadership at all levels to seek ways to achieve our mutual
goal of a hemisphere that honors our highest ideals.
Finally, as Ambassador, I will make it clear that America
is truly back, that our presence is a positive one, that we are
interested in deepening our people-to-people ties.
I am committed to traveling to all 23 provinces, to promote
our businesses and promote our culture, and to remind our
Argentine friends of everything that we have in common.
Thank you for your time.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Stanley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marc R. Stanley
Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank you
for the opportunity to appear before you as President Biden's nominee
to serve as the Ambassador to the Argentine Republic. I am deeply
grateful that President Biden and Secretary Blinken asked me to serve.
Serving in this role would truly be the honor of a lifetime--and
another humbling chapter in a family story that is truly unique to the
American promise.
That story finds its roots in small villages in Belarus and
Ukraine. My father's family first made their way to Brooklyn, New York,
with little to their name. My mother's father fled pogroms in the early
1900s and landed in London, before his daughter eventually crossed the
Atlantic at the age of 19 to reach America's shores as well.
My parents met at a Jewish singles dance on Long Island, and after
marrying and having two sons, moved to Dallas, built a business, and
planted the seeds of a fruitful life.
My younger brother and I were born in Dallas--first generation
Texans. Though we have lost our father and two brothers, whom I miss
deeply, I am grateful that my 92 year old mother, Renee, and my brother
David, are still with us in Dallas.
And Texas is where I met my extraordinary wife, the love of my
life, Wendy Hillebrand, and together, we have been blessed every day by
three incredible children--Daryl, Paul, and Mikey--and now, one
grandchild.
I want to thank my family and friends for their love and support.
Throughout my life, public service, the pursuit of justice, the
desire to give back and repair the world--what in Judaism we call
``tikkun olam''--have always been a central part of my identity: as a
young intern and staffer on Capitol Hill, as a lawyer, as a volunteer,
as an activist in everything from the fight to rescue Soviet Jewry to
the cause of a safer state of Israel to leadership roles in local and
national non-profits and in state and federal government.
Now, if confirmed, I have the chance to continue forging that path
on behalf of our nation. There is no possibility I find more thrilling
or more humbling.
Argentina, Latin America's second largest country, is a critical
partner in our hemisphere, and as the United States Ambassador, I
intend to do my part to advance matters of mutual interest, rooted in
our mutual values.
I know I will do so strengthened by the outstanding staff at our
embassy--the distinguished members of the foreign service and local
Argentine staff who perform the quiet but vital work of diplomacy every
day.
And I will come to this position with clear priorities in mind:
1. COVID-19
Argentina has started to turn the corner on efforts to defeat a
powerful second wave of COVID- 19 infections, and the United States has
already donated 3.5 million vaccine doses to Argentina and connected
the Argentines with our vaccine manufacturers for the purchase and
delivery of more life-saving shots.
Ending the pandemic globally will benefit the United States,
Argentina, and the entire world. If confirmed, I will continue to
explore all avenues to assist this global fight.
2. Economy
Argentina is Latin America's third-largest economy, but a long
history of economic instability has taken a toll on its productivity
and competitiveness. Argentina has been in recession since 2018, and
its government must construct a macroeconomic policy framework that
will put it on the road to financial sustainability.
If confirmed, I will work to support Argentina's efforts to address
its economic challenges.
3. Trade
Trade with Argentina is an essential pillar of our bilateral
relationship. We remain Argentina's largest foreign investor, but two-
way trade has been shrinking and some U.S. companies are leaving due to
regulatory barriers.
If confirmed, I will keep engaging the Argentine Government to
address these challenges as we explore opportunities to expand U.S.
trade and investment in industries like mining, cybersecurity, pharma,
and technology. I will continue the Embassy's work to advocate
vigorously for U.S. businesses.
4. Human Rights
Argentina and the United States enjoy a longstanding relationship
founded on our fidelity to democracy, prosperity, security, and the
protection of human rights across the Americas. But
Argentina has not yet joined the United States and others in
pressing for meaningful reforms in countries like Venezuela and Cuba.
If confirmed, I plan to engage with Argentine leadership at all
levels to seek ways to achieve our mutual goal of a hemisphere that
honors our highest ideals.
5. PRC
As the United States sees greater competition with the People's
Republic of China in Argentina and elsewhere, I will make it a priority
to hold everyone's feet to the fire, especially when products like
below-market 5G technology are entering the marketplace and enabling
China to access all data and information among Argentina's people.
If confirmed, I will work with Argentine partners to uphold the
rule of law and live up to the highest environmental, social, privacy,
and labor standards worldwide.
6. Public Diplomacy/Closing
Finally, as Ambassador, I will make it clear that America is truly
back. That our presence is a positive one. That we are interested in
deepening our people-to-people ties. I am committed to traveling to all
23 provinces to promote our businesses and culture, and to remind our
Argentine friends of everything we have in common.
If you support my confirmation and offer me this chance to serve, I
promise to cooperate with you to demonstrate the power of American
values and to advance our nation's interests. It would be a true
blessing and privilege and source of pride to craft this next chapter.
Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Stanley. And we
are going to adjust plans on the fly here as a courtesy to our
fellow senators' schedules and so we are going to have Senator
Tammy Duckworth introduce Ms. Chantale Wong and then have
Senator Chris Van Hollen introduce Dr. Adriana Kugler.
And then, I think, if Senator Kaine has arrived we will
have him do his two introductions before we continue with the
testimony.
Let me turn it over to you, Senator Duckworth.
STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY DUCKWORTH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS
Senator Duckworth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is such an
honor to get to be here today, and thank you to Ms. Wong for
giving me the honor of introducing you.
As a small child, she was only six years old when she
separated from her parents in the Great Leap Forward. Chantale
Wong knows what it is like to be hungry and homeless, and she
has, tragically, experienced realities of grinding poverty.
As I think you will see for yourselves today, on a very
human level Ms. Wong possesses a unique compassion for and
insight into the plights of hundreds of millions of people who
need the kind of help that only large institutions with our
partnership and support can provide.
You have here today a deeply good and warm-hearted person
who lived in China, Hong Kong, Okinawa, and Guam until she was
21. She is also one of the best qualified nominees ever to sit
before this committee as a presidential nominee to be our
country's Executive Director of the Asian Development Bank.
It is my deep pleasure to introduce her to you. I can
honestly say that I have known about Chantale before she knew
about me. She is truly an icon in the Asian-American community
and I have always been grateful for her groundbreaking
leadership and vision.
It is because of pioneers like Chantale that many of us had
such spectacular opportunities in public service. We first met
in person at an alumni event at the University of Hawaii where
we both earned our undergraduate degrees.
Chantale worked in various agencies over her 28-year public
sector career, a career that I could only aspire to when I was
a student at the University of Hawaii. Her positions have
included being at NASA, EPA, Interior, and the Office of
Management and Budget.
During the financial crisis of 2008 to 2009, she, at
Treasury, helped to develop the framework for the financial
instruments for the Troubled Asset Relief Program. She
personally led the successful transformation of the federal
budgeting process and even created a software tool that was
used at over a dozen agencies. For that work, Chantale received
the 2008 Presidential Award for Management Excellence during
the George W. Bush administration.
Chantale is the Founding Chair of the Conference on Asian
and Pacific American Leadership, now in its 32nd year. CAPAL is
dedicated to attracting young professionals to careers in
public service and has provided opportunities for over 600
young AANHPIs.
She is also a member of the Advisory Board of Veterans for
Global Leadership, which creates leadership opportunities for
veterans going into careers of diplomacy, security, and
development.
Chantale joined the staff of the Asian Development Bank in
Manila in 1999 as an environmental specialist to ensure that
the bank's assessments complied with their environmental and
social policies.
She also led development and publication of ADB's first
Asian Environmental Outlook in 2001. She was subsequently
appointed by President Bill Clinton to the board of directors
at the ADB where she represented the United States as the
ultimate executive director and provided oversight of the
bank's entire operations.
Consequently, she has intimate familiarity with the bank's
mission, culture, and impact. Chantale speaks fluent Mandarin,
Shanghainese, and Cantonese and some Japanese, so maybe she can
speak with you, the ranking member, Senator Hagerty.
Her ethnic heritage, decades of public service,
technological leadership, and executive level program
management experience are exquisite preparation for this
challenge of a lifetime.
Her years of experience and expertise in international
development finance, the environment, and technology makes her
incalculably qualified for this role.
She is a parent, a Catholic, a fellow Asian American and
artist. She was John Lewis'--as has already been mentioned, she
was John Lewis' personal photographer during his annual civil
rights pilgrimages to Alabama--as you said, Mr. Chairman, that
is where he first met her--and a member of the LGBTQ community.
She is also a public servant, and I fully support Chantale
Wong's nomination.
Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you so much, Senator Duckworth, for
that introduction.
We are hoping, Ms. Chantale Wong, that when you testify you
will testify in English.
[Laughter.]
Senator Merkley. Quite a range of languages that you have
mastered.
And now Senator Chris Van Hollen will introduce Dr. Adriana
Kugler.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Chairman Merkley and Ranking
Member Hagerty, and to my colleagues on the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
I am very honored to introduce to you President Biden's
nominee to be the next United States Executive Director of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Dr.
Adriana Debora Kugler.
Over the course of her distinguished career, Dr. Kugler has
dedicated herself to making the American dream more real for
more people, a mission inspired by her own story as the
daughter of two Colombian immigrants.
She brings the experience, the integrity, and judgment and
character required in the United States chief representative on
the board of the World Bank Group.
After earning her BA in economics and political science
from McGill University and her Ph.D. from the University of
California at Berkeley, Dr. Kugler quickly ascended to the
heights of economics research and scholarship, earning posts at
top-tier institutions and the World Bank, among other
affiliations.
Her vast body of research has confronted challenges of
labor market inequities, unemployment issues, trade,
immigration, health care, and more, and she has held the title
of full professor at the McCourt School of Public Policy at
Georgetown University since 2010.
But beyond her many titles, Dr. Kugler has paired her
academic credentials with hands-on experience in public policy
arena to help change people's lives.
From 2011 to 2013, she made history as the first Latina to
hold the post of chief economist of the United States
Department of Labor, and in that role she worked across 15
departments and agencies to tackle issues of unemployment,
workforce investment, Social Security, and more.
I have had the privilege of working with Dr. Kugler when
she was serving at the Department of Labor and I was serving in
the House of Representatives, and I can testify both to her
public policy expertise as well and, importantly, as their
willingness to consult with and work with Congress as a full
government partner.
On a personal note, I am very glad that Dr. Kugler is not
only a resident of my great state of Maryland, where she now
lives with her husband and two children, but is also a graduate
of Maryland public schools and was a Capitol Hill intern to
Senator Mikulski.
Her longstanding dedication to fighting for working people,
supporting business growth, and breaking cycles of poverty
makes our state proud to call her one of our own, and she is an
exceptional candidate to represent the United States at the
World Bank, where she will work with our international and
other partners to unlock economic opportunity in developing
countries so we can drive growth not only abroad but here at
home for workers and businesses.
To my fellow members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, for these reasons and many more I urge you to
support the President's nomination as the next United States
Executive Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development, Dr. Adriana Kugler.
I urge everybody to support her for this position. Thank
you.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen.
Senator Kaine is still not with us, according to his staff.
We will still hold the other introductions and now we will
be turning to the testimony of Mr. Rashad Hussain of Virginia
to be Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.
STATEMENT OF RASHAD HUSSAIN OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR-AT-LARGE FOR INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, and good morning, Chairman
Merkley, Ranking Member Hagerty, and members of the committee,
and I want to thank Senator Kaine for his introduction.
It is an honor to appear before you as the President's
nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom. I am grateful to the President and to Secretary
Blinken for placing the trust in me to pursue this work on
behalf of the American people.
I would also like to thank my family, my parents, my
sister, Lubna, my brother, Saad, my wife, Isra, and our
children--Sulaiman, Safiyyah, Sumayyah, and our youngest,
Safurah, who turns 26 days old today. I am blessed to have your
endless advice, support, and patience.
Religious freedom is enshrined in our First Amendment and
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a core American
value and a human right, and I am humbled to be charged with
the sacred calling to protect the freedom of religion for
people all over the world.
My family came to the United States from India, where my
father was raised in a village with no electricity. I was born
in Wyoming where my father worked in the mining industry, and I
grew up in Texas.
My mother was a physician, always encouraged me to use my
life to serve others. I have spent nearly 15 years as a public
servant, working in all three branches of government under
Democratic and Republican administrations, upholding our
Constitution, including as an attorney and as a diplomat.
Collaborating with civil society from across the political
spectrum to protect international religious freedom and
alleviate human suffering has been some of the most meaningful
and rewarding work of my life.
During my time at the State Department, I worked in close
partnership with civil society leaders on the Marrakesh
Declaration, a landmark initiative on the protection of
Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-majority
countries.
As a part of our opposition to blasphemy laws and the
criminalization of free speech, I led a process to end the
annual passage of the U.N. resolution that harmed religious
minorities around the world, and along with our Special Envoy
to monitor and combat anti-Semitism I traveled twice to the
Holocaust sites with imams from the United States and many
other countries to address anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.
My work protecting human rights has taken me around the
globe where I have met with civil society leaders, heads of
state, and other senior government officials in countries such
as Central African Republic, Egypt, Pakistan, India, Turkey,
Indonesia, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Nigeria, and
China, which continues its oppression of religious communities,
including the ongoing genocide of the Uighurs.
And I saw firsthand the trauma of the Rohingya living in
refugee camps in Cox's Bazar and heard stories of the
horrendous acts of violence and mass atrocities they endured.
Respected members of this committee, I was on Capitol Hill
on September 11th, 2001, as a staff member of the House
Judiciary Committee. Since that day, I have been determined to
do everything I can to protect our country and our national
security interests.
While at the Justice Department and Department of State, I
worked on the prosecution of terrorism, national security
cases, and other counterterrorism efforts, including countering
terrorist propaganda often used to target religious minorities.
As a Muslim American, I have seen the impact of bigotry and
guilt by association tactics used against minority communities,
including the message it sends and the danger it poses to young
people.
Congress has stood at the forefront of the work of
protecting religious freedom since the International Religious
Freedom Act of 1998 was passed on an overwhelming bipartisan
basis. I am honored by the support of civil society and faith
organizations from all across the political and religious
spectrum and I look forward to our continued partnership.
In an era of vigorous partisan debates, Americans continue
to be, largely, of one mind regarding the importance of
defending international religious freedom.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the members of this
committee and your staffs to extend this right to all. I will
also leverage my existing relationships with Muslim-majority
countries to protect the rights of religious minorities there.
I will redouble efforts to broaden the coalition to hold
China accountable for its horrific crimes against the Uighurs
and its repression of other ethnic and religious minorities.
I will look to build on the impressive work of Ambassador
Sam Brownback, who expanded partnerships through the
International Religious Freedom Ministerial and the
International Religious Freedom Alliance, and the
groundbreaking efforts of Ambassador David Saperstein, who
institutionalized relationships with USCIRF and civil society
organizations.
Tomorrow the United States commemorates International
Religious Freedom Day. Our country was founded on the
conviction that everyone should be free to believe what they
choose.
Our own experience, our own example, is what compels us to
advocate for the rights of the marginalized, the vulnerable,
the oppressed, and the underrepresented peoples of the world.
If confirmed, with the support of the American people, I
intend to carry out the United States' abiding commitment to
championing international religious freedom for everyone
everywhere.
Thank you for your consideration.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hussain follows:]
Prepared Statement of Rashad Hussain
Good morning Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member Risch, and members of
the committee. It is an honor to appear before you as the President's
nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. I
am grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for placing their
trust in me to pursue this work on behalf of the American people. I
would also like to thank my family--my parents, my sister Lubna and my
brother Saad, my wife Isra, and our children, Sulaiman, Safiyyah,
Sumayyah, and our youngest, Safurah, who turns 26 days old today. I am
blessed to have your endless advice, support, and patience.
Religious freedom is enshrined in our First Amendment and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights; it is a core American value and
human right. And I am humbled to be charged with the sacred calling to
protect the freedom of religion of people all over the world.
My family came to the United States from India, where my father was
raised in a village with no electricity. I was born in Wyoming, where
my father worked in the mining industry, and I grew up in Texas. My
mother, who is a physician, always encouraged me to use my life to
serve others. I have spent nearly 15 years as a public servant working
in all three branches of government under Democratic and Republican
administrations upholding our constitution, including as an attorney
and a diplomat. Collaborating with civil society from across the
political spectrum to protect international religious freedom and
alleviate human suffering has been some of the most meaningful and
rewarding work of my life.
During my time at the State Department, I worked in close
partnership with civil society leaders on the Marrakesh Declaration, a
landmark initiative on the protection of Christians and other religious
minorities in Muslim-majority countries. As part of our opposition to
blasphemy laws and the criminalization of free speech, I led a process
to end the annual passage of a U.N. resolution that harmed religious
minorities around the world. And along with the Special Envoy to
Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, I traveled twice to the Holocaust
sites with Imams from the United States and many other countries to
address anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.My work protecting human
rights has taken me around the globe, where I have met with civil
society leaders, heads of state, and other senior government officials
in countries such as the Central African Republic, Egypt, Pakistan,
India, Turkey, Indonesia, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Nigeria,
and China, which continues its oppression of religious communities,
including the ongoing genocide of the Uyghurs. And I saw firsthand the
trauma of Rohingya living in the refugee camps in Cox's Bazaar and
heard stories of the horrendous acts of violence and mass atrocities
they endured.
Respected members of the committee, I was on Capitol Hill on
September 11, 2001 as staff member of the House Judiciary Committee.
Since that day, I have been determined to do everything I can to
protect our country and our national security interests. While at the
Justice Department and State, I worked on the prosecution of terrorism
and national security cases and other counterterrorism efforts,
including countering terrorist propaganda often used to target
religious minorities. And as a Muslim American, I have seen the impact
of bigotry and guilt by association tactics used against minority
communities, including the message it sends and dangers it poses to
young people.
Far too many people around the world continue to face arrest,
torture, discrimination, and even death on account of their beliefs.
Antisemitism, Christian persecution, anti-Muslim hatred, and other
forms of intolerance are on the rise. A staggering eighty percent of
people worldwide live in environments with high or severe restrictions
on religious freedom. These are not just statistics and bad laws--these
are individuals taken from their families: the plight of the patriarch
of the Eritrean Orthodox Church unable to leave his home to tend to his
flock; the Saudi Government whipping and jailing blogger Raif Badawi
for encouraging debate online; the Nigerian Government letting atheist
Mubarak Bala sit in prison without charge for months; the Panchen Lama
disappeared by the PRC and stolen from the global Tibetan Buddhist
community; and the stories of Christians in Vietnam, the Ahmaddiya in
Pakistan, and the Baha'i in Yemen. Their faiths may be different, but
they share a common experience of persecution. I am committed to
fighting, day in and day out, for their rights.
Congress has stood at the forefront of this work since the
International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 was passed on an
overwhelming, bipartisan basis. I am honored by the support of civil
society and faith organizations from all across the political and
religious spectrum, and I look forward to our continued partnership. In
an era of vigorous partisan debates, Americans continue to be largely
of one mind regarding the importance of defending international
religious freedom. If confirmed, I will work closely with the members
of this committee and your staffs to extend this right to all.
I will also leverage my existing relationships within Muslim-
majority countries to protect the rights of religious minorities there.
I will redouble efforts to broaden the coalition to hold China
accountable for its horrific crimes against the Uyghurs and its
repression of other ethnic and religious minorities.
I look to build on the impressive work of Ambassador Sam
Brownback--who expanded partnerships through the IRF Ministerial and
the International Religious Freedom Alliance--and the groundbreaking
efforts of Ambassador David Saperstein, who institutionalized
relationships with USCIRF and civil society organizations.
Tomorrow, the United States commemorates International Religious
Freedom Day. Our country was founded on the conviction that everyone
should be free to believe what they choose. Our own experience, our own
example, is what compels us to advocate for the rights of the
marginalized, vulnerable, and underrepresented peoples the world over.
If confirmed, with the support of the American people, I intend to
carry out the United States' abiding commitment to championing
international religious freedom for everyone everywhere.
Thank you for your consideration.
Senator Merkley. Mr. Hussain, thank you very much for your
testimony.
And now we are going to turn to Ms. Chantale Wong. Welcome.
And I believe you may still be muted.
STATEMENT OF CHANTALE YOKMIN WONG OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
NOMINATED TO BE UNITED STATES DIRECTOR OF THE ASIAN DEVELOPMENT
BANK, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. Wong. Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and
distinguished members of the committee.
I am deeply honored to have been nominated by President
Biden to be the United States Executive Director to the Asian
Development Bank. I am humbled by this privilege.
I would like to start by thanking some important people in
my life for their support: my mother, who is watching these
proceedings with great pride from her San Francisco apartment,
my daughter, Sara, my sister, Connie, as well as my dearest
friend, Peter, and his wife, Klaudia Levin. I would also like
to recognize my mentor for 30-plus years, the iconic Alice
Rivlin, who we lost two years ago.
My history has shaped me and instilled in me the values and
passions that make me who I am. As mentioned, I was born in
communist China. When I was six years old, in the middle of the
tragedy of the Great Leap Forward and at tremendous personal
risk, my parents arranged to have me smuggled, along with my
grandmother, into Hong Kong in the bottom of a boat.
I can still smell the food in the galley that I was not
allowed to eat on that journey. That powerful and poignant
memory is still with me today.
During the Cultural Revolution, my father was sentenced to
hard labor and my mother was a barefoot doctor in the
countryside. That they even survived is a miracle and an
experience too painful for them to recount.
After I fled communist China, I did not see and hardly
communicated with my parents for 21 years and until I could get
them out. I was raised mostly by Catholic nuns who imprinted
their faith and compassion on me.
I can never repay my parents' sacrifice or the church's
grace, but I have tried to pay it forward, living my life with
the values that matter to me.
I came to Washington in 1989 after receiving a Master's
from Harvard Kennedy School of Government, and before that, a
Master's degree in environmental engineering from the
University of California Berkeley with a focus on wastewater
management, and a Bachelor's in civil and structural
engineering from the University of Hawaii.
Ever since then, the consistent theme of my career has been
dedicated to public service, environmental protection, and
sustainable development.
I know the Asian Development Bank well, having previously
worked there first as a subject matter expert in Manila in
1999, focused on ensuring that the bank's environmental
assessments comply with their environmental and social
safeguard policies.
I led, as mentioned, the development and publication of the
bank's first Asian Environment Outlook in 2001, and then was
appointed by President Bill Clinton as the Ultimate Executive
Director.
I have had the extraordinary privilege of being appointed
by President Obama to serve as Vice President for
Administration and Finance and the Chief Financial Officer at
the Millennium Challenge Corporation from 2011 to 2014.
I believe that, if confirmed, this foundation will prepare
me well to be the executive director to the largest regional
multilateral development bank serving Asia and the Pacific.
For more than five decades of its operations the bank has
contributed to a dramatic reduction in poverty, from 1.5
billion people in 1990 to 263 million in 2015 in its developing
member countries.
The COVID-19 pandemic has presented challenges, but the
bank has moved swiftly to expand pandemic support and boost
financial commitments.
While I applaud the bank's launch of the Strategy 2030, if
confirmed, I will work to focus the bank's resources on
sectors, especially quality infrastructure, in countries where
it can be most impactful, assure financial sustainability, and
maintain world-class systems of governance, human resources,
accountability, and oversight.
Increased competition in the region from financiers with
less transparency and weaker standards underscores one of the
challenges the bank must address. In many ways, the United
States have been an irreplaceable partner in helping Asia lift
so many people out of poverty and disease.
The American values of democracy, respect for human rights,
and private enterprise remain the only viable path for
sustainable inclusive development and poverty reduction.
Now we have an opportunity to reengage with Asia and the
Pacific, to promote the President's infrastructure, public
health, and environmental policies. Working with members of
this committee, we can have a permanent and constructive impact
on billions of lives through presence, participation, and
patience.
Again, I am so grateful to you all for your consideration
of this appointment. I would be delighted to answer your
questions. Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Wong follows:]
Prepared Statement of Chantale Yokmin Wong
Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to have been nominated by
President Biden to be the next United States Executive Director to the
Asian Development Bank. I am humbled by this privilege.
I would like to start by thanking some important people in my life
for their support--my mother, who is watching these proceedings with
great pride from her San Francisco apartment, my daughter Sara, my
sister Connie, as well as my dearest friend Peter and his wife Klaudia
Levin. I would also like to recognize my mentor, the iconic Alice
Rivlin, who we lost two years ago.
My history has shaped me and instilled in me the values and
passions that make me who I am. I was born in Communist China. When I
was six years old, in the middle of the tragedy of the ``Great Leap
Forward,'' and at tremendous personal risk, my parents arranged to have
me smuggled along with my grandmother to Hong Kong in the bottom of a
boat. I can still smell the food in the galley that I wasn't allowed to
eat on that journey. That powerful and poignant memory is still with me
today.
During the Cultural Revolution my father was sentenced to hard
labor and my mother was a barefoot doctor in the countryside. That they
even survived is a miracle and an experience too painful for them to
recount. After I fled Communist China, I didn't see and hardly
communicated with my parents for 21 years and until I could get them
out. I was raised mostly by Catholic nuns, who imprinted their faith
and compassion on me. I can never repay my parents' sacrifice or the
Church's grace. But I have tried to ``pay forward,'' living my life
with the values that matter to me.
I came to Washington in 1989 after receiving a master's from
Harvard Kennedy School of Government and before that a master's degree
in environmental engineering from the University of California,
Berkeley with a focus on wastewater management, and a bachelor's in
civil and structural engineering from the University of Hawaii. Ever
since then, the consistent theme of my career has been dedicated to
Public Service, environmental protection, and sustainable development.
I know Asian Development Bank well, having previously worked there
first as a subject matter expert in Manila in 1999 focused on ensuring
that the bank's environmental assessments complied with their
environmental and social safeguard policies. I led the development and
publication of the Bank's first Asian Environment Outlook in 2001, and
then was appointed by President Bill Clinton as an Alternate Executive
Director. I had the extraordinary privilege of being appointed by
President Obama to serve as Vice President for Administration and
Finance, and Chief Financial Officer, at the Millennium Challenge
Corporation from 2011 to 2014.
I believe that, if confirmed, this foundation will have prepared me
to be the Executive Director to largest regional multilateral
development bank serving Asia and the Pacific. Over five decades of its
operations, the Bank has contributed to a dramatic reduction in poverty
from 1.5 billion people in 1990 to 263 million in 2015 in its
developing member countries. The COVID-19 pandemic has presented
challenges, but the Bank has moved swiftly to expand pandemic support
and boost financial commitments.
While I applaud Bank launch of Strategy 2030, if confirmed I will
work to focus the Bank's resources on sectors, especially quality
infrastructure, and countries where it can be most impactful; assure
financial sustainability; and maintain world-class systems for
governance, human resources, accountability, and oversight. Increased
competition in the region from financiers with less transparency and
weaker standards underscores one of the challenges the Bank must
address.
In many ways the United States has been the irreplaceable partner
in helping Asia lift so many people out of poverty and disease.
American values of democracy, respect for human rights, and private
enterprise remain the only viable path for sustainable, inclusive
development and poverty reduction. Now we have the opportunity to re-
engage with Asia and the Pacific to promote the President's
infrastructure, public health, and environmental policies. Working with
the members of this committee, we can have a permanent and constructive
impact on billions of lives through presence, participation, and
patience.
Again, I am so grateful to you all for your consideration of this
appointment. I would be delighted to answer your questions.
Thank you
Senator Merkley. Thank you. We so much appreciate your
diverse experience and your expertise that you bring to bear
and testimony today. Thank you.
And now we will turn to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler of
Maryland.
STATEMENT OF DR. ADRIANA DEBORA KUGLER OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED
TO BE THE UNITED STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL
BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS
Dr. Kugler. Good morning, Chairman Merkley, Ranking Member
Hagerty, and distinguished members of the committee, and thank
you, Senator Van Hollen, for your very generous introduction.
It is truly a privilege to have been nominated by President
Biden to represent the United States as Executive Director of
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I am
honored for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I would like to begin by thanking my husband of 27 years,
Ignacio Donoso, and our two outstanding children, Danny, who is
a second-year student at the University of Pennsylvania, and
Miri, a sophomore at Walt Whitman High School in Maryland.
I am also tremendously grateful to my parents, Bernardo and
Nelly Kugler, who have dedicated their lives to working on
international development. I want to thank my family for their
unwavering encouragement, support, and devotion throughout the
years.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you know, the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was
created in 1944 and was charged with channeling long-term
development finance to help Europe and other countries to
restore stability in the world.
As the granddaughter of a family who fled Europe in 1939 to
escape the Holocaust, sadly, leaving behind relatives who died
in concentration camps, I am grateful that the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development was created to rebuild
the world after the atrocities and destruction caused by World
War Two.
Since its formation, the role of the World Bank has
expanded from being a lending bank investing in fiscal and
human capital to also becoming a knowledge bank that shares and
promotes best practices and development policies around the
world.
At present, the role of the World Bank and its leadership
in multilateral institutions is as important as ever. Some of
the most critical issues we face today, including the recovery
from the COVID-19 pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and a
drastic rise in poverty, are truly global issues that require
engagement with our allies around the world.
If confirmed, I look forward to using my unique experience
and skills in economic development, university administration,
and government to help advance the goals of the U.S. in growing
economic prosperity and creating greater stability around the
world.
For over two decades I have been doing research and
analysis of economic development as a Professor of Public
Policy and Economics, now at Georgetown University and
previously in universities in Texas and Europe.
In my work, I have studied how labor markets and social
policies across the world can improve the lives of working
people, help businesses create jobs, and help the least
fortunate obtain education and training to get out of poverty
and become self-sufficient.
In addition, an important part of my work focuses on cost-
benefit analyses, which inform how to best spend taxpayers'
money in programs with the highest return.
Over the years, I have worked on evaluating projects on the
ground and, thus, I also understand the real problems of
implementing that need to be overcome when policy is put into
practice.
I firmly believe we are able to best advance U.S. goals if
development assistance is guided by high standards of
accountability.
My work in university administration as Vice Provost of
Georgetown University overseeing and developing policies for
all faculty gave me practical experience in cementing good
management practices.
This experience will be useful for the U.S. Executive
Director of the World Bank, particularly in advocating for
accountability and transparency at this institution at the
highest levels.
My experience in government as Chief Economist at the U.S.
Department of Labor helped me to understand the importance of
breaking silos and working across agencies, building
coalitions, and reaching out to different constituencies.
This experience will be valuable for the work of the U.S.
Executive Director, which requires close collaboration across
the U.S. Government and the highest level of integrity,
transparency, and accountability to U.S. taxpayers.
I will also use these experiences to work with other
shareholders in advancing our common objective to see well-
designed development projects that respond to the most pressing
needs in countries.
As a first-generation American and daughter of Colombian
immigrants, I am so fortunate to have lived the American dream
after having seen poverty and political instability up close.
I have the deepest appreciation for the importance of
upholding and sustaining democratic institutions, respecting
the rule of law and human rights, and a strong commitment to
help those less fortunate than me.
If confirmed, I would commit to work tirelessly to achieve
President Biden's goal of advancing U.S. values and interests
by strengthening institutional capacity, investing in inclusive
growth, encouraging fair and rules-based trade, and reducing
poverty around the world.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to come
before you today. I would be happy to answer any questions from
the committee.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Kugler follows:]
Prepared Statement of Adriana D. Kugler
Good morning, Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee. It is truly a privilege to have been nominated by
President Biden to represent the United States as Executive Director of
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. I am honored
for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I would like to begin by thanking my husband of 27 years, Ignacio
Donoso, and our two outstanding children, Danny, who is a second-year
student at the University of Pennsylvania, and Miri, a Sophomore at
Walt Whitman High School in Maryland. I am also tremendously grateful
to my parents, Bernardo and Nelly Kugler, who have dedicated their
lives to working on international development. I want to thank my
family for their unwavering encouragement, support, and devotion
throughout the years.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you know, the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was created in
1944 and was charged with channeling long-term development finance to
help Europe and other countries to restore stability in the world. As
the granddaughter of a family who fled Europe in 1939 to escape the
Holocaust, sadly leaving behind relatives who died in concentration
camps, I am grateful that the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development was created to rebuild the world after the atrocities and
destruction caused by World War II. Since its formation, the role of
the World Bank has expanded from being a lending bank, investing in
physical and human capital, to also becoming a knowledge bank that
shares and promotes best practices on development policies and economic
growth around the world.
At present, the role of the World Bank and U.S. leadership in
multilateral institutions is as important as ever. Some of the most
critical issues we face today, including recovery from the COVID-19
pandemic, climate change, terrorism, and a drastic rise in poverty, are
truly global issues that require engagement with our allies around the
world.
If confirmed, I look forward to using my unique experience and
skills in economic development, university administration, and
government to help advance the goals of the U.S. in growing economic
prosperity and creating greater stability around the globe.
For over two decades, I have been doing research and analyses on
economic development as a Professor of Economics and Public Policy now
at Georgetown University and previously in universities in Texas and
Europe. In my work, I have studied how labor market and social policies
across the world can improve the lives of working people, help
businesses create jobs, and help the least fortunate obtain education
and training to get out of poverty and become self-sufficient. I have
seen how various public policies have yielded positive results while
other policy reforms were not properly designed to achieve progress. In
addition, an important part of my work focuses on cost-benefit
analyses, which inform how to best spend taxpayers' money in programs
with the highest return. Over the years, I have worked on evaluating
projects on the ground and, thus, I also understand the real problems
of implementation that need to be overcome when policy is put into
practice. I firmly believe we are able to best advance U.S. goals if
development assistance is guided by high standards of accountability.
My work in university administration as Vice-Provost of Georgetown
University, overseeing and developing policies for all faculty, gave me
practical experience implementing good management practices, including
the importance of aligning goals with incentives; putting in place
accountability practices; and providing clear guidance and resources to
implement human resource policies. This experience will be useful for
the U.S. Executive Director at the World Bank, particularly in
advocating for accountability and transparency at this institution at
the highest levels.
My experience in government as Chief Economist at the U.S.
Department of Labor helped me to understand the importance of breaking
silos and working across agencies, building coalitions, and reaching
out to different constituencies. This experience will be valuable for
the work of the U.S. Executive Director, which requires close
collaboration across the U.S. Government, and the highest level of
integrity, transparency, and accountability to U.S. taxpayers. I will
also use these experiences to work with other shareholders in advancing
our common objective to see well-designed development projects that
respond to the most pressing needs in countries.
As a first generation American and daughter of Colombian
immigrants, I am fortunate to have lived the American Dream after
having seen poverty and political instability up close. I have the
deepest appreciation for the importance of upholding and sustaining
democratic institutions, respecting the rule of law and human rights,
and a strong commitment to help those less fortunate than me. If
confirmed, I would commit to work tirelessly to achieve President
Biden's goal of advancing U.S. values and interests by strengthening
institutional capacity; investing in inclusive growth; encouraging fair
and rules-based trade; and reducing poverty around the world.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the opportunity to come before
you today. I would be happy to answer questions from the committee.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Dr. Kugler.
And we have now been joined by Senator Kaine. We are going
to invite Senator Kaine to do introductions for Mr. Marc
Stanley and Mr. Rashad Hussain.
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Merkley, Senator Hagerty,
and all of my colleagues. It is a treat to sign on after a
fairly contentious health meeting. I hope my friends, Marc
Stanley and Rashad Hussain, have already acquitted themselves
well. I have no doubt that they have. Let me tell you about
both of them.
Marc Stanley is a long-time friend, and Rashad Hussain is
not somebody that I know personally that well but he is a very
esteemed and qualified Virginian. They are both super qualified
for the positions for which they are nominated.
Let me start with Marc. I have known Marc for probably
about 15 years. As you heard, he is a very experienced attorney
in Texas with a great track record of success in the court.
But he has also been a real rock star when it comes to
public service and philanthropy. He is a founding member of his
law firm and has done great work there. But his career actually
began on Capitol Hill while he was a student at George
Washington University and had the opportunity to work on the
House Committee on Administration as an aide to Chairman Frank
Thompson at that time.
He has committed himself to serving his community in a
number of ways, as a council member of the U.S. Holocaust
Memorial Museum and also as chairman of the Texas Public
Finance Committee.
He is extremely well known for his devotion to his faith,
Judaism, and public affairs done with others in the Jewish
community in Texas, around the country, and around the world.
I first met Marc when I was chairman of the Democratic
National Committee during the early years of the Obama
administration, and we bonded because we are both trial lawyers
but also he has got a Richmond connection because his dad went
to the University of Richmond.
At every level of professional, philanthropic, and public
service Marc has demonstrated excellence, character, and
integrity, and he would do a wonderful job representing our
country as Ambassador to Argentina.
Rashad Hussain--Rashad hails from Falls Church, Virginia,
right here in the area, and his nomination to be Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom is very important.
I will start by just noting if you think he looks tired, he
has got a one-month baby at home--I am sure that that might
explain some sleep deprivation recently--in addition to three
other children.
Rashad has got a deep background in foreign affairs and
also, in particular, law and religious freedom. He is currently
Director of Partnerships and Global Engagement on the National
Security Council, our advocacy for religious freedom around the
globe. It involves heavy interaction and consensus building
with stakeholder and civil society groups. His NSC role now is
an important one.
And prior to that, Rashad was senior counsel in the
National Security Division of the Department of Justice and
then before that he worked at the Justice Department serving as
U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.
If confirmed, Rashad would be the first Muslim Ambassador-
at-Large for International Religious Freedom. I know two of the
previous ambassadors very well. We have had up a diverse
representation of Americans from different religious
traditions.
But as the first Muslim ambassador it would be a good thing
to show our commitment to religious freedom ourselves but also
much of the persecution of religious minorities occurs in
Muslim-majority countries and that gives Rashad, who has
already demonstrated a sensitivity to this, an ability to
promote and build partnerships to embrace respect for all
faiths.
He has been nominated or recommended by many organizations
including the American Jewish Committee, the Inter Jewish
Muslim Alliance, and the International Christian Concern.
And the last thing I will say about Rashad is we would be
very proud to have a Virginian in this position. The position
was created by a lot of work done by former Virginia
Congressman Frank Wolf, and it was Virginia in the 1780s that
passed the statute of religious freedom that served as the
basis for the First Amendment's protection of all, that in this
country you will not be preferred or punished based on how you
worship or not worship.
It is a Virginia value that is an American value. I am
proud to be here and represent a qualified Virginian for the
position.
Mr. Chair, thank you for letting me do my nominations out
of order and I am looking forward to participating in the
questions and answers with all these nominees.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine.
And it is now my privilege to provide the introduction for
the Honorable Ramin Toloui, and he is a professor of the
practice for international finance at Stanford University.
He is a fellow at Stanford Institute for Economic Policy
Research. His teaching and research focus on international
economic policy, financial crises, and economic impact of
artificial intelligence.
Prior to joining Stanford, he had a two-decade career
spanning public service and investment management. He served in
the Obama-Biden administration as Assistant Secretary for
International Finance at the Department of Treasury.
He previously was global co-head of the Emerging Markets
Portfolio Management at the Pacific Investment Management
Company, overseeing more than $100 billion in investments.
He began his career as a civil servant at the Department of
the Treasury. He earned his AB degree in economics from Harvard
University and a Master of philosophy degree in international
relations from Oxford University, where he was a Rhodes
Scholar.
Welcome, and we look forward to your testimony.
STATEMENT OF HON. RAMIN TOLOUI OF IOWA, NOMINATED TO BE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE [ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS AFFAIRS]
Mr. Toloui. Mr. Chairman, thank you for that introduction.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagerty, and distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as nominee to be Assistant Secretary for Economic and
Business Affairs at the State Department.
Thank you for considering my nomination, and I would also
like to thank the committee staff for meeting with me before
this hearing to discuss critical economic and foreign policy
issues facing the United States.
Thank you to President Biden for nominating me for this
position and to Secretary Blinken for his support for my
candidacy.
I am thrilled that my mother, Alyce, is sharing the stage
virtually with me from Iowa City where I was born and raised.
My father, Ahmad, who passed away last year, is with us today
in spirit. I am profoundly grateful for all that their love has
made possible in my life.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity,
if confirmed, to return once again to public service. I started
my career as a civil servant in the Treasury Department from
1999 to 2006, serving in the International Affairs Division
under Democratic and Republican presidents, President Clinton
and President Bush.
I worked on issues ranging from stabilizing economies in
crisis from southeastern Europe to Latin America, to building
an international coalition to combat terrorist financing in the
wake of 9/11.
Seven years ago, I was honored to be confirmed by the
Senate as Assistant Secretary for International Finance at the
Treasury Department. In that position, I was proud to play an
important role in facilitating U.S. and International Monetary
Fund assistance to Ukraine to resist Russian aggression,
supporting economic stabilization in key countries in the
Middle East and working to ensure that financial volatility in
Europe and Asia did not disrupt the global and American
economies.
Outside of government, I have had the opportunity to expand
my skills in ways that can contribute to more effective
policymaking. During the past few years, I have been a
professor of the practice of international finance at Stanford
University, teaching the next generation of citizens and
prospective policymakers about how to prevent and respond to
financial crises, drawing on my experiences both in government
and in the private sector.
At Stanford, I also designed and taught one of the first
university courses in the world on the economic impact of
artificial intelligence, preparing graduates to grapple with
the profound ways in which technology is poised to affect jobs,
wages, industrial organization, and global competition.
I hope to bring these insights on what it takes for
Americans to thrive in this new technological era to the work
of the State Department and the U.S. Government.
If confirmed, I look forward to applying these skills and
experiences across the broad range of issues in which the
Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs at the State Department
has an important role to play with a particular focus on three
key challenges.
First, we must secure a strong recovery from the COVID-19
pandemic. This means working with the interagency and others
countries to restore safe and sustainable international travel
and commerce.
It means addressing short-term supply disruptions and
taking concrete actions to build more resilient supply chains
for the future, especially in key areas like semiconductors and
other critical sectors.
And it means using commercial diplomacy in new ways to
unlock novel opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S.
businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
Second, the United States must lead in shaping the norms
and rules governing trade, commerce, and technology that will
underpin the future global economy. This means working with
like-minded nations to confront abusive policies by China that
create unfair competition, disadvantage American workers, and
conflict with American values.
It means shaping global technology adoption and governance
in ways that promote openness, security, and reliability, and
reflect democratic rather than authoritarian principles in
areas ranging from 5G to artificial intelligence to the digital
economy, and it means cooperating with allies in areas like
national security investment reviews and export controls to
achieve shared objectives.
Third, the United States must leverage economic tools to
advance foreign policy objectives and respond to crises. Among
other things, this means utilizing sanctions effectively in
pursuit of U.S. economic--pardon me, diplomatic and national
security goals.
It also means deploying U.S. foreign assistance, including
the expanded capacities of U.S. Development Finance Corporation
to support sustainable economic development, achieve key
climate goals, and advance strategic U.S. interests, and it
means deploying these tools in collaboration with allies,
partners, and multilateral institutions to bolster their
effectiveness.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you
today and for considering this nomination. I look forward to
answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Toloui follows:]
Prepared Statement by Ramin Toloui
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished Members of the
Committee, I am honored to appear before you today as nominee to be
Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs at the State
Department. Thank you for considering my nomination. I also thank the
committee staff for meeting with me to discuss critical economic and
foreign policy issues facing the United States.
Thank you to President Biden for nominating me for this position,
and to Secretary Blinken for his support of my candidacy.
I am thrilled that my mother, Alyce, is sharing this day virtually
with me from Iowa City, where I was born and raised. My father, Ahmad,
who passed away last year, is with us today in spirit. I am profoundly
grateful for all that their love has made possible in my life.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member, I welcome the opportunity, if
confirmed, to return once again to public service. I started my career
as a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 1999 to 2006,
serving in the international affairs division under Democratic and
Republican Presidents, President Clinton and President Bush. I worked
on issues ranging from stabilizing economies in crisis from
Southeastern Europe to Latin America, to building an international
coalition to combat terrorist financing in the wake of 9/11.
Seven years ago, I was honored to be confirmed by the Senate as
Assistant Secretary for International Finance at the Treasury
Department. In that position, I was proud to play an important role in
facilitating U.S. and International Monetary Fund (IMF) assistance to
Ukraine to resist Russian aggression, supporting economic stabilization
in key countries in the Middle East, and working to ensure that
financial volatility in Europe and Asia did not disrupt the global and
American economies.
Outside of government, I have had the opportunity to expand my
skills in ways that can contribute to more effective policymaking.
During the past few years, I have been a Professor of the Practice of
International Finance at Stanford University, teaching the next
generation of citizens and prospective policymakers about how to
prevent and respond to financial crises, drawing on my experiences both
in government and the private sector. At Stanford, I also designed and
taught one of the first university courses in the world on the economic
impact of artificial intelligence (AI), preparing graduates to grapple
with the profound ways in which technology is poised to affect jobs,
wages, industrial organization, and global competition. I hope to bring
these insights on what it takes for Americans to thrive in this new
technological era to the work of the State Department and U.S.
Government.
If confirmed, I look forward to applying these skills and
experiences across the broad range of issues in which the Bureau of
Economic and Business Affairs at the State Department has an important
role to play, with a particular focus on three key challenges:
First, we must secure a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic.
This means working with the interagency and other countries to restore
safe and sustainable international travel and commerce. It means
addressing short-term supply chain disruptions and taking concrete
actions to build more resilient supply chains for the future,
especially in key areas like semiconductors and other critical sectors.
And it means using commercial diplomacy in new ways to unlock novel
opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S. businesses,
particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
Second, the United States must lead in shaping the norms and rules
governing trade, commerce, and technology that will underpin the future
global economy. This means working with like-minded nations to confront
abusive policies by China that create unfair competition, disadvantage
American workers, and conflict with American values. It means shaping
global technology adoption and governance in ways that promote
openness, security, and reliability--and reflect democratic rather than
authoritarian principles--in areas ranging from 5G to artificial
intelligence to the digital economy. And it means cooperating with
allies in areas like national security investment reviews and export
controls to achieve shared objectives.
Third, the United States must leverage economic tools to advance
foreign policy objectives and respond to crises. Among other things,
this means utilizing sanctions effectively in pursuit of U.S.
diplomatic and national security goals. It also means deploying U.S.
foreign assistance--including the expanded capacities of the U.S.
Development Finance Corporation--to support sustainable economic
development, achieve key climate goals, and advance strategic U.S.
interests. And it means deploying these tools in collaboration with
allies, partners, and multilateral institutions to bolster their
effectiveness.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you today and
for considering this nomination. I look forward to answering your
questions.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much. I appreciate the
testimony. We have now had testimony from all five of our
nominees, and before I turn to the period for questions, we
have a set of questions that are standard for this committee to
ask.
I will ask you to all respond together. If your answer is
yes, you can answer yes, and then I will pause if anyone wants
to answer no. Then we will be able to hear you.
And so do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Did anyone wish to answer no to that
question?
[No response.]
Senator Merkley. All right.
Hearing none, second, do you commit to keep this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Okay. Hearing no noes, do you commit to
engaging in meaningful consultation while policies are being
developed, not just providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Thank you. And do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and its designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Merkley. Thank you all very much.
As you undoubtedly understand, it is very important to the
checks and balances of our government to be able to get
information and insight from our key representatives in the
executive branch and the various roles that you will be in.
I will now turn to the period of questions. I encourage you
to keep your responses as brief as you can so that you can have
the joy of responding to more inquiries and not proceed to
upset various senators by filibustering their questions. That
is a privilege reserved only for the Senate floor.
Mr. Stanley, let us begin with Argentina.
As you assess the drivers of Argentina's persistent
economic challenges that include inflation and substantial
public debt that exceeds their gross domestic product,
certainly, high poverty exacerbated by COVID-19, to what extent
is the United States working multilaterally with IMF leadership
as Argentina strives to negotiate a new debt restructuring
plan?
Mr. Stanley. Thank you for the question, and you are right.
Argentina is a beautiful country. It is a beautiful tour bus
that does not have the wheels on working right. The IMF debt of
$45 billion is huge.
The issue, though, is it is the Argentines' leadership
responsibility to come up with a macro plan to pay this back
and they have yet to do so. They say one is coming soon.
The United States--the Biden administration has met with
them even last week. The embassy in Buenos Aires and the State
Department are engaged to try to find constructive ways to
help. But in the end, it comes up to them to figure out a macro
economic plan to put them back on track.
And I just want to say COVID has, certainly, not helped the
situation at all. The good news is they are back on their feet.
But there is no more important issue than getting back on their
feet because they are a great bilateral partner for us for
trade and economics, and we need a partner that is economically
healthy.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
Mr. Hussain, the United States has utilized a variety of
tools in response to human rights violations against ethnic and
religious minorities in Xinjiang, China, including targeted
sanctions, export controls, import restrictions.
However, we continue to see enormous oppression of the
Muslim Uighur community with very high-tech strategies to
control and such that the impact has been that it is conducting
genocide as established and determined under both the Trump
administration and the Biden administration.
What more should the United States be doing in this regard?
What more can we do? Has what we have been doing been
effective? Do we stay the course? Are there new strategies to
implement?
Mr. Hussain. Thank you for the question, Senator, and
thanks for your leadership on this important issue.
I share your deep concerns about China. China is one of the
worst abusers of religious freedom in the world. I have visited
Xinjiang province and have seen firsthand China's blatant
disregard for the Uighur community, their oppression, the
genocide that is occurring there, and for their disregard of
human rights toward a number of religious communities,
including the Tibetan Buddhists, Protestants, Catholics, and
the Falun Gong.
We will do everything in our power to make sure that we
articulate those concerns in our report--the International
Religious Freedom Report--that we speak directly to the Chinese
about their policies and individual cases that we are concerned
about as well, that we work closely with civil society around
the world and that we use some of the tools that you have
mentioned--sanctions, visa restrictions, export-import
controls.
And then one of the things that I want to make sure that we
do is we work closely with some of the Islamic countries around
the world that could be more vocal in speaking out about what
is going on with the Uighur population specifically, as you
mentioned.
Some of those countries have expressed some concern, but I
think if they are able to come together and apply more pressure
to address this issue then we have a more significant chance of
making an impact and helping the lives of people in China.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
My last question for this round is to Ms. Wong, and given
that the Asian Development Bank is in the process of reviewing
its environmental and social safeguards policies, what would
you plan to do as executive director of the Asian Development
Bank to encourage the institution and other shareholders to set
ambitious climate targets and to encourage the Asian
Development Bank to prioritize clean energy solutions?
[No response.]
Senator Merkley. I believe you are still muted, but I am
sure you are giving a great answer.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
As you rightly point out, the Asian Development Bank is
going through its safeguards policy review. It has not done it
in 10 years so it is a really great opportunity for us to look
at safeguards to not--make sure that we do not walk back from
any of the social and environmental safeguards but that we move
forward, particularly around climate change.
I believe that we need to be using the Asian Development
Bank as a tool to help countries move to a clean growth path,
going forward, and so my effort will be to ensure that both
environmental safeguards in the climate change area to look at
sources of fuel to ensure that we are going forward with a
clean energy path.
Senator Merkley. Great. Thank you very much, and my time is
up.
I am going to turn to Senator Hagerty, and Senator Hagerty,
I am handing over the gavel, which I cannot hand it to you
physically. It is a cup. You can use whatever you would like on
your desk.
And since your questions are up next, I will try to be back
by the end of your questions. If not, we will proceed to
Senator Menendez upon the completion of the answers to your
questions. Thank you.
Senator Hagerty [presiding]. Honored to take over, Mr.
Chairman. Thank you.
And, first, I would like to just turn to Mr. Toloui to
congratulate you on your nomination, to highlight the fact that
in my previous job I worked very closely with your predecessor.
It is an extremely strategic role that you will play, if
you are confirmed, and I just want you to know that my staff
and I look forward to working with you if you are confirmed to
make certain that you are successful because we perceive, and I
am sure all the members of this committee share the same view,
that you are in a position to make an extraordinary difference.
Next, I would like to turn to Mr. Hussain. First, I want to
applaud you and your family and congratulate you for the
addition of your newest family member. I know what that is
like, but to your wife and your three older children,
congratulations on the new addition. I do hope you get a little
more sleep between now and the time you are confirmed, should
you be.
I also want to applaud Secretary of State Mike Pompeo for
doing the right thing in making the determination that the
Chinese Communist Party is, indeed, engaged in genocide and
crimes against humanity with respects to Uighurs and the Turkic
Muslim population in China.
I also want to applaud Secretary of State Blinken for
seeing that travesty and upholding that determination. The
Chinese Communist Party persecute Uighurs and other Turkic
Muslims because the teachings of Islam may undermine the
ideology of the Chinese Communist Party.
The United States should always remain a beacon of hope for
those that espouse the freedom of religion.
Mr. Hussain, I am concerned that the Biden administration
may overlook the ongoing genocide in China in order to strike
some sort of naive grand bargain on climate.
If confirmed as Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom, one of your responsibilities will be to help
the Uighurs and the Turkic Muslims in China.
Mr. Hussain, if you are confirmed, do you agree that the
United States should never use the religious freedom and human
rights of religious minorities in China as a bargaining chip in
climate negotiations with the Chinese Communist Party?
Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator.
Yes, I do agree. We have made it very clear from the first
days in office. Secretary Blinken, as you noted, maintained the
designation of the treatments and the oppression of the Uighurs
as a genocide, and as I described, the number of tools that we
intend to use in dealing with this issue.
We will not relent in our efforts to help those that are
suffering in China, including Uighurs and including other
communities there, as I mentioned, the Tibetan Buddhists, the
Protestants, the Catholics, and the Falun Gong and others.
Senator Hagerty. I am pleased to hear that.
Dr. Kugler, I will turn my next question to you. As I told
Deputy Secretary of Treasury Adeyemo last week, I remain
concerned about China's activities and their growing influence
at the World Bank.
Since its inception in 2003, the ``Doing Business'' report
has ranked 190 countries according to indicators to see how
easy it is to establish and grow private companies.
Despite the ongoing crackdown on private businesses by the
Chinese Communist Party, China's ranking somehow rose seven
places in the last rankings. China ranked 31st in the 2020
report, which was ahead of Switzerland by five places.
As a lifelong businessman with significant experience in
private investment, this makes no sense to me. However, it
makes perfect sense when we see that Chinese malign behavior
has been involved in setting these rankings.
According to the Wall Street Journal, an independent
investigation by an outside law firm concluded that former
World Bank CEO Kristalina Georgieva and other leaders pressured
staff to improve China's Doing Business 2018 rankings.
The United States must do everything it can to protect the
integrity of international institutions. My question for you is
that, if confirmed, how will you ensure that China is not able
to compromise the World Bank's values and actions?
Dr. Kugler. Senator Hagerty, first, let me say that I
deeply share your concerns about China's abusive behaviors,
which not only undermine our U.S. values but they also try to
undermine our rules-based global leadership system.
As someone who has used data for more than two decades, I
deeply believe that any data, any reports that come out of the
World Bank need to be held to the highest standards of rigor,
integrity, and transparency, and I would commit to doing that.
I would work, certainly, with our allies, with like-minded
shareholders at the bank, and with the management at the bank
to make sure that these sort of manipulation of data does not
occur into the future.
Senator Hagerty. I appreciate that. I appreciate that very
much and I take very seriously your commitment to push back
against this type of malign behavior to influence these types
of rankings.
Now it is my honor to turn over the questions to Chairman
Menendez.
[No response.]
Senator Hagerty. Chairman?
[No response.]
Senator Hagerty. If Chairman Menendez is not available, I
would like to then turn it over to Senator Cardin, please.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and I
appreciate very much this opportunity.
First, let me express my thanks to all of our nominees and
their families for their willingness to serve our country
during these extremely challenging times. It is difficult, and
we appreciate the sacrifices that you are making.
I want to talk about President Biden's commitment that our
foreign policy is going to be based in our values, our concerns
about the growth of corruption, the autocratic regimes around
the world, and that all of our tools of foreign diplomacy need
to be focused at advancing our values, which is anti-
corruption, democracy, et cetera.
If I may start with Ms. Wong in regards to the Asian
Development Bank and its activities in Myanmar. Myanmar has
made a sharp turn in the wrong direction with the military,
again, having total control over the country.
Explain to me how we can leverage our involvement through
the bank in Myanmar to advance our goals of a more democratic
society for the people of Burma.
Ms. Wong. Thank you very much, Senator.
I totally agree with you that the situation in Burma is
dire. I actually was there in 2019. I spent quite a bit of time
going around to villages and meeting local people. It is one of
the poorest countries in that region, and what has happened to
it is very difficult to imagine currently.
I am actually not confirmed at the moment and it is not
appropriate for me to take any particular position in terms of
how to designate what happened in Burma, and so I am looking
forward to getting briefed on that, if confirmed.
Having said all that, I will definitely commit to you we
will be evaluating each project. I will be relying on the
Treasury team as well to going forward on looking at that and
ensuring--totally agree that ensuring that democracy and human
rights are forefront in those values that we will uphold in
that particular country.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for that reply. As you know, at
one time we had some of the toughest sanctions against Burma of
any country in the world. We have relaxed that as they were
moving forward on a democratic path within the country. Then we
only--including the president of the United States making a
visit. That did not seem to change the direction of the
military.
I think it is very important that we have a very strong
position--a carrot-stick approach--that we are not going to
give them benefits if they are not going to advance the goals
that are important. I look forward to working with you in that
regard.
Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Stanley, thank you for your willingness
to take on Argentina. I know your abilities and your skills,
and I thank you for being willing to take on this challenge. I
know you will do a great job.
I want to talk about one of the issues you raised, that is,
the human rights record in Argentina. When you look at its
border areas, there is a lot of money laundering that takes
place between Argentina and Paraguay and other countries in
that region.
We need to strengthen our capacity to fight corruption in
our countries that have significant challenges. Tell me just a
little bit about your strategy on making sure that anti-
corruption is a priority in our mission in Argentina.
Mr. Stanley. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I am glad you are
focusing on this.
Secretary Blinken--I do not know if you saw last week--gave
a tremendous speech in Ecuador talking about how we are going
to grow democracies in the Western Hemisphere, and the first
issue he wanted to talk about was corruption, which he said is
estimated to cost up to 5 percent of global GDP, how it stifles
investment, deepens inequities, et cetera.
It is clear that corruption takes place in this tri-border
area that you are talking about between Paraguay, Brazil, and
Argentina, and the United States is fully engaged in trying to
fight that there.
There is tremendous cooperation with our defense agencies,
with our intelligence agencies. We are doing a lot of
exchanges. We are doing a lot of training. We are delivering a
lot of anti-crime fighting equipment even. And so I am really
proud of what is going on, but I think you are highlighting a
very, very important issue.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Hagerty. Thank you. Now it is my honor to turn this
over to Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and
congratulations to all of the nominees today. Thank you for
your willingness to continue to serve this country.
I would like to start with you, Mr. Stanley, with a more
parochial issue and that has to do with an insurance company in
New Hampshire, which was doing work in Argentina. They were
shorted significant funding. They have been to court and have
had the court rule in their favor, and I am hopeful that, as
Ambassador, you will push the Argentine Government to pay off
on the debt that they owe to this insurance company. I have
asked this question of previous Secretaries of State and
previous Ambassadors to Argentina.
So far, no one has been successful, but I am counting on
you and your good legal negotiating skills. Will you commit to
working to do this?
Mr. Stanley. Yes, Senator Shaheen. Thank you so much. There
is nothing more important in our job than to represent
Americans and American corporations that are trying to do
business and, absolutely, I will investigate and see what I can
do.
I am surprised Judge Prado did not have success in that
because he is a terrific lawyer and judge, who was the last
ambassador.
But I will, if confirmed, when I first get on the ground I
will look at this immediately, and I will report back to you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. We stand ready in our office to
provide any information that you need.
My next question is for both Ms. Wong and Dr. Kugler. As I
am sure you are aware, in 2019 the Congress passed the Women's
Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act, which makes it
part of our international development policy to try and address
the factors that hinder women's economic empowerment.
Can each of you talk about how you will work on that issue,
if confirmed, at your appointments?
Dr. Kugler, do you want to begin first?
Dr. Kugler. Absolutely. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for
this very important question.
I do so much agree with you that gender disparities remain
a big challenge around the world, and they have only become
worse during the pandemic and the recent global crisis.
It is very important that we continue to tackle issues of
gender disparities, whether it is with regards to access to
health, with regards to access to education, with regards to
access to employment, and importantly, with regards to lack of
access to finance, which hinders the progress of women
entrepreneurs.
I thank you for your support of that bill. I know the World
Bank recently has introduced a new initiative called the We-Fi
Initiative, which stands for Women Entrepreneurs Financial
Initiative, introduced in 2017. They have disbursed some $300
million in about 60 countries.
But I do believe there is a lot of progress that still
needs to be done. I, myself, have, for over two decades,
devoted a good amount of my research efforts to looking to
gender disparities in education and in employment.
I am deeply committed to this issue. I would certainly be
committed to working forward in terms of reducing gender
disparities, working at the Board to push for projects that
support women entrepreneurs and to make sure that we do not
forget that this pandemic has hit women the worst around the
world.
Thank you very much.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
Ms. Wong?
Ms. Wong. Thank you, Senator Shaheen, for your leadership
on this issue.
When I was at the Millennium Challenge Corporation, we
actually did a huge effort--in any project, any assistance that
we do, we focus on women in the economy. And I would like to
understand a little bit better, if confirmed, going into the
Asian Development Bank if we could do something similar
because, as Dr. Kugler has mentioned, it affects development,
poverty. All of that affects women significantly more so
because they are the backbones of the economy.
And so understanding--in any of the projects that we go
into understanding women and the economy and, particularly, in
specific projects would be definitely my focus, going forward.
Thank you very much.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you both very much. I hope you will
commit to working with the State Department's Office of Global
Women's Issues.
And I have a final question for you, Mr. Toloui. As we talk
about the challenges of American business and think about the
intersection of that with what happens overseas, one of the
things that has been absolutely critical to New Hampshire's
economy and, I think, also to many other states throughout the
U.S. has been the visa workers who come, both the students--the
J-1 visa students who come in and work in the summertime--also
the H-2Bs, which New Hampshire is a state with--agriculture and
hospitality industry has relied on them, and the fact that we
have had a limit on the number of people who can come into the
U.S., not just this year but over the past four years of the
previous administration, has really had a huge impact.
And as we are looking at the workforce challenges that we
have in this country right now, we need to figure out how we
can get in those workers who have histories in the U.S. with
our business employers and make sure that we can continue to
provide that source of help for our businesses.
Those folks do not want to stay here. They want to go back
to their home countries. Those jobs are not jobs that union
workers generally want. They do not have the kind of benefits
and long-term support that most union workers need.
Why cannot we get more of those workers into the United
States? And what can you do, if you are confirmed, to make sure
that we increase those numbers in a way that is important to
American businesses?
Mr. Toloui. Senator Shaheen, thank you very much for
raising this issue. I can commit to you that, if confirmed, I
would like to work with you and your staff as well as others on
this committee on this issue to find ways forward to address
all of the issues that you enumerated.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. I will hold you to
that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator
Shaheen.
Thank you, Senator Hagerty. I am back. I will take the
gavel back. And I believe, Senator, we do not have another
Republican Senator with us is my understanding. That would mean
Senator Kaine is up next.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and to these
witnesses, very, very great.
Let me ask a question of Mr. Stanley.
Mr. Stanley, congratulations, first, and then an issue that
has been a long-standing bipartisan issue in Congress is trying
to do everything we can as the United States to work with
Argentina so that it can hold accountable those who bombed the
Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires in 1994, I believe.
We have kept pressure on in a bipartisan way, but the
Governments of Argentina have kind of been vacillating as to
how vigorously they will pursue accountability for this
terrorist attack.
Should you be confirmed, I know this is an issue you know
well and are deeply concerned about. What would be your intent
as ambassador to Argentina to keep pressure on for appropriate
accountability for those who--Lebanese and Iranians--who
participated in this terrorist attack?
Mr. Stanley. Thank you, Senator Kaine, and also thank you
again for your introduction. That was really kind of you.
This is a huge issue and this is not a Jewish issue. This
is an affront on Argentina. In 1994, a terrorist organization
came onto Argentine soil and blew up the Jewish Center. They
had previously attacked the Israeli Embassy. Eighty-five people
died, and they were not all Jews. Many were wounded.
They have never gotten to the bottom line. No one has been
called, like you said, to account for it.
This is the rule of law and this is justice, and we do call
on the Argentines to continue to focus on this. I am pleased
that the Argentine Government in 2019 did declare Hezbollah a
terrorist organization finally.
I am pleased that President Fernandez recently was outraged
by the appointment of one of the co-conspirators, allegedly, to
leadership in the Iranian regime. But this was allegedly the
Iranians funding Hezbollah and causing this kind of terror in
South America, and I think all Argentines should be upset about
it, and I think there should be a demand that this government
and judiciary prosecute and find out who is responsible and get
justice.
Thank you so much.
Senator Kaine. You bet. Mr. Stanley, I have great
confidence that you will push as much as we can on this issue,
and I appreciate so much your passion about it.
Mr. Hussain, one of the things that really interests me
about your background that strikes me as such good preparation
for the position for which you are nominated was your work
during the Obama administration on the Marrakesh Declaration,
which I believe was in 2015 and 2016.
This was an effort by politicians and scholars from
countries in the Muslim world and elsewhere to join together in
a declaration pushing Muslim-majority countries to treat fairly
and equally religious minorities within their countries.
Please tell the committee a bit about your role in the
Marrakesh Declaration on the American side, your work on it,
and I would like, Mr. Chair, to introduce that declaration into
the record of this hearing.
[The document referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator, and thank you for
introducing me.
When I began traveling around the Muslim world to work on a
range of foreign policy issues and to build partnerships in the
areas of education, entrepreneurship, health, science, and
technologies, one of the things that became clear to me is that
not all of these countries were protecting religious
minorities, and I found it very disappointing and, to me, it
was a moral obligation to do as an American, as a Muslim,
everything that I could to make sure that Islam was not being
used to justify the mistreatment of minorities.
We worked in a number of countries. We worked in Egypt with
the Coptic community. We took an interfaith delegation with a
Coptic leader from the United States, a prominent imam.
We worked in Tunisia and Morocco and Mauritania, Nigeria,
the UAE, a number of countries and brought scholars together
using our convening role to work on a set of protocols for the
protection of religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries
and worked very closely with civil society, worked with some of
the leading Christian, Jewish, and Muslim leaders in the United
States, prominent leaders and international religious field
giants like Tom Farr, Chris Seiple, Bob Roberts, Ambassador
Saperstein, leaders in the Muslim community, and it ended in
the culmination of a declaration on the protection of religious
minorities to denounce the treatment of the Christians and
Yazidis by ISIS, in addition to a number of other examples, set
forward a set of protocols and standards from within the
Islamic tradition in addition to what we push as United States
representatives--our values, our constitutional values, the
U.N. Declaration of Human Rights.
We also thought it would be effective and, in fact, one of
the countries, Tunisia, there was a member of the parliament
that adopted some of that language into the constitution that
was being drafted at the time.
We are starting to see some tangible impact from it but we
really want to move forward on it and come together for a full
implementation plan to continue this work.
Senator Kaine. I think that work will be such good
preparation for the position for which you have been nominated.
I am proud to support you.
And, Mr. Chair, I am going to hand it back and race to the
floor to vote.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Kaine.
Senator Van Hollen?
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations again to all the nominees.
Dr. Kugler, Senator Hagerty sort of raised one of the
questions I had regarding transparency at the World Bank,
especially in light of the recent report on doing business
where there was evidence that there were efforts to sort of
cook the books with respect to China.
Another question for you, which is that we have seen during
this COVID-19 pandemic the gap between the world's haves and
haves not grow even wider in terms of the great divergence
between developed countries and undeveloped countries.
And, obviously, it is not only the right thing to do, but
it also serves the interests of the rest of the world if,
currently, the underdeveloped world is doing better, both in
terms of our own exports and jobs.
Can you talk a little bit about--Dr. Kugler, about what you
and the World Bank can do to address that growing divergence?
Dr. Kugler. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen, for
raising this important issue. As you know, the World Bank has
committed some $100 billion dollars over the course of the
pandemic and has disbursed about 60 percent of that amount.
It has devoted most of these resources to low income and
low middle income countries. That is good news in the sense
that the World Bank is disbursing funds to those who are the
neediest.
Much of this money has gone to strengthen health structures
and health systems, to support small businesses, but also to
provide basic income support and food security to many who have
fallen into poverty. About 150 million people have fallen into
extreme poverty since the beginning of the pandemic.
Having said that, there is some good progress. Some of
these monies have been disbursed, but some of it has been
disbursed slowly.
One issue is to make sure that the rest of these funds and
future funds, are disbursed more effectively and, again,
continue to go to low-income and low middle-income countries,
which are the ones that need it the most.
There are a few tools that can be used to do that. But as
was pointed out before, this has to be done with the right
safeguards as well and with the right measures towards
accountability because we know that corruption has also risen
within this period of the pandemic and global crisis.
Just like here in the U.S., one of the things that is
holding countries back is not being able to address the
pandemic. A key comparative advantage at the World Bank is in
terms of its expertise on health.
The World Bank could be doing more and engaging more in
terms of helping the World Health Organization through its
COVAX facility and others to facilitate the distribution of
vaccines. That is key.
I think once we address the issue of the pandemic, we can
move on also to address the issue of the economic recovery,
which is important, obviously, for these countries. It is
important to reverse the rapid increase in poverty, but it is
important for the U.S. because 95 percent of consumers live
outside of U.S. borders. If we hope for our economy to also
fully recover, we need the rest of the world to come back again
in the same way.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you and I appreciate your answer,
including underscoring that last point.
Mr. Hussain, as you know, the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom is an ex-officio member of the
U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. They have
consistently recommended that more countries be designated as,
quote, ``countries of particular concern'' when it comes to the
lack of full religious liberty.
And yet, those countries have not been so designated by the
executive branch. Can you just talk a little bit about that
discrepancy?
And, obviously, the United States and Secretary of State
and others look at a range of issues, but your job will be to
underscore the importance of religious liberty. How should that
factor in to the U.S. State Department's overall designations?
Mr. Hussain. Thank you so much, Senator.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Commission. They provide excellent research--excellent
resources to advise the International Religious Freedom Office
and Secretary of State and the administration.
We will look at all of the data they provide and combine it
with our research and our assessments and will advocate
vigorously within the Department of State to use every tool at
our disposal including, when appropriate, designations of
countries of particular concern in making those recommendations
as part of the policy process within the State Department.
And there may be times when we--that there is a process by
which different components within the State Department are able
to make recommendations on those. But our job in the Office of
International Religious Freedom is to make sure that all of the
data is put forward on the religious freedom--the state of
religious freedom in a particular country and to make the most
vigorous case possible for using the most appropriate tools,
including that designation.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I appreciate that. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Senator Van Hollen.
And I do not believe that Senator Menendez is with us. But
let me just pause for a moment if he is.
Are there any other senators standing by in the electronic
space? We do not see anyone. And, Senator Hagerty, did you have
any closing comments or closing question you wanted to ask?
Senator Hagerty. No. I would just like to thank you for
conducting a great hearing today, Mr. Chairman. It has been my
honor to serve alongside you as ranking member.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much for taking the gavel
and for being here to pursue this important process of the
Senate or in the confirmation of the nominees.
I will close with one last question for Dr. Kugler. We have
had the International Panel for Climate lay out a code red
report saying we are in deep, deep trouble in terms of
planetary warming.
And yet, we have also had reports within the last week of
extensive plans to massively expand the use of coal and of
natural gas over this coming decade. Is it time for us to take
a firm stand at the international banks and all sorts, not just
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, to
end the financing of fossil fuel projects or at least to use
our weight towards that objective?
Dr. Kugler. Thank you very much, Senator, for that
important question.
As President Biden has indicated, this is a key issue for
this administration. It is the biggest existential threat of
our time and I do believe that we need domestic action to go
hand-in-hand with global leadership on climate change.
There have been two good developments at the World Bank.
The first one is that commitments for climate change and
climate financing have increased substantially over the past
few years--in fact, new commitments of 35 percent by 2025. I
think that is a very important step that has been taken in that
direction.
The second thing is that there has been an increased effort
to pay attention to how projects are funded and whether to
support projects that produce fossil fuels.
As I understand at this point, there has been an effort to
make sure that we help countries transition from fossil fuels
to cleaner forms of energy and I do think that it is important
to consider each of these projects on their own merits. It is
important to look at it in the context of country strategies.
But we do need to make sure that the rest of the world,
just like the U.S., makes progress in this direction because we
cannot do it alone. We know China contributes 30 percent of
greenhouse emissions and many other countries make big
contributions as well.
Domestic action alone is not going to do it. We need to,
certainly, move countries through the projects that are funded
by the World Bank to transition to sustainable development and
to a green recovery as well.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Doctor, and I will just note
that the administration put out guidance in August, I believe
it was, that said in our international financial institutions
they would oppose new coal projects, new oil projects or the
financing of those, but listed a series of exceptions for
natural gas.
I just want to make sure people understand that natural gas
is methane, that methane is far more damaging to the climate
ounce for ounce, pound for pound, than is coal and it traps
more heat, and that sustaining natural gas systems that leak
enormous amounts of methane into the air is not compatible with
an effort to globally attack a code red situation.
I am just giving you my personal view. I am sure other
members of the Senate would have a different view. I think it
is a really important conversation because the impacts we are
seeing in my home state in terms of fire, ocean acidification,
warming streams, diminishing snow packs are all having
calamitous impacts and other states are experiencing this in
different ways.
But it is an issue of which the planet cannot succeed
without U.S. leadership, and so I am hoping that every time
decisions come up one will remember we are in a code red
situation and need to pivot quickly.
I put solar panels on the roof of my house here in D.C.,
which is a small roof, and I was very surprised when I got the
first monthly report for September that the average amount of
energy trapped was 30 kilowatt hours per day, which means I
could drive 120 miles in an electric car on just the sunlight
on my roof every single day for the month of September.
We have phenomenal--we have phenomenal technology at our
disposal on wind and solar and many other possibilities, but we
have to implement these technologies quickly.
On that note, I will end, and now that I put that forward,
Senator Hagerty, would you like to have any final comment?
Senator Hagerty. Again, as you say, there will be differing
opinions here. Having spent a good part of my life focused on
the developing part of the world and having just left Asia to
come to do this job, I want to see these nations make thorough
progress. But I want to note the fact that China obliterates
all the progress that developing nations make with their
addition of coal-fired plants every year.
We need to take a global perspective on this, not punish
our own economy and take a unilateral disarmament approach. But
let us look at this in a more holistic manner that takes into
account America's interests first and work with our allies to
make progress in a way that makes sense.
I do not want us to see the utilization of our financial
system, our regulations, and that sort of thing as an end run
to address other issues.
Thank you very much.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Senator, and thank you to our
nominees, Mr. Stanley and Mr. Hussain and Ms. Wong and Dr.
Kugler, and the Hon. Ramin Toloui. We are delighted to have you
bringing your expertise to a new chapter of service.
And I will note that the record for this hearing will
remain open until the close of business on Wednesday, October
27th. Questions for the record should be submitted no later
than Wednesday. That is just tomorrow. Not much time. I want to
keep moving--push to move forward.
Thank you all very much and this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:37 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Robert Menendez
Cooperation
Question. Argentina was our first Major Non-NATO in Latin America,
and we have long-standing cooperation on security, non-proliferation,
and climate issues, however, the U.S. and Argentina often hold
divergent views over how best to promote democracy and stability in the
hemisphere, as well as the roles of certain geopolitical actors.
If confirmed, what priorities will you have for advancing our
bilateral cooperation with Argentina? Where do you expect the
greatest amount of progress in the bilateral relationship?
Where do you think cooperation will be more challenging?
Answer. I understand the United States maintains a strong bilateral
relationship with Argentina across a range of shared interests,
including trade and investment, human rights, democracy, climate
change, protection of the environment, cooperation on global health,
defense, and security, and much more. If confirmed, I will ensure we
make progress on some of the most pressing issues that include
mitigating the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, ensuring strong
commitments to combat climate change, and promoting democracy and human
rights in the hemisphere and world.
Defending Democracy
Question. Despite assaults on democracy in numerous countries
across the Americas and the risks they pose for our hemisphere, the
U.S. currently does not enjoy close coordination with Argentina on
addressing democratic decay in countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, and
Nicaragua. For example, Argentina last week abstained from voting on an
OAS resolution condemning events in Nicaragua and calling for the
release of political prisoners.
How do you explain Argentina's decision to abstain from a vote on
Nicaragua at the OAS, especially given the country's own
history of atrocities under dictatorship?
Answer. I was disappointed that Argentina, along with Mexico,
abstained, on two separate occasions, from condemning at the OAS the
egregious human rights violations by the Nicaraguan regime, though they
did withdraw their ambassadors. Argentina historically sought to
promote democracy and human rights without interfering in another
state's internal affairs, a position that comes under strain when a
regime such as Nicaragua's distorts its political process to dismantle
democratic institutions. I understand Argentina is proud of its human
rights record and is a member of the U.N. Human Rights Council. I found
its vote in favor of a U.N. Human Rights Council resolution supporting
the promotion and protection of human rights in Nicaragua encouraging.
If confirmed, I will encourage Argentina to uphold its commitment to
democracy and human rights on all opportunities and in all
organizations.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to restore a
shared, values-based approach to U.S. and Argentine efforts to address
democratic backsliding in the hemisphere?
Answer. Our peoples share a love of democracy, an understanding of
the importance of a strong middle class, an emphasis on education, and
a respect for diversity that make our cultures so rich. If confirmed, I
will develop open and effective channels of communication with the
Argentine public and Argentine officials to emphasize the importance of
defending democratic values in our own countries and across the
hemisphere.
IMF Flexibility
Question. Argentina is currently struggling to deal with a debt
payment crisis that is years in the making and seeks to recover from a
deep economic contraction that saw GDP shrink 10 percent in 2020.
What role would you advocate that the U.S. play with regard to
Argentina's growing debt crisis?
Answer. The United States continues to support Argentina's
engagement with the International Monetary Fund and encourage its
Government to put forward an economic plan that shows how Argentina can
return to growth, dismantle temporary market access restrictions, and
maximize debt sustainability. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
strong economic policy framework that provides a vision for private
sector job growth, which would have the support of the United States
and the international community.
Question. While Argentina seeks flexibility from the IMF and was
able restructure its private debt after a default in May 2020, how
should the U.S. interpret the fact that the Argentine Government
continues to service its debt payments to China?
Answer. As members of the Paris Club, the United States expects
Argentina to treat all creditors equally as it works to meet its
international debt payment obligations. In June, Paris Club members
(including the United States) provided flexibility and accepted
Argentina's offer to make partial payments on the debt it owes to Club
members, on the condition that Argentina demonstrates credible progress
toward a new IMF program and abide by Club principles, which include a
clause on the comparability of treatment of debt from all external
creditors.
China's Influence
Question. In the last decade, China built a space monitoring
station in Patagonia--a facility which Argentine officials have
admitted that they little oversight of and scant information about its
operations.
What is your assessment of the operations at China's space
monitoring station in Argentina? How should the U.S. view
China's role and influence in Argentina?
Answer. I understand the PRC maintains the Neuquen station's
purpose is peaceful space observation, but Argentina has no physical
oversight of the station's operations. If confirmed, I will work with
likeminded countries to encourage Argentina to require its space
cooperation partners, including the PRC, to follow the fundamental
principles of transparency, openness, and reciprocity.
AMIA Bombing
Question. July marked 27 years since the 1994 bombing of the
Argentine Jewish Mutual Association (AMIA) center in Buenos Aires that
killed 85 people and wounded hundreds more. It is absolutely critical
that the United States stand with the families of the deceased in
demanding truth and justice and rejecting impunity in this case.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that this issue is
among your top priorities for the bilateral relationship?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
administration to continue the discussions on this issue with Argentine
counterparts.
Question. Will you advocate that the Argentine Government pursue
concrete enforcement action to hold Hezbollah and Iran accountable for
their roles in the AMIA bombing?
Answer. The United States stands with the people of Argentina in
the search for justice, and we share the sorrow of the families of the
victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings. The Fernandez
administration emphatically condemned the Iranian Government's decision
to designate suspected AMIA plotters Ahmad Vahidi and Mohsen Rezai as
Minister of Interior and Vice President of Economic Affairs. If
confirmed, I will join my voice to theirs, and stress that the Iranian
Government must cooperate fully with Argentine authorities to bring the
perpetrators to justice.
Question. Will you advocate that the Argentine Government, maintain
and enforce terrorism designations on all those associated with the
AMIA bombing that are on Argentina's terrorism list and those who have
INTERPOL red notices in connection with the bombing?
Answer. Yes. It is essential that Argentina maintain and
aggressively enforce the terrorism designations that it has made,
including that of Hizballah, and that it continues its longstanding
effort to bring those responsible for the AMIA bombing to justice,
especially those who have INTERPOL red notices.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, and as Secretary Blinken stated in September,
I along with the Department will commit ourselves to the health,
safety, and security of our personnel and family members serving
domestically and overseas. This commitment extends to the handling of
anomalous health incidents (AHI), also referred to as ``Unexplained
Health Incidents.'' I would take these incidents seriously and would
respond to them and report them consistent with Department guidelines.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. I understand that the Department encourages employees who
suspect they may have been affected by an anomalous health incident to
report the details of their situation to their Post Health Unit and RSO
as soon as possible. No stigma attaches to such reporting, and I
understand that the Department reminds Post RSOs and MED personnel to
treat every report seriously, objectively, and with sensitivity. If
confirmed, I will convene an Emergency Action Committee if the reported
incident is a health-related incident in which the underlying causes,
infectivity, and prognosis are not known.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. I understand the Department implemented a Baseline Testing
Program: On June 1, 2021, the Department launched a pilot study for
employees and adult family members who are relocating overseas or
returning to the United States. This program includes a baseline
medical examination in Washington DC to establish assessments for
comparison in the event the employee and/or their EFMs report a
potential an anomalous health incident.
If confirmed, I will meet with my medical and RSO teams and ensure
that they brief me on all past incidents and ensure they adhere to
established protocols.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator James E. Risch
Western Hemisphere
International Terrorism
Question. In July 2019, President Mauricio Macri signed Decree 489,
which created a framework for Argentina to designate terrorist
organizations take law enforcement actions, such as asset freezes and
travel bans entities associated with such designated foreign terrorist
organizations.
What is your assessment of the current Argentine Government's
commitment to enforcing Decree 489, including the designation
of Hezbollah as an FTO, the designations of Hezbollah
financiers in the Tri-Border Area (TBA), and the designations
of former and current Iranian officials who are on Argentina's
terrorism list?
Answer. I understand the Fernandez administration decided to
maintain the terrorist designation system created through Decree 489
and with it the domestic designation of Hezbollah and Iranians charged
in the AMIA case. The United States stands with the people of Argentina
in the search for justice and we share the sorrow of the families of
the victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings.
Question. Please explain in what concrete ways you will work with
the Government of Argentina, if confirmed, to ensure robust enforcement
of Decree 489.
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stress the importance of
the Argentine Government aggressively enforcing the domestic
designation system created through Decree 489, as well as the Iranian
Government's responsibility to cooperate fully with Argentine
authorities to bring the designated terrorists to justice.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing U.S. support
for the Interpol red notices issued on current and former Iranian
officials involved in the bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center?
Answer. Yes. These individuals need to answer to the Argentine
justice system, and the families of the victims deserve to see justice
served.
International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Question. The Fernandez-Kirchner Government is seeking to
renegotiate the terms of a $57 Billion IMF loan launched in 2018 as the
largest program in the Fund's history. The IMF has underscored the
importance integrity and the rule of law as part of its loan
requirements. Meanwhile, Vice President de Kirchner is under indictment
related to allegations of her involvement in a corruption network set
up by former President Nestor Kirchner.
Will the administration insist that any IMF rescue package for
Argentina includes enforceable checks on Argentina's systemic
corruption?
Answer. I understand the United States continues to support
Argentina's engagement with the International Monetary Fund and
encourages the Argentine Government to put forward an economic plan
that shows how Argentina can return to growth, dismantle temporary
market access restrictions, and maximize debt sustainability. The
United States and the international community support a strong economic
policy framework that provides a vision for private sector job growth
and for combatting corruption. If confirmed, I would engage with the
Argentine Government to encourage measures that promote stability,
predictability, and transparency in the business and investment climate
and fight corruption.
Anti-Corruption
Question. I am concerned about reports that the Fernandez-Kirchner
Government has neutralized the Anti-Corruption Office and the Financial
Integrity Units, such as ceasing to alert the Argentine financial
system of the risks associated with doing business with OFAC-designated
Venezuelan individuals.
Answer. I found Argentina's decision to pause the alerts issued by
Argentina's Anti-Corruption Office and the Financial Integrity Units
concerning, one of several regrettable decisions regarding Venezuela.
If confirmed, I would engage with the Argentine Government to encourage
measures that promote accountability and transparency and fight
corruption, including full implementation of existing laws, each
essential to strengthen Argentine democracy and to protect human
rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to communicate clearly and
often with the Argentine public and Government about U.S. concerns with
this situation? Do you commit to work with the Argentine financial
sector to address these concerns effectively?
Answer. Yes.
East Asia and the Pacific
China
Question. During the presidency of Cristina Kirchner, China and
Argentina signed over 20 bilateral agreements. This strategic alliance
spanned several industries, including military manufacturing, energy,
and transport. If confirmed, do you commit to engage the Argentine
public and Government on the threat posed by China's debt trap
financing to their country's sovereignty and stability?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with Argentine partners to
highlight the importance of competitive and transparent international
trade, investment, and assistance rules that meet the highest
environmental, social, and labor standards.
Human Rights and International Organizations
Question. In the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Argentina
remained on Tier 1 due to its ongoing efforts to combat trafficking in
persons in country.
Given its sustained success, how will you work with the Argentinian
Government to continue their effective strategies if you are
confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure regular engagement
with the Argentine Government and with civil society.
Question. How can you work with other regional ambassadors to
emulate Argentina's success to combat TIP?
Answer. As a Tier 1 country since 2018, I understand Argentina made
significant progress in combatting trafficking in persons and fully
meets the TVPA's minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.
If confirmed, I will work with the Argentine Government and my
counterparts in the region to help Argentina share its best practices
and serve as a leader in the hemisphere.
Question. In the 2020 International Religious Freedom report,
Argentina was identified having general societal respect for religious
freedom but with reported anti-Semitic incidents and other hate crimes.
What is your assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how
will you work with the Ambassador At Large to find new ways to promote
respect for religious minorities and counteract religious
discrimination?
Answer. Argentina has one of the world's largest Jewish communities
and plays an important role in the global fight against anti-Semitism.
The Argentine Government and the people of Argentina generally welcome
and respect religious minorities, and that includes the Jewish
community. If confirmed, I commit to engaging with the Ambassador-at-
Large to deepen our collaboration with the Government and to build upon
Argentina's solid foundation of tolerance. Anti-Semitism has no place
in Argentine society, just as it has no place in our own.
Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Argentina was identified
as having serious human rights issues, including corruption, issues
with the independence of the judiciary, forced labor, and more.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
with the host government?
Answer. If confirmed, on arriving in Argentina, I would make it an
early priority to meet with members of the Government to address and
advance human rights, and I will advocate for a particular focus on
anti-corruption measures and judicial independence.
Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
ground?
Answer. I understand that the U.S. Embassy in Argentina has robust
engagement with civil society, especially with human rights NGOs and
raises concerns with the Argentine Government when appropriate. If
confirmed, I would join with the officers already working on this issue
to deepen this engagement with both civil society and the Argentine
Government.
State Department Management and Oversight
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19.
What is your understanding of morale in Embassy Buenos Aires?
Answer. I understand that while the pandemic has proven difficult
for Argentina and for our embassy in Buenos Aires, embassy leadership
has done an excellent job in maintaining morale through active
communication with the community. Morale continues to improve as the
pandemic subsides in Argentina.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale?
Answer. Building morale depends on open communication. If
confirmed, I will continue holding town hall meetings with the embassy
community and get to know the team personally.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?
Answer. I understand on November 1, the Department of State will
kick off a formal process for all missions to develop a new four-year
integrated country strategy (ICS) that aligns with the administration's
priorities. These include issues highlighted in the Interim National
Security Strategic Guidance, National Security Memoranda, the State-
USAID Joint Strategic Plan, and various Executive Orders including
those on Climate Change, Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and
Accessibility, and Racial Equity in the federal government. If
confirmed, I will ensure that each agency at Embassy Buenos Aires
participates and fully invests in the ICS process.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have a hands-on management style of management while also
empowering team leaders. I also deeply care about building
relationships.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy
chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I envision a positive, collaborative, and
productive relationship with the deputy chief of mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy chief of mission?
Answer. If confirmed, my deputy chief of mission would serve as the
embassy's chief operating officer, ensuring the effectiveness of all
operations. I would also make the deputy chief of mission responsible
for developing and mentoring staff.
Question. How should the chief of mission lead a post with multiple
U.S. Government agencies present?
Answer. The chief of mission represents the U.S. President. The
chief of mission must ensure consideration of the equities of each
agency at post. If confirmed, I will have regular country team meetings
which include the heads of all agencies at post. I will work to
integrate the work of various agencies to achieve Mission goals.
Question. In your experience, how important are interagency
relationships within a post?
Answer. To meet U.S. Government objectives in Argentina the mission
would need to maintain positive and productive interagency
relationships.
Question. If confirmed, how would you handle interagency
disagreement within Embassy Buenos Aires?
Answer. If confirmed, I will evaluate interagency disagreements
within the context of the administration's priorities and objectives
outlined in our Integrated Country Strategy.
Question. In order to create and continue employee excellence at
the Department, accurate and direct employee evaluation reports (EERs)
for Foreign Service Officers are imperative, though often lacking.
Do you believe that it is important to provide subordinates with
accurate, constructive feedback on their performance in order
to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded in
their roles?
Answer. Yes, and if I am confirmed I will do so.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
In your experience, do U.S. diplomats get outside of our embassy
walls enough to accomplish fully their missions?
Answer. Diplomats can always engage more people more often on more
issues, to the benefit of both countries. If confirmed, I plan to visit
each province in Argentina and encourage embassy staff to continue to
frequently get out of the embassy and out of Buenos Aires to meet
Argentines where they live and where they work.
Question. How do you intend to improve the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. We need to promote access to local populations to meet our
objectives. The COVID-19 pandemic significantly impeded U.S. diplomats'
ability to do so. If confirmed, I will work with all elements of the
mission, including the embassy's health unit and regional security
office, to ensure our diplomatic staff can safely travel throughout
Argentina and engage with all local populations, and I will work with
the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs to ensure sufficient funding
to do so.
Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Argentina?
Answer. I understand that Embassy Buenos Aires faces a challenging
public diplomacy environment, but one with potential for growth. Many
Argentines have traditionally held critical views of the United States.
In fact, roughly half of the Argentine population views the United
States unfavorably, according to recent polls. Despite this, many
relate with the United States culturally because of the U.S. values of
freedom of expression, respect for individual rights, and democracy.
Since 2014, the number of Argentines studying in the United States rose
by 20 percent, and U.S. students made Argentina a top-25 destination
for study abroad. Argentina has an omnipresent and highly politicized
media environment. Well-established, privately owned media
organizations located in and focused on Buenos Aires dominate the
market. Most of these organizations report favorably on the United
States, but many smaller, less well-funded outlets consistently report
on us negatively. Argentines avidly use social media; many get their
news from social media and use those networks as platforms for
political debates.
Question. What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face
in Argentina?
Answer. I understand Argentina's highly polarized society and
politicized media, widely dispersed population over a huge geographic
area, and historical skepticism of the United States present public
diplomacy challenges for U.S. diplomats.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. I understand that our public diplomacy messaging strategy
in Argentina aligns with priorities established by the Department of
State and within the mission's own Integrated Country Strategy. As
anywhere in the world, the embassy in Buenos Aires must tailor
messaging to communicate U.S. policy effectively to Argentine
audiences.
Question. ``Anomalous health incidents,'' commonly referred to as
``Havana Syndrome,'' have been debilitating and sidelining U.S.
diplomats around the world for years. They have caused serious,
negative consequences for U.S. diplomacy, yet many believe that the
Department is not doing enough to care for, protect, and communicate to
its personnel.
If confirmed, do you commit to taking this threat seriously?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to talking as openly as you
can to Mission Argentina personnel?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage Mission personnel in an
open and transparent manner.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. For years, I have expressed the need to hold accountable
the perpetrators of the Argentine-Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA)
bombing in 1994. As you know, the AMIA bombing killed 85 people, and is
one of the most tragic acts of anti-Semitism committed in our
hemisphere in recent times.
How can the United States and Argentina bring the AMIA bombers to
justice, and what would you do to bring about that justice?
Answer. The United States remains united with the people of
Argentina in the search for justice and we share the sorrow of the
families of the victims of the AMIA and Israeli Embassy bombings.
If confirmed, I will continue to stress that the Iranian Government
has a responsibility to cooperate fully with Argentine authorities to
bring the perpetrators to justice.
Under the Fernandez administration, Argentina has greatly
strengthened ties with the People's Republic of China, allowing
increased Chinese investments in natural resources, the defense
industry and even space cooperation. Many of these projects, under the
banner of the Belt and Road Initiative threaten to ensnare Argentina in
excessive debt and predatory loans.
Question. What is your current assessment of Argentine-Chinese
relations?
Answer. The Government of Argentina seeks to advance an independent
foreign policy, maintaining positive relations with great powers. The
United States maintains a strong bilateral relationship with Argentina
across a range of shared interests, from human rights and democracy to
development. Many countries in the region seek to diversify trade and
foreign investment to grow their economies, including with China.
Argentina trades more with China than with any country other than
Brazil, with $14 billion in total two-way goods trade in 2020.
The United States remains among the largest foreign investors in
Argentina, with 250 U.S. companies doing business locally.
If confirmed, I will focus on expanding this robust trade and
investment relationship with Argentina, including by working closely
with all relevant U.S. interagency partners.
I will also work with Argentine partners to highlight the
importance of competitive and transparent international trade,
investments, and assistance that meet the highest environmental,
social, and labor standards.
Question. If confirmed, what steps would you recommend this
administration take to provide a viable alternative to Chinese
Communist Party influence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to advance our positive economic
agenda in Argentina, including through supporting high-standard
investment in infrastructure and economic development that creates jobs
essential for regional pandemic recovery, he the impetus behind the
``Build Back Better for the World'' or B3W initiative launched by the
G7.
With allies and partners, the United States helps build space for
transparent private-sector infrastructure investment that upholds
labor, environmental, and social safeguards and fosters inclusive
growth in line with international best practices. You see these
priorities and values reflected in the trade agreements into which we
enter across the globe.
Question. Specifically on space cooperation, the Kirchner
administration signed an agreement in 2014 with China to operate a deep
space station in the province of Neuquen. That agreement gives China
wide freedom and restricts Argentina's sovereignty over its own
commentary. If confirmed, will you advise Argentina to revisit the
unfavorable terms of the agreement?
Answer. The United States Government publicly discussed its
concerns regarding the People's Liberation Army's efforts to develop
bases around the world. Those concerns apply to the deep space station
in Argentina that support's the PRC's space operations. If confirmed, I
commit to raising these concerns with the Argentine Government.
The Kirchner administration signed the agreement in 2014 and the
Argentine Congress ratified it in September 2020. This makes it more
important than ever to persuade Argentina to exercise oversight over
the deep space station. If confirmed, I will urge Argentina to require
its space cooperation partners, including the PRC, to follow
fundamental principles of transparency, openness, and reciprocity. I
will also encourage increased oversight over the station by helping
Argentina use the ten percent of station's time to which the agreement
entitles it. Finally, if confirmed, I will work with likeminded
countries to push for a visit to the station in order get direct
insight into this secretive facility.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Marc R. Stanley by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. In recent years the Government of Argentina, under
President Alberto Fernandez, has pivoted away from regional
institutions that the United States has engaged in order to advance
regional development and stability, as well as American national
security interests. It has pivoted away from the Lima Group and toward
regional regimes hostile to the United States.
Please describe the degree to which this regional pivot by
Argentina undermines American national security interests.
Answer. If confirmed, I would aim to address the underlying
economic conditions that restrict Argentines and Americans from
investing in Argentina's future. I would ensure that Argentina looks to
the United States as its partner of choice, whether that partnership
relates to trade and investment, security cooperation, or protecting
democratic values, and I would press U.S. agencies and business not to
overlook opportunities to expand work with Argentine partners. The
United States supports and promotes the rules-based international order
founded on respect for sovereignty, the rule of law, open markets,
private sector-led economic growth, the free flow of commerce and
information, and freedom of the seas. Due to Argentina's economic and
diplomatic heft in Latin America, sustaining our bilateral relationship
is crucial to U.S. interests, especially as the Western Hemisphere
confronts the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftershocks.
Question. Please assess what leverage the United States has for
encouraging Argentina to reengage productively with regional
institutions and pivot away from regional regimes hostile to the United
States?
Answer. In its foreign policy, Argentina historically prefers to
strike a ``third way'' that seeks positive relations with great powers
without prioritizing any single country. We share an interest in
democratic states that have strong institutions, provide for their
people, and are productive regional partners. I understand our
diplomatic engagement aims to maintain a productive dialogue on
regional and international issues and minimize the frequency and
severity of points of friction between our policy goals. If confirmed,
I would leverage Argentina's proud heritage of leadership on human
rights and democracy and membership at the U.N. Human Rights Council to
encourage strong public stands in support of democratic institutions
and against human rights violations wherever they occur.
Question. What leverage do you believe the United States should use
to encourage Argentina to reengage productively with regional
institutions and pivot away from regional regimes hostile to the United
States?
Answer. The United States and Argentina enjoy shared history and
values, especially regarding protecting democracy and human rights. If
confirmed, I will persistently call Argentina's attention to human
rights violations and faltering democratic institutions and encourage
Argentina to take strong public stands in international and regional
institutions to protect and promote democracy and human rights.
Question. Argentina remains a Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA), and U.S.
defenses are entangled with Argentina's. However, the Fernandez
Government has also deepened Argentina's relationship with the People's
Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The
Chinese have aggressively pursued trade and development deals with
Argentina, which have recently acquired security dimensions: Argentina
uses Huawei technology, purchases Chinese weapons, and allows Chinese
military assets to be housed in the country.
Please describe the degree to which you believe these security
dimensions, introduced by cooperation between Argentina and
China, undermine their ability to play a productive role as an
MNNA.
Answer. Argentina helps make the Western Hemisphere safer and more
prosperous when it engages as a constructive partner. Years of neglect
and underfunding have limited Argentina's military capabilities
relative to its G20 peers and curtailed its ability to support
peacekeeping and provide humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
If confirmed, I would encourage deeper defense cooperation and expanded
military training, building on our shared democratic values and vibrant
human rights traditions, while ensuring U.S. businesses and agencies
take advantage of opportunities to compete fairly for Argentine
procurements. The United States has long been the Argentine military's
partner of choice for equipment and training.
Question. In light of these dynamics, do you believe that the U.S.
should consider narrowing the scope of cooperation with Argentina,
including in the context of Argentina's status as an MNNA?
Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to expand
cooperation. Our active engagement with the Argentine military through
trainings and procurements will maintain our long-standing position as
the Argentine military's partner of choice. Narrowing the scope of
cooperation would have the opposite effect.
Question. Last month, Argentina's Defense Ministry announced that
the country will purchase fighter jets at a cost of up to $664 million,
and according to public reports they are considering purchasing these
assets from Russia or China.
Please describe the degree to which you believe that Argentina's
purchase of such jets from Russia would undermine their ability
to play a productive role as an MNNA.
Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to offer
alternatives to Russian military systems. If confirmed, I will urge the
Government of Argentina not to move forward with any potential military
deals with Russia that risk the imposition of mandatory sanctions under
CAATSA 231.
Question. If Argentina purchases these jets from Russia, do you
believe that the U.S. should consider narrowing the scope of
cooperation with Argentina, including in the context of the country's
status as an MNNA?
Answer. If Argentina purchases jets from Russia, the United States
should fully and aggressively implement the mandatory sanctions under
CAATSA 231.
Question. Please describe the degree to which you believe that
Argentina's purchase of such jets from China would undermine their
ability to play a productive role as an MNNA.
Answer. The United States should take every opportunity to offer
alternatives to PRC military systems, including fighter jets. Argentina
choosing a PRC system would initiate a potential generational military
industrial relationship that the United States should avoid at all
costs.
Question. If Argentina purchases these jets from China, do you
believe that the U.S. should consider narrowing the scope of
cooperation with Argentina, including in the context of the country's
status as an MNNA?
Answer. If Argentina purchases these jets from China, the United
States should reevaluate the scope of cooperation with Argentina, while
moving aggressively to offer alternatives for other Argentine military
systems.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator James E. Risch
Question. What is your understanding of morale in the office for
the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom?
Answer. It is my understanding that morale in the Office of
International Religious Freedom has been consistently high across the
last two administrations, owing to the strong leadership of my
predecessors Sam Brownback and David Saperstein and the open and
collaborative workplace Senior Official Dan Nadel has fostered over
that period and the team has upheld.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to personally meet with each member
of the team over my first few weeks on the job to solicit their
opinions on what's working and where there might be room for
improvement. I will also, from day one, enact an open-door policy where
any team member can bring concerns or recommendations to me directly.
Open and frequent communication is key to fostering an inclusive and
maximally effective workplace.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?
Answer. If confirmed, I will review where our mission currently
stands, listen to those who have been laboring in this space, and cast
clear vision and communicate clearly our strategy to advance religious
freedom and religious engagement. I will clearly explain my reasons for
any desired changes or new areas of emphasis and then solicit the views
of the career leadership team and key team members to devise how our
lines of effort could be tweaked most efficiently and beneficially in
pursuit of these new priorities, always in alignment with our legal
mandate. I will also champion an office-wide system of continuous
feedback, assessment, and recalibration to ensure buy-in and sustained
good counsel.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I endeavor to empower, to listen and learn from the diverse
experts on my team, and to lead by example and through clear
communication. I seek to ensure my teams are diverse and inclusive and
that there is equity in the work and in our hiring and evaluation
processes. I also seek to give my team members wide latitude and
autonomy to take ownership of initiatives and make key decisions while
also being a resource to them in case a new situation or any doubts
arise. The obvious corollary to empowerment is training and
development, which, if confirmed, I intend to liberally support across
every function in the office. I hope to lead by example and hit the
ground running, building on my previous experiences at the State
Department.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate anyone under any circumstance. If confirmed, I will pledge to
only provide respectful, clear, and constructive feedback to team
members and will expect my managers to do the same and hold accountable
anyone who does not.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I expect to continue to enjoy a close and
collegial relationship with any deputy. The incumbent, IRF Director Dan
Nadel, is a career Civil Servant who has been in this role for more
than six years, and who has served since January as the Department's
Senior Official for International Religious Freedom. I had the good
fortune to collaborate with him on several important initiatives during
my earlier tenure at the State Department, and I respect and trust Dan
immensely. I look forward to working day in and day out with him on
advancing religious freedom, if given the opportunity.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to delegate much of the day-to-day
management of the office to the Office Director, consistent with the
approach of my two immediate predecessors. I will also call on the
Director to serve as my surrogate when I'm unavailable for official
duties.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded
in their roles?
Answer. I strongly believe in providing respectful, clear, and
constructive feedback on performance to every member of my team. Not
only does this engender better performance, but it also engenders trust
and mutual respect. Offering regular performance feedback signals that
one values their team member and their professional development and
wishes their success. In the same spirit, I look forward to receiving
constructive feedback from my team on my own performance as well.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to each employee in my chain of command
to improve performance and I will ensure high achievers are routinely
rewarded for their contributions. I will expect my managers to do the
same.
Question. As religious freedom continues to decline around the
world, how do you plan to elevate the issue of religious freedom as
part of the U.S. foreign policy agenda?
Answer. Promoting universal respect for human rights is a
cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
that the Department's reporting and assessments of the state of
religious freedom continue to inform U.S. foreign policy decisions,
including regarding countries that are U.S. allies. I will work
diligently to promote international religious freedom for all at every
opportunity and carry our American values into every engagement. It is
very important that American diplomats around the world consistently
advocate, both in public and private, for religious freedom for all. I
will build on my prior experience and relationships at the State
Department to hit the ground running, including by meeting early on
with the heads of regional bureaus.
Question. How do you plan on engaging with the Assistant-Secretary
of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to ensure that
religious freedom is included in our human rights agenda?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work seamlessly with the
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor to
advance international religious freedom, as well as with other
stakeholders such as the Ambassadors at Large for Global Criminal
Justice, Women's Issues, and Trafficking in Persons. Secretary Blinken
has clearly stated that our commitment to defending religious freedom
goes back centuries and that we will continue to maintain America's
longstanding global leadership on this topic. If confirmed, I will work
with other bureaus, our missions around the world, and with partners
across the interagency to realize this promise.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the U.S. sends high-
level participation in the next International Religious Freedom
Ministerial?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will attend, and I will work to do
everything in my power to ensure high-level U.S. participation at the
next International Religious Freedom Ministerial.
Question. How do you assess the current use of Country of
Particular Concerns designations? Are there areas of improvement?
Answer. The religious freedom designations are an important part of
the toolkit Congress has given the State Department to ensure
consequences for governments, entities, and individuals responsible for
religious freedom abuses and violations. If confirmed, I will support
deploying the full range of these tools, including vigorously
advocating for CPC designations when the criteria for such designations
are satisfied. If confirmed, I pledge to carefully review the religious
freedom designations process to determine any potential areas for
strengthening. It is worth carefully reviewing the use of the IRF Act
authority to provide waivers for certain countries and to ``dual hat''
sanctions for others, and I would aim to do so early in my tenure.
Question. How do you assess the use of sanctions for religious
freedom violations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support deploying the full range of
tools Congress has given the State Department to deter religious
freedom violations and abuses and to ensure consequences and promote
accountability for governments, entities, and individuals responsible
for such abuses and violations, including, where appropriate, financial
sanctions and visa restrictions. Based on the particular circumstances,
such sanctions can be effective, and I will support their use, as
appropriate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The treatment of Uyghurs in China is just one brutal
example of the Chinese Government's long-standing disregard for basic
human rights. The U.S. has consistently pushed the Chinese Government
to end its repression of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, with no positive
outcome. If confirmed, how will you strengthen existing U.S. policy to
pressure China to respect the human rights of the Uyghurs? What more
can the United States do to bring about accountability for crimes
committed in Xinjiang and to encourage unfettered access by the United
Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to the province?
Additionally, would you support a diplomatic boycott of the 2022
Olympics in Beijing to bring global attention the Chinese Government's
ongoing human rights abuses including the genocide against the Uyghurs?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to promote accountability for
those responsible for PRC human rights atrocities and abuses and
support efforts to protect human rights in the PRC, including for
religious and ethnic minorities.
If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote
accountability for those engaged in abuses, to include but not limited
to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government: visa
restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and financial
sanctions.
If confirmed, I will consult closely with key stakeholders in
developing our approach, ideally a shared approach with allies and
partners, in advance of and during the 2022 Beijing Games and
Paralympic Games.
Question. Since the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan, there has
been a growing threat against vulnerable populations, including but not
limited to, women, LGBTQI persons, ethnic minorities such as the
Hazaras, and religious minorities such as the Shi'ites. If confirmed,
what steps will you take to help protect minority religious groups in
Afghanistan?
Answer. During my trips to Afghanistan as Special Envoy to the OIC,
I met with minority communities in Afghanistan, and I am deeply
concerned about their safety. The images coming out of Afghanistan are
heartbreaking and it is clear many people, including members of
marginalized groups, are under grave threat. If confirmed, I will
pursue all options to support individuals who have been, or are at risk
of, discrimination and abuses including members of religious and ethnic
minority groups, women, LGBTQI+ persons, and persons with disabilities.
As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, our commitment
to at-risk Afghans has no end date. Secretary Blinken said, ``We will
use...every diplomatic, economic, political, and assistance tool at
[our] disposal, working closely with allies and partners who feel very
much the same way, to do everything possible to uphold'' their human
rights and fundamental freedoms. ``And that's going to be a relentless
focus of our actions going forward.'' If confirmed, I will be an active
part of that effort, including working with Muslim-majority countries,
civil society, and credible religious leaders who have spoken and
written about the importance of protecting vulnerable populations in
Afghanistan.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. You have written and spoken before in opposition to
blasphemy and apostasy laws and particularly how they affect religious
minorities. The Senate itself recently passed a resolution calling for
the global repeal of blasphemy, apostasy, and heresy laws.
If confirmed, how would you specifically advocate for the global
repeal of blasphemy, apostasy, and heresy laws, particularly in
those countries that regularly enforce them?
Answer. Governments that claim for themselves broad powers to ban
certain forms of expression all too often misuse that power to repress
peaceful dissent and silence the voices of independent media, civil
society activists, human rights defenders, political rivals, and
members of religious, ethnic, and other minority groups. I understand
this is why the United States uniformly opposes blasphemy, apostasy,
and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently used to oppress members
of minority religious communities, those whose religious beliefs differ
from the majority, or those with otherwise minority views. Individuals
also use these laws as a pretext to justify violence against those
whose religion or ethnicity differs from their own or to settle
personal grievances. When governments actively or passively support
such individuals, instead of protecting members of minority groups,
those in society who want to take the law into their own hands are
empowered to use violence against these victims.
If confirmed, I will build on my experience speaking directly to
Muslim-majority countries that criminalize blasphemy, increasing
pressure on governments to address abusive practices. I previously
worked with Organization of Islamic Cooperation countries to eliminate
the ``Defamation of Religions'' resolution at the U.N., which gave
sanction to blasphemy laws. I will publicly oppose the enforcement and
abuse of these laws, especially with criminal penalties, and will urge
governments to repeal these laws. I would directly engage the U.N.,
likeminded partners, government officials and impacted communities
locally, create a space for local advocates, defend the accused, and
work to resolve individual cases, if confirmed.
Question. In July, I and several Senators sent a letter to
Secretary Blinken expressing how blasphemy laws in Algeria, in
particular, have been used to discriminate against Ahmadi Muslims. As a
Muslim yourself, in your opinion, should Ahmadis be considered Muslims?
Answer. Yes, as stated in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and
religion. This includes the capacity of every person to declare his or
her religious affiliation and to gather with others who share his or
her beliefs. Like any religious group, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community
and individual Ahmadi Muslims can choose to define themselves as they
see fit. Governments should not harass, abuse, or discriminate against
individuals on account of their beliefs or affiliation.
Question. Do Ahmadi's have the right to profess to be Muslims
without fear of persecution?
Answer. Yes. I believe that everyone should be free to profess and
to practice their beliefs and able to exercise this right without fear
of abuse, harassment, or persecution.
Question. As you know, both this and the previous administration
determined that the Chinese Communist Party's treatment of the Uyghurs
constitutes genocide. My and Senator Merkley's Uyghur Forced Labor
Prevention Act would go a long way to end the financial incentives for
the CCP's oppression of the Uyghurs. However, there are concerns that
the Biden administration is open to sacrificing its commitment to human
rights in order to gain Chinese cooperation in meeting emissions
targets.
In your opinion, is the genocide of the Uyghur Muslims a more
urgent concern that global climate change?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to promoting respect for human
rights, including religious freedom, in the face of the People's
Republic of China's (PRC) genocide and crimes against humanity against
predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups in Xinjiang. If confirmed, I will not advise that the
United States sacrifice vital U.S. interests for PRC promises on
climate change. As Special Presidential Envoy Kerry has noted, climate
is a critical standalone issue, and other aspects of the U.S.-PRC
relationship will not be traded for separate U.S. interests.
The United States is also committed to working with other
countries, including the PRC, to tackle the climate crisis. We can both
speak the truth about the PRC's human rights abuses, promote
accountability for its atrocities, and work to reverse the effects of
climate change. As Secretary Blinken has said, our relationship with
China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
be, and adversarial when it must be.
Question. Do you support the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by the PRC's use of forced labor in
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. Despite growing international
condemnation and extensive evidence of its human rights abuses and
violations, the PRC continues to subject predominantly Muslim Uyghurs
and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang
to forced labor, detention in internment camps, forced sterilization,
forced abortion, torture, and sexual violence.
If confirmed, I will work diligently with you and members of this
committee to address forced labor practices in China, including through
legislative measures such as the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Rashad Hussain by Senator Ted Cruz
China/Genocide
Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is committing a
genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang Uygur
Autonomous Region (XUAR) that is ongoing. The Biden administration had
sent differing signals about the degree to which administration
officials assessed that genocide is indeed ongoing, but on March 22
Secretary Blinken correctly emphasized ``the P.R.C. continues to commit
genocide and crimes against humanity.''
Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese Government is
engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities
in the XUAR that is ongoing?
Answer. Yes. I agree with the Biden-Harris administration's
position that the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing
genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
minority groups in Xinjiang. The crimes against humanity include
imprisonment, torture, enforced sterilization, sexual violence
including rape, and other forms of persecution. The PRC continues a
government policy of widespread forced labor, including through the
continued mass arbitrary detention of more than one million Uyghurs,
and members of other Muslim minority groups in Xinjiang.
Question. What role do you see for the State Department in
countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights
atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?
Answer. I understand the State Department is working to employ all
available tools to address the PRC's genocide, crimes against humanity,
and human rights violations and abuses in Xinjiang, including the
imposition of sanctions and visa restrictions, enforcement of import
controls, and targeted tightening of export controls.
If confirmed, I will work to promote respect for human rights,
including freedom of religion or belief, in the PRC and accountability
for the persons and entities responsible for violations and abuses.
If confirmed, I will also step up work with other countries, civil
society, and others, both in the United States and around the world, on
joint efforts to promote accountability for PRC perpetrators and to
bring further global attention to the issue.
China/Dissidents
Question. The PRC and CCP engage in sustained, systematic, and
granular intimidation of dissidents in China and abroad. That
harassment includes the abuse and imprisonment of dissidents' family
members. Nury Turkel is a Uyghur-American lawyer and leading critic of
the PRC's atrocities against and genocide of the Uyghurs. In addition
to testimony, op-eds, speeches, and other activities he currently
serves as the Vice Chair of the United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom, The PRC is engaged in a campaign of
intimidation to silence Turkel by targeting his family members. They
refuse to let his ailing parents leave China and be reunited with him.
This campaign directly harms US citizens: his parents have two sons
who are U.S. citizens and five U.S.-born grandchildren, who they've
never met. Additionally, the campaign is an effort to interfere in
American internal affairs and exercise leverage over US policy on
religious freedom
U.S. officials have reportedly raised Turkel's case with the
Chinese, but there has been no sustained follow-up and the Chinese are
apparently under the impression the inquiries were pro-forma.
What leverage does the US have to mitigate the harassment and
intimidation of family members of Chinese dissidents,
especially American citizens?
Answer. As I understand, the United States has several tools to
promote accountability for those responsible for abuses, to include but
not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S. Government:
visa restrictions, import restrictions, export restrictions, and
financial sanctions. The United States also coordinates implementation
of these actions with like-minded governments.
If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote
accountability and I intend to raise individual cases with the PRC
Government and insist that U.S. citizens wrongfully or arbitrarily
detained be released, that coercive exit bans be lifted, and that the
PRC refrain from using such measures in the future.
As I understand, the administration is coordinating a whole-of-
government effort to combat transnational repression, which is the
practice of authoritarian governments targeting dissidents and
activists outside of their national borders. The U.S. Government is
working to build international opposition to transnational repression,
deter and hold accountable perpetrating governments, including the PRC,
is working to protect human rights activists, journalists, political
dissidents, defectors and other targets of transnational repressions.
If confirmed, I will support these efforts.
The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its citizens or
their family members, whether inside or outside of China. If confirmed,
I will continue administration efforts to provide support for Uyghurs
and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups, as well as
other human rights defenders. I will coordinate with allies and
partners to speak out against such actions and to provide protection to
targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to raising individual
cases with my PRC Government counterparts.
Question. Please commit to conveying to the Chinese that the United
States expects and demands they allow Turkel's parents to be reunited
with their American citizen children and grandchildren?
Answer. I am very concerned by the People's Republic of China
(PRC)'s mistreatment of Mr. Turkel's parents, to include blocking them
from leaving China. If confirmed, I will advocate strongly on their
behalf with the PRC Government, as well as on behalf of other families
similarly targeted. I will convey to the Chinese that they should allow
Turkel's parents to be reunited with their American citizen children
and grandchildren. Based on my past record on China, Mr. Turkel has
supported my nomination publicly, and I look forward to working with
him, USCIRF, this committee, civil society, and governments to address
the genocide of the Uyghurs.
Question. Please commit that, if confirmed, you will use your
office to highlight the plight of Turkel and other dissidents like him
who are subject to intimidation and harassment by the PRC and CCP.
Answer. The United States opposes PRC efforts to repress its
citizens or their family members, whether inside or outside of China.
If confirmed, I will continue administration-wide efforts to provide
support for Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority
groups, as well as other human rights defenders. I will coordinate with
allies and partners to speak out against such actions and to provide
protection to targeted individuals. If confirmed, I also commit to
raising individual cases with my PRC Government counterparts alongside
other senior USG officials.
CPC List
Question. In December 2020, the Department of State designated
Nigeria as a country of particular concern (CPC) in response to
pervasive and egregious violations of religious freedom.
Do you believe Nigeria should remain or be removed from the State
Department's Country of Particular Concern list?
Answer. I believe Nigeria should remain on the list. I am deeply
concerned about the religious freedom situation in Nigeria, and I
commit to advancing protection of this right in every country if
confirmed. During previous travel to Nigeria, I met with Christian and
Muslim leaders who are working together to counter terrorism and
address attacks against religious communities. I believe the Nigerian
Government must do more to address terrorism and violent crime and to
increase accountability for those responsible. I will also continue my
work of protecting Christian and other religious communities in OIC
countries, including in Nigeria.
Religious freedom is a key U.S. foreign policy priority and plays a
prominent role in our engagement with the Nigerian Government. I
support continuing this work.
Question. Please describe the degree to which you consider anti-
blasphemy laws to be acute threats to global or regional human rights?
Answer. I consider anti-blasphemy laws a very serious threat to
human rights, and I have consistently opposed them as well as apostasy
and anti-conversion laws, which are frequently used to oppress members
of minority religious communities, those whose religious beliefs differ
from the majority, or those with otherwise minority views. Governments
that claim for themselves broad powers to ban certain forms of
expression all too often misuse that power to repress peaceful dissent
and silence the voices of civil society. Individuals often use these
laws as a pretext to justify violence against those whose religion or
ethnicity differs from their own or to settle personal grievances. When
governments actively or passively support such individuals, instead of
protecting members of minority groups, those in society who want to
take the law into their own hands are empowered to use violence against
these victims.
Question. If confirmed, how would you orient the office to mitigate
the effects or erode the scope of blasphemy laws?
Answer. Blasphemy laws jeopardize human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including the freedoms of religion or belief and expression.
If confirmed, I will press for the repeal of blasphemy laws and urge
countries with these laws to provide their citizens with the rights
enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
If confirmed, I will publicly oppose the enforcement and abuse of
these laws, especially with criminal penalties, directly engage the UN,
likeminded partners, government officials to urge repeal of these laws
and impacted communities locally, create a space for local advocates,
defend the accused, and work to resolve individual cases, if confirmed.
Question. Is the administration withholding $130 million in aid
from Egypt on the basis of the conditions described in the Washington
Post report? If the report is inaccurate, what parts are inaccurate?
Answer. I have not been involved in any administration action on
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will consult with you and your staff for
further discussion. More broadly, my understanding is the
administration is putting human rights at the center of foreign policy
and seeking concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I
strongly support.
Question. Please provide a list of any individuals, including if
relevant, the 16 referred to in the Washington Post story, who are the
subject of conditions imposed on aid to Egypt. For each individual on
the list, please list the following:
Their names;
Their organizational affiliations;
The specific charges that the Egyptian Government has
brought against them, which the U.S. is asking the
Egyptians to dismiss; and
Whether the individual is a U.S. citizen, or if not,
whether the individual holds a Legal Permanent Resident
Card, or if not, if the individual has applied for
immigration or visa status and what that status is.
Answer. I have not been involved in the administration's actions on
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will consult with you and your staff for
further discussion. More broadly, my understanding is that the
administration is putting human rights at the center of foreign policy
and seeking concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I
strongly support.
Question. Additionally, for any individual on the list described
above who is not a U.S. citizen, please also describe:
The process through which the State Department or as
relevant the broader interagency reviewed the cases and
came to the determination that their cases should be used
as conditions for aid.
Whether they are affiliated with groups that promote
Islamist ideologies, distribute anti-Semitic materials, or
distribute political disinformation.
Whether the Biden administration intends to grant U.S.
visas to them should the Egyptian Government release them.
Answer. I have not been involved in any administration action on
these issues. As I understand it, these issues are beyond the scope of
the mandate of the Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom. If confirmed and should I ever become involved in this work as
the Ambassador-at-Large, I will contact your staff for further
discussion. More broadly, my understanding is the administration is
putting human rights at the center of foreign policy and seeking
concrete human rights improvements in Egypt--a goal I strongly support.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Asia has the highest rates of malnutrition in the world,
with 79 million children suffering from chronic malnutrition, and more
than 32 million children suffering from acute malnutrition. This crisis
affects not only the health and survival of these children, but the
future economic productivity of the entire region. If confirmed, how
will you ensure that the Asian Development Bank does all it can to help
countries address this crisis of malnutrition?
Answer. I share your concern with the high rates of chronic
malnutrition in Asia and the Pacific, especially among children. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the Asian Development Bank to
explore how it can help address this crisis, working in close
coordination with other development partners and focusing on those
areas where it has more capacity and expertise.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. China is one of the largest borrowers of funds from the
AsDB, although by all definitions, it is no longer a developing country
by the World Bank's and AsDB's definitions. As you know, in May, the
Senate passed as part of a larger China bill a directive to the U.S.
Director of the AsDB to vote to prohibit future lending to China.
In your opinion, should China be allowed to continue to borrow from
the AsDB given China's growing role as a source of investment
capital for other developing countries, as well as its ability
to finance projects, even in lesser-developed regions, through
domestic sources?
Answer. I believe the Government of China meets the Asian
Development Bank (AsDB)'s criteria for graduation, given its high per
capita income, institutional capacity, and ample access to other
sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will encourage the
PRC's graduation as soon as possible, and will seek to advance this
position by working with Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues
as well as likeminded partners on the AsDB Board.
Question. Do you believe that the AsDB's lending to China crowds
out other nations in need of financing?
Answer. Yes, the AsDB should focus its resources on countries with
lower incomes and less access to other sources of development finance.
If confirmed, I will work with likeminded AsDB shareholders to press
AsDB to graduate PRC from borrowing.
Question. If the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act is not passed
and you are confirmed as the U.S. Director of the ADB, will you still
vote to stop lending to China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I will also work with
AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest and most vulnerable countries
and will press PRC to assume appropriate roles and responsibilities at
the AsDB, including its graduation from AsDB lending.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator John Barrasso
Question. What level of influence does the United States have over
the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) operations and ADB loan policy?
Answer. As the co-largest shareholder of the AsDB and one of the
largest donors to the Asian Development Fund, the United States is a
leading voice on strategic, policy, and operational issues. The U.S.
Executive Director's Office uses both formal engagement through the
Board seat as well as informal discussions to advance U.S. policy
priorities, often working with likeminded shareholders. The strong
environmental, social, and fiduciary standards that the AsDB applies,
robust accountability mechanism, and important role for independent
evaluation all reflect U.S. influence over the AsDB.
Question. Please discuss the current status of the ADB's portfolio
in Afghanistan. What efforts is the Biden administration taking to
curtail the Taliban's access to ADB resources?
Answer. I understand that all AsDB activities, including design and
approval of new projects and disbursements for existing projects, in
Afghanistan are currently paused, and the United States supports that
stance.
Question. Does the ADB partner with China on its Belt and Road
Initiative? If so, what is your view on that effort and how would you
address it?
Answer. I am not aware of any formal partnership between the AsDB
and PRC's Belt and Road Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with U.S.
Government colleagues and likeminded partners to emphasize that the
AsDB should not seek to advance the bilateral initiative of a single
shareholder, particularly if it is associated with social,
environmental, and fiduciary standards that are weaker than the Bank's
own high standards.
Question. China is the world's second largest economy. It has
access to capital and sizeable reserves in order to meet its own
domestic development needs. China is also the world's largest official
creditor. Yet, China continues to borrow billions of dollars from
multilateral development banks.
In 2016, China met the criteria for graduation from the World Bank,
which the ADB uses as their threshold. Since then, China received $7.6
billion and $1.8 billion in non-sovereign loans to China from the ADB.
If confirmed, would you object to and vote against additional
financing and investments to China from the ADB?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I will also encourage
AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest and most vulnerable countries
and will press PRC to assume appropriate roles and responsibilities at
the AsDB, including its graduation from AsDB lending.
Question. What would be your strategy to end lending to China at
the ADB?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. Working with U.S.
Government colleagues, Congress, and likeminded partners on the AsDB
Board, I will also encourage AsDB to focus its efforts on the poorest
and most vulnerable countries and will press PRC to assume appropriate
roles and responsibilities at the AsDB, including its graduation from
AsDB lending.
Question. There are currently 840 million people across the globe
who do not have electricity. People who live in poor and developing
nations want and need a stable energy supply to grow their economy and
improve their lives.
Energy is a critical tool to help countries alleviate poverty. Yet,
multilateral development banks have been imposing restrictions on
financing of traditional energy projects. These restrictions only
exacerbate the global inequities of energy.
To achieve its mission, the ADB must embrace, not exclude,
affordable energy resources. Ultimately, the solution to energy poverty
does not lie in limiting options but in using all available options.
Are poverty alleviation and economic development the top priorities
at the ADB?
Answer. Yes. The Bank's charter states that ``[t]he purpose of the
Bank shall be to foster economic growth and co-operation in the region
of Asia and the Far East and to contribute to the acceleration of the
process of economic development of the developing member countries in
the region, collectively and individually.''
Question. When reviewing projects at the ADB, what criterion will
you use in determining whether the United States will support energy
development projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use the voice and vote of the United
States in a manner consistent with relevant laws and directives as well
as administration policies toward AsDB lending. I believe the AsDB
should carefully consider the total costs of energy resources,
factoring in the social cost of carbon and the long-term impact on the
climate by burning unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the AsDB
is part of the climate solutions by helping countries in the region
transition toward a low-emission growth path, helping countries to
decarbonize their energy generation, and reach Paris alignment while
continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the ADB is
promoting all types of energy projects across the globe, including oil,
gas, and coal?
Answer. I believe the AsDB should carefully consider the total
costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon and
the long-term impact on the climate by burning unabated fossil fuels.
It is important that the AsDB is part of the solution to climate change
by helping countries in the region transition toward a low-emission
growth path, decarbonizing their energy generation, reaching Paris
Alignment while continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.
Question. Would you recommend the United States support financing
of fossil fuel projects for developing countries at the ADB?
Answer. I believe the AsDB should carefully consider the total
costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon, all
externalities, and the long-term impact on the climate by burning
unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the AsDB is part of the
solution to climate change by helping countries in the region
transition toward a low-emission growth path, decarbonizing their
energy generation, reaching Paris Alignment while continuing to promote
growth and poverty reduction.
Question. Along with the ADB, other development banks, including
the World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
and national development banks, are funding projects in ADB member
countries.
How will you ensure ADB is not duplicating efforts, creating
redundancies, and working at cross-purposes?
Answer. There are a number of donor coordination mechanisms that
ensure the MDBs work effectively together.
First, Treasury's Office of Development Results and Accountability
(ODRA) plays a key role in ensuring the coordination is robust,
alerting the U.S. Executive Directors of any concerns. ODRA is the lead
office in charge of reviewing all MDB operations, which provides good
oversight over which MDB is involved in specific projects. This allows
the U.S. Chair to draw attention to donor coordination issues across
the MDBs, which has been helpful in reducing duplication.
Next, the AsDB's resident missions coordinate with all donors in
each country to help ensure division of labor and to reduce
duplication, including with USAID and other bilateral agencies.
MDBs, including the AsDB, prepare a Country Partnership Strategy
(CPS) for each country of operations, describing the sectors in which
they plan to engage, guided by both the country's own development
strategy and the MDB's own corporate priorities. The AsDB Board meets
to discuss each CPS, which tend to also be public documents.
Finally, the AsDB also provides Regional Cooperation Strategies for
AsDB-defined regions or subregions, which also provide us an
opportunity to examine strategic priorities at a higher level.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Chantale Yokmin Wong by Senator Ted Cruz
Constraints On Projects/Electrification
Question. On January 27, 2021, President Biden issued an Executive
Order (EO) 14008, on ``Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and
Abroad,'' which mandated that the U.S. will ``immediately begin to
develop a climate finance plan, making strategic use of multilateral
and bilateral channels and institutions, to assist developing countries
in implementing ambitious emissions reduction measures, protecting
critical ecosystems, building resilience against the impacts of climate
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned
investments and away from high-carbon investments.''
According to a 2019 study by the International Energy Agency,
``Since 2000, overall energy demand [in Southeast Asia] has grown by
more than 80 percent and the lion's share of this growth has been met
by a doubling in fossil fuel use. Oil is the largest element in the
regional energy mix and coal--largely for power generation--has been
the fastest growing.''
The Agreement Establishing the Asian Development Bank states that
``The purpose of the Bank shall be to foster economic growth and co-
operation in the region of Asia and the Far East. and to contribute to
the acceleration of the process of economic development of the
developing member countries in the region, collectively and
individually.''
If confirmed, do you intend to limit U.S. support inside the Asian
Development Bank for projects related to the use of fossil
fuels?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and
policies. The AsDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access in
Asia and the Pacific while at the same time supporting ambitious
emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital
toward climate-aligned investments. AsDB should select energy projects
that account for the full range of costs and externalities over the
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private
sector is capable of financing. AsDB should finance projects that
utilize technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy
efficiency that do not lock developing member nations into technologies
that may soon be obsolete.
Question. Please assess the degree to which you believe that
further limits on the Asian Development Bank's support for investments
related to the use of coal, oil, and gas, would affect the Bank's
ability to fund active projects aimed at meeting energy demand in
Southeast Asia, including your assessment about the demand for such
projects.
Answer. The AsDB can play a vital role in expanding energy access
in Asia and the Pacific while at the same time supporting ambitious
emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital
toward climate-aligned investments. AsDB should select energy projects
taking into account the full range of costs and externalities over the
lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the private
sector is capable of financing. AsDB should prioritize investments that
include options for clean energy, innovation and energy efficiency to
meet demand in Asia and the Pacific.
Constraints On Projects/China
Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) take a whole-of-government and in many cases
whole-of-nation approach to advancing their national security
priorities. One prominent tool--which has been explicitly and
extensively criticized by the Biden administration--is the use by the
PRC and CCP of predatory debt diplomacy, in which they finance overseas
projects and then leverage debt related to those projects for
geopolitical concessions. China has extensively and specifically
financed energy overseas projects, with a focus on fossil fuels. The
two major Chinese policy banks--the Chinese Development Bank (CDB) and
Chinese Export-Import Bank (EXIM)--funneled $196.7 billion into
overseas energy projects between 2007 and 2016, and roughly 75 percent
of their expenditures are related to fossil fuel projects.
Please assess the degree to which limits on the Asian Development
Bank's support for projects related to the use of coal, oil,
and gas affect the ability of the Bank to serve as an
alternative to Chinese investments funneled through the CDB,
EXIM and other Chinese state institutions.
Answer. The AsDB's transparency and adherence to safeguards are a
critical part of its comparative advantage, and it should not lower
standards in response to competition from PRC investment. The AsDB can
play a vital role in expanding energy access and offering a high-
quality alternative to PRC finance in Asia and the Pacific while at the
same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical
ecosystems, building resilience against climate change, and promoting
the flow of capital toward climate-aligned investments. To some extent,
even the PRC has recognized this and announced it will cease government
financing for international coal projects. AsDB should select energy
projects taking into account the full range of costs and externalities
over the lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the
private sector is capable of financing.
Solar Panels/XUAR
Question. In May the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur
Region released an academic report based on research conducted at the
Sheffield Hallam University's Helena Kennedy Centre for International
Justice, which concluded that functionally the entire global solar
panel industry utilized supply lines that run through Xinjiang, where
the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) are conducting an ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs that
includes the use of slave labor. The report documented, inter alia,
that 95 percent of solar panels rely on solar-grade polysilicon supply
lines which run through Xinjiang account for approximately 45 percent
of the world's solar-grade polysilicon supply, and that there are 90
Chinese and international companies whose supply chains are affected by
Uyghur forced labour.
According to the Washington Post, officials from the office of the
United States special presidential envoy for climate have briefed
Congressional staffers that it will take up to a decade to move the
global supply chain for solar panels away from Xinjiang.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is implicated in Chinese green
technologies, including solar panels, in a number of ways. In addition
to supporting projects that utilize such parts, the Bank states that it
supports and ``will continue to support the Government of the PRC's
agenda to achieve high-quality, green development under the country's
14th Five-Year Plan.''
Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will use the voice and vote
of the United States inside the ADB to block support for
projects that would utilize or provide financing for solar
panels made in Xinjiang, with parts made in Xinjiang, or with
materials sourced to Xinjiang?
Forced labor practices run counter to our American values as a
nation, and they could expose consumers to unethical practices.
As the administration has said, the United States and the world's
leading democracies stand united against forced labor, and the United
States is committed to take every measure to rid global supply chains
from the use of forced labor.
I understand that the U.S. Government has tasked agencies to put
this into action, and if confirmed, I commit to work with all parts of
the U.S. Government and my fellow Board members to do our part to seek
to keep forced labor out of MDB-funded projects. If confirmed I will
work with staff and board members to apply rigorous safeguards and
standards to prevent human trafficking and forced labor.
China Investment
Question. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) provides extensive
support for projects in China. It states that ``In 2020, ADB committed
around $2 billion for 12 sovereign loans and $406 million for seven
non-sovereign loans (excluding B loans) for the PRC. This was
supplemented by $12.7 million (inclusive of co-financing) for 27
technical assistance projects.'' Cooperation with China by the ADB has
been criticized on a number of fronts, including because supporting
projects in China may `crowd out' other regional projects.
Please describe the extent to which you support the continued
investment by the ADB into China?
Answer. I believe PRC meets the AsDB's criteria for graduation,
given its high per capita income, institutional capacity, and ample
access to other sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will
work with allies and partners in the region to seek PRC's graduation as
soon as possible, and will seek to advance this position by working
with Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues as well as
likeminded partners on the AsDB Board.
Question. Please assess the extent to which support by the ADB for
projects in China ``crowds out'' investments from other potential
recipients.
Answer. The AsDB should focus its resources on countries with lower
incomes and less access to other sources of development finance. If
confirmed, I will work with likeminded AsDB shareholders to press AsDB
to graduate China from borrowing.
Afghanistan
Question. As of December 2020, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) had
around $500 million in loans and grants extended to Afghanistan. As the
Taliban seized control of Afghanistan in August, the Bank issued a
statement saying it remains ``committed to supporting Afghanistan's
economic and social development.''
Please describe how you believe the ADB should approach financing
projects in Afghanistan, including measures that it should take
to avoid funneling money to the Taliban.
Answer. I understand that the AsDB has paused its activity in
Afghanistan. The international community, including the AsDB, should
continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the Afghan
people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application of
appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United
States.
Question. Please describe what sorts of projects you believe are
appropriate to either initiate or continue in Afghanistan, which are or
would be funded by ADB.
Answer. It is too early to say at this time. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with others in the U.S. Government, Congress, AsDB
Management, and other AsDB Board members to examine options to provide
support to the Afghan people while preventing the flow of funds to any
person or entity seeking to harm the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. The International Development Association (IDA) financing
for food security has nearly tripled since 2008, and the world is still
facing an era of rising global hunger due to conflict, climate change,
economic downturns, and now the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, how
will you ensure that the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development will continue to prioritize combatting the global hunger
crisis?
Answer. I share your concern with the high rates of hunger and
chronic malnutrition around the world, which have only deepened during
the pandemic.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the World Bank to
explore how it can do even more to help address this crisis, working in
close coordination with other development partners and focusing on
those areas where it has more capacity and expertise. In particular, I
understand that this remains an important area of focus of IDA, with
increasing attention to early engagement and crisis preparedness. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that the World Bank supports efforts
to address access to adequate food by creating employment opportunities
and providing income support; providing food access to the poorest; and
freeing up bottlenecks in agricultural supply chains.
I also look forward to engaging with the Bank and other partners on
issues that are closely related to food security, including addressing
fragility, conflict, and violence; mitigating and adapting to climate
change; and boosting quality infrastructure investment.
Question. Lower-income countries are experiencing high debt
burdens, effectively reducing their ability to finance their own
development. If confirmed, how will you encourage active participation
in debt relief initiatives and the development of new initiatives for
new debt challenges?
Answer. I fully share your concern about the increasing debt
vulnerabilities many of the poorest countries face. The World Bank can
play an important role in assisting countries with building debt
management capacity, promoting debt transparency through debt data
collection and reporting, and supporting countries participating in
debt relief initiatives, such as the G-20 Common Framework.
Question. The global COVID-19 pandemic has led to massive
inequality in the economic and development trajectory of countries.
What, in your view, needs to change at the World Bank to address the
problem of inequality within and between countries? If confirmed, how
will you encourage the World Bank to take the proper steps to combat
global inequality?
Answer. The World Bank can play an important role in addressing
global inequality, given its twin goals of eliminating extreme poverty
and promoting shared prosperity. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
strong focus on inclusion in all World Bank projects. As control of the
COVID-19 pandemic and access to vaccines will be critical to preventing
the poorest countries from falling further behind during the recovery,
I will encourage strong focus on vaccine finance and vaccine access for
the poorest, working in close coordination with other international
partners. If confirmed, I will continue to be a strong advocate for the
World Bank to focus its resources on poorer countries, rigorously
applying social and environmental safeguards, and maintaining robust
accountability mechanisms. Within developing countries, the World Bank
should focus on building debt management capacity and transparency;
seek to address the drivers of fragility, conflict, and violence;
promote gender equality and social inclusion, including through social
safety nets and investments in the care economy; invest in human
capital development; and support ambitious programs to mitigate and
adapt to climate change.
Question. In March 2021, the United Kingdom announced its intention
to shift away from supporting fossil fuel projects overseas. The
European Investment Bank--the world's largest multilateral lender -
announced it too will end virtually all support for oil, gas, and coal
by the end of 2021. If confirmed will you advise the Secretary of the
Treasury to support any fossil fuel projects?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and
policies, including the guidance that Treasury recently released
concerning MDB financing of fossil fuel projects. The World Bank can
play a vital role in expanding energy access in developing countries
while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction,
protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against climate
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned
investments. The World Bank should select energy projects that account
for the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of the
project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is capable
of financing. The World Bank should finance projects that utilize
technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy
efficiency, that do not lock developing countries into high-emissions
trajectories or technologies that may soon be obsolete.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator John Barrasso
Question. China is the world's second largest economy. It has
access to capital and sizeable reserves in order to meet its own
domestic development needs. China is also the world's largest official
creditor. Yet, China continues to borrow billions of dollars from
multilateral development banks.
The World Bank classified China as being an upper-middle income
economy. In 2016, China met the criteria for graduation from the World
Bank. Since then, China received $9 billion from the World Bank.
Do you support the World Bank continuing to lend to China?
Answer. I believe the PRC meets the IBRD's criteria for graduation,
given its high per capita income, institutional capacity, and ample
access to other sources of development finance. If confirmed, I will
press for the PRC's graduation as soon as possible, and will seek to
advance this position by working with Treasury, Congress, and other
U.S. colleagues as well as likeminded partners on the IBRD Board.
Question. If confirmed, what would be your strategy to end lending
to China at the World Bank?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage the PRC's graduation as soon
as possible, and will seek to advance this position by working with
Treasury, Congress, and other U.S. colleagues as well as likeminded
partners on the IBRD Board. I understand that as part of the 2018 World
Bank capital increase, World Bank Management committed to substantially
reducing the share of lending to countries with incomes above the
graduation threshold, increasingly targeting lending in countries with
incomes above the graduation threshold on addressing remaining
constraints to graduation, and more fulsomely identifying those
constraints. I will encourage Management to continue implementing those
reforms. I will also press China to assume appropriate roles and
responsibilities at the World Bank, including its graduation from IBRD
lending.
Question. There are currently 840 million people across the globe
who do not have electricity. People who live in poor and developing
nations want and need a stable energy supply to grow their economy and
improve their lives.
Energy is a critical tool to help countries alleviate poverty. Yet,
the World Bank has been imposing restrictions on financing of
traditional energy projects. These restrictions only exacerbate the
global inequities of energy.
To achieve its mission, the World Bank must embrace, not exclude,
affordable energy resources. Ultimately, the solution to energy poverty
does not lie in limiting options but in using all available options.
If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the World Bank is
promoting all types of energy projects across the globe,
including oil, gas, and coal?
Answer. I believe the World Bank should carefully consider the
total costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of carbon
and the long-term impact on the climate by burning unabated fossil
fuels. It is important that the World Bank is part of the solution to
climate change by helping countries transition toward a low-emission
growth path, decarbonizing their energy generation, reaching Paris
Alignment while continuing to promote growth and poverty reduction.
Question. Would you recommend the United States support financing
of fossil fuel projects for developing countries at the World Bank?
Answer. I believe the World Bank should carefully consider the
total costs of energy resources, factoring in the social cost of
carbon, all externalities, and the long-term impact on the climate by
burning unabated fossil fuels. It is important that the World Bank is
part of the solution to climate change by helping countries transition
toward a low-emission growth path, decarbonizing their energy
generation, reaching Paris Alignment while continuing to promote growth
and poverty reduction.
Question. Chinese firms are the largest recipients of World Bank
contracts. Chinese firms won nearly a quarter of investment projects
(by value) between 2016 and 2020. At the same time, numerous state-
owned Chinese firms have been debarred by the World Bank and other
multilateral development banks for violating procurement policies.
What are the risks and challenges posed by the World Bank's
reliance on Chinese firms for implementation of its development
projects? What is your plan to address this issue?
Answer. The risks and challenges are similar to those facing the
entire global economy from reliance on PRC firms and workers in global
supply chains, including those related to governance, human rights,
forced labor, cyber security, and disruptions to the PRC economy. If
confirmed, I will advocate for strong focus in procurement policy
implementation on value-for-money over the full project lifecycle,
rather than awards to the lowest bidder, enhanced scrutiny on
abnormally low bids, and added attention to building contracting
capacity and transparency in public financial management in World Bank
recipient countries.
Question. In August, the World Bank halted funding for projects in
Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of the country.
Under what circumstances, if any, would you recommend the United
States support World Bank projects in Afghanistan under the
Taliban rule?
Answer. I understand that the World Bank has paused its activity in
Afghanistan. The international community, including the World Bank,
should continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the
Afghan people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application
of appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United
States.
The Chinese Communist Party has been using its influence at
multilateral institutions to bolster its own interests. A recent
example is the scandal involving the World Bank's annual ``Doing
Business'' report. Kristalina Georgieva, the current managing director
of the International Monetary Fund, has been accused of directing staff
to manipulate data to increase China's business ranking while at the
World Bank. This was reportedly happening while the World Bank was
actively courting China to raise funds for its General Capital
Increase. This type of corruption is deeply concerning and undercuts
the integrity of the World Bank. It damages the mission of the
organization and undermines American interests and values.
Question. What reforms need to be made at the World Bank in light
of these serious allegations?
Answer. I am also deeply troubled by these serious allegations. As
someone who has worked for over two decades with data, I believe that
any data and any reports produced by the World Bank need to be held to
the highest standards of rigor, integrity and transparency.
The WilmerHale report makes clear that there is a need to explore
how to boost transparency, strengthen controls over data, and create a
more respectful workplace, with strong protections for whistleblowers
at the World Bank. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
partners at the World Bank and in the administration and Congress to
advance such reforms.
I also look forward to working with a wide variety of partners to
examine how the World Bank can measure and report on countries'
business climates while avoiding some of the shortcomings of the Doing
Business Report, including those that may have contributed to this
incident.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure full accountability
for this incident?
Answer. I understand that there are ongoing investigations and
internal processes related to the incident. If confirmed, I look
forward to understanding further details regarding the incident and
will promote steps to bolster accountability, boost transparency,
strengthen controls over data, and create a more respectful workplace,
with strong protections for whistleblowers at the World Bank.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Dr. Adriana Debora Kugler by Senator Ted Cruz
Constraints On Projects/Electrification
Question. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(IBRD) is part of the World Bank Group. On January 27, 2021, President
Biden issued an Executive Order (EO) 14008, on ``Tackling the Climate
Crisis at Home and Abroad.'' Part 1, Section (g)(ii) of EO 14008 is a
mandate on the Secretary of the Treasury to use the ``voice and vote''
of the United States to inter alia ``[d]evelop a strategy for how the
voice and vote of the United States can be used in international
financial institutions, including the World Bank Group and the
International Monetary Fund, to promote'' the goals of the EO phasing
out fossil fuels and promoting renewable energy.
The World Bank has already been taking actions to limit its support
for projects supporting the supply of energy through coal, oil, and
gas, as well as nuclear power. The World Bank-related mandates in EO
14008 seek to deepen and lock in those moves.
Much of the developing world relies on fossil fuels for energy, and
access to energy has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of
poverty. By 2019 the number of people without electricity access had
dropped to 770 million due in large part to increased access to fossil
fuels.
If confirmed, do you intend to limit U.S. support inside IBRD for
projects related to the use of fossil fuels?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vote according to applicable laws and
policies, including the guidance that Treasury recently released
concerning MDB financing of fossil fuel projects. The World Bank can
play a vital role in expanding energy access in developing countries
while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions reduction,
protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against climate
change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-aligned
investments. The World Bank should select energy projects that account
for the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of the
project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is capable
of financing. The World Bank should finance projects that utilize
technologies providing energy access, while promoting energy
efficiency, that do not lock developing countries into high-emissions
trajectories or technologies that may soon be obsolete.
Question. Please assess the degree to which you existing limits on
IBRD's support for investments related to the use of coal, oil, gas,
and nuclear power have affected efforts to support electrification in
the developing world.
Answer. The World Bank Group has continued to provide strong
support for power generation and the provision of electricity to
households throughout the developing world. According to the World
Bank's corporate scorecard, during its FY 2019-2021 fiscal years, World
Bank Group projects contributed to 316,738 gigawatt-hours of new
electricity generation, of which 247,735 GWh were from renewable
sources, and provided new or improved electricity service to 362.6
million people.
Question. Please assess the degree to which you believe that
further limits on IBRD's support for investments related to the use of
coal, oil, gas, and nuclear power would affect efforts to support
electrification in the developing world.
Answer. The World Bank can play a vital role in expanding energy
access in developing countries while at the same time supporting
ambitious emissions reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building
resilience against climate change, and promoting the flow of capital
toward climate-aligned investments. The World Bank should select energy
projects taking into account the full range of costs and externalities
over the lifecycle of the project and avoid financing projects that the
private sector is capable of financing. The World Bank should
prioritize investments that include options for clean energy,
innovation and energy efficiency to meet demand in developing
countries.
Constraints on Projects/China
Question. The People's Republic of China (PRC) takes a whole-of-
government and in many cases whole-of-nation approach to advancing
their national security priorities. One prominent tool--which has been
explicitly and extensively criticized by the Biden administration--is
the use by the PRC and CCP of predatory debt diplomacy, in which they
finance overseas projects and then leverage debt related to those
projects for geopolitical concessions. China has extensively and
specifically financed energy overseas projects, with a focus on fossil
fuels. The two major Chinese policy banks--the Chinese Development Bank
(CDB) and Chinese Export-Import Bank (EXIM)--funneled $196.7 billion
into overseas energy projects between 2007 and 2016, and roughly 75
percent of their expenditures are related to fossil fuel projects.
Please assess the degree to which limits on the IBRD's support for
investments related to the use of coal, oil, and gas affect the
ability of the World Bank to serve as an alternative to Chinese
investments funneled through the CDB, EXIM and other Chinese
state institutions.
Answer. The World Bank's transparency and adherence to safeguards
are critical parts of its comparative advantage, and it should not
lower standards in response to competition from PRC investment. The
World Bank can play a vital role in expanding energy access and
offering a high-quality alternative to PRC finance in developing
countries while at the same time supporting ambitious emissions
reduction, protecting critical ecosystems, building resilience against
climate change, and promoting the flow of capital toward climate-
aligned investments. To some extent, even the PRC has recognized this
and announced it will cease government financing for international coal
projects. The World Bank should select energy projects taking into
account the full range of costs and externalities over the lifecycle of
the project and avoid financing projects that the private sector is
capable of financing.
Solar Panels/XUAR
Question. In May the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur
Region released an academic report based on research conducted at the
Sheffield Hallam University's Helena Kennedy Centre for International
Justice, which concluded that functionally the entire global solar
panel industry utilized supply lines that run through Xinjiang, where
the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) are conducting an ongoing genocide against the Uyghurs that
includes the use of slave labor. The report documented, inter alia,
that 95 percent of solar panels rely on solar-grade polysilicon, that
supply lines which run through Xinjiang account for approximately 45
percent of the world's solar-grade polysilicon supply, and that there
are 90 Chinese and international companies whose supply chains are
affected by Uyghur forced labour.
According to the Washington Post, officials from the office of the
United States special presidential envoy for climate have briefed
Congressional staffers that it will take up to a decade to move the
global supply chain for solar panels away from Xinjiang.
Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will use the voice and vote
of the United States inside the IBRD to block any projects that
would utilize solar panels made in Xinjiang, with parts made in
Xinjiang, or with materials sourced to Xinjiang?
Answer. Forced labor practices run counter to our American values
as a nation, and they could expose consumers to unethical practices.
As the White House has said, the United States and the world's
leading democracies stand united against forced labor, and the United
States is committed to ridding global supply chains--including, but not
limited to, solar panels--from the use of forced labor.
If confirmed, I commit to work with all parts of the U.S.
Government and my fellow Board members to do our part to seek to keep
forced labor out of MDB-funded projects. If confirmed I will work with
staff and board members to apply rigorous safeguards and standards to
prevent human trafficking and forced labor.
Afghanistan
Question. As of August 2021, the World Bank was contributing more
than $2 billion to fund 27 active projects in Afghanistan. As the
Taliban seized control of Afghanistan, the World Bank evacuated its
Kabul-based staff, but in an internal memo described by Reuters
president David Malpass expressed hope the World Bank ``will be able to
have a positive impact once the situation stabilizes.''
Please describe how you believe the IRBD should approach financing
projects in Afghanistan, including measures that it should take
to avoid funneling money to the Taliban.
Answer. I understand that the World Bank has paused its activity in
Afghanistan. The international community, including the World Bank,
should continue examining options to responsibly provide support to the
Afghan people, while engaging in strong due diligence and application
of appropriate safeguards to prevent the flow of funds to any entity
supporting terrorism or other acts of violence against the United
States.
Question. Please describe what sorts of projects you believe are
appropriate to either initiate or continue in Afghanistan, which are or
would be funded by IRBD.
Answer. It is too early to say at this time. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with others in the U.S. Government, Congress, World
Bank Management, and other World Bank board members to examine options
to provide support to the Afghan people while preventing the flow of
funds to any person or entity seeking to harm the United States.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. How do you view your role, if you are confirmed as
Assistant Secretary, in leading our international economic efforts
abroad?
Answer. If confirmed, I think of the role of Assistant Secretary
for Economic and Business Affairs as comprising three main components:
(1) contributing to the crafting of U.S. Government policies at the
intersection of economics and foreign policy by working closely with
others in the State Department, the interagency, and Congress; (2)
providing internal leadership--guidance, direction, and a sense of
purpose--to the capable and dedicated professionals at the Department
working on economic and business issues around the world; and (3)
providing external leadership by advancing U.S. objectives in the
diplomatic sphere and engaging with American businesses, workers, and
other stakeholders. These roles extend across the range of functional
areas in which the bureau is involved, including commercial and
business affairs, trade policy, transportation, finance and investment,
economic development, communications and information policy, and threat
finance and sanctions.
Question. What are your goals for this position? Where do you see
the biggest challenges? Biggest opportunities?
Answer. If confirmed, my goals as Assistant Secretary for Economic
and Business Affairs would center on applying diplomatic tools to
advance U.S. economic and business interests, and leveraging economic
and business tools to advance U.S. foreign policy and national security
interests.
I would have a particular focus on three key objectives: (1)
securing a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic; (2) shaping the
international norms and rules governing trade, commerce, and technology
that will underpin the future global economy; and (3) leveraging
economic levers such as sanctions and foreign assistance to pursue U.S.
diplomatic and national security goals
A key challenge will be to identify concrete ways to work with
like-minded nations to confront abusive policies by China that create
unfair competition, disadvantage American workers, and conflict with
American values. This is also an opportunity to expand collaboration
with allies, partners, and multilateral institutions that share our
values, so that the future arc of commercial and technological
evolution reflects democratic rather than authoritarian principles.
I believe another key opportunity involves using U.S. commercial
diplomacy in novel ways to expand opportunities for American workers
and American businesses, particularly small- and medium-sized
enterprises. The Championing American Business Through Diplomacy Act of
2019 (CABDA) envisages a leading role for the State Department in this
area. I look forward to working to make that vision a reality, if
confirmed.
Question. What additional tools would help enable you to achieve
these goals?
Answer. If confirmed, I will look to make sure that the hundreds of
Civil Service professionals and Foreign Service Officers who work at
the Department all over the world have the resources they need to
advance the full range of U.S. foreign economic policy priorities. I
will also look to strengthen the bureau's work to train and retain a
diverse cadre of officers in the Department working on economic issues
through expanding professional development opportunities and advocating
for greater recognition and promotion of economic work. If confirmed, I
look forward to continuing a dialogue with Congress on these issues and
working together to achieve these goals.
Question. What should be our goals, together with our allies, when
it comes to the global economy and its recovery after COVID?
Answer. If confirmed, I see three key goals for the Bureau of
Economic and Business Affairs to contribute to the specific issue of
global economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. First, the bureau
must work with the interagency and with international partners to
restore safe and sustainable international travel and commerce. Second,
we must work with others in the U.S. Government, the private sector,
and foreign partners to address short-term supply chain disruptions, as
well as to take concrete actions to build more resilient supply chains
for the future, especially in key areas like semiconductors and other
critical sectors. Third, we must engage in commercial diplomacy in new
ways to unlock novel opportunities in the post-pandemic world for U.S.
businesses, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises.
As we look to the post-COVID world, the bureau also has an
important role to play in shaping the international norms and rules
governing trade, commerce, and technology that will underpin the future
global economy, as well as realizing the vision of Build Back Better
World (B3W) to mobilize investments in climate, health and health
security, digital technology, and gender equity and equality.
Question. How do you plan to pursue these goals, if you are
confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to drawing upon the full range
of tools and processes of economic statecraft to pursue these goals:
tapping the expertise of the dedicated professionals in the Department
and elsewhere in the U.S. Government, working closely with interagency
colleagues and Congress to shape U.S. Government policies, engaging in
productive partnerships with the private sector, and advancing these
goals through diplomacy on the international stage.
Question. How do we best compete with China, especially in critical
new and emergent technologies like AI, genomics, robotics, and quantum
computing?
Answer. Preparing the United States to thrive in this technological
era requires a multi-dimensional strategy. This includes making
critical investments in our educational technological base at home to
support domestic manufacturing in key sectors, as well as world-leading
research and development (R&D) to support the creation, adoption,
diffusion, and production of innovation in the United States. It
includes working with allies and partners to take on abusive Chinese
practices in the technology area, including theft of intellectual
property and forced technology transfer, as well as to protect
sensitive technologies by coordinating on tools such as investment
reviews and export controls. It includes working with allies, partners,
and multilateral institutions to shape the rules, norms, and standards
governing the adoption and use of technology, so that future systems
are open, secure, and reliable, reflecting democratic not authoritarian
principles. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on
the issues in these critical areas.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator James E. Risch
Question. Many U.S. missions have been under enormous stress over
the last few years, in large part due to COVID-19.
What is your understanding of morale in the Bureau of Economic and
Business Affairs?
Answer. During the consultation process in connection to my
nomination, I have been extremely impressed by the energy, knowledge,
and commitment of the people in the bureau with whom I have met--from
the career officials who have provided essential leadership in acting
capacities during this transitional period, to the Foreign Service
Officers and Civil Service professionals working on the front lines of
critical economic issues. They have struck me as diligent in the
technical aspects of their jobs, dedicated to the mission of the
bureau, and highly motivated by making a difference for the United
States.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to strengthen morale in the bureau
by providing clear guidance on priorities and their connection to
broader U.S. economic and national security goals, working to ensure
our team has the resources they need to be successful, and doing
everything I can to make sure that individuals in the bureau feel that
their contributions are valued. If confirmed, I look forward to
continued consultations with Congress on the priorities of the bureau
and resources needed to make it as effective as possible.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision?
Answer. I would have three top priorities if confirmed--(1) secure
a strong recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic by restoring safe and
sustainable commerce, building more resilient supply chains, and
reenergizing U.S. commercial diplomacy; (2) shape the international
norms and rules governing trade, commerce and technology that will
underpin the future global economy, which includes working with allies
and partners to challenge abusive practices by China that undermine
U.S. interests and values; and (3) leverage economic tools to advance
foreign policy objectives and effectively respond to crises, including
sanctions, foreign assistance, and multilateral coordination. I believe
these issues are the right ones to create a unified mission and vision,
and I will endeavor to organize our team around these issues.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. In my experience, the best way to tap the full energy,
creativity, and dedication of team members is to create an environment
in which they each feel that their individual efforts are valued and
contribute meaningfully to a larger goal. To cultivate such an
environment, my approach is to articulate clear goals and
organizational mission, give team members sufficient latitude and
autonomy to pursue that mission in novel ways and feel a sense of
ownership, encourage dissent and challenges to conventional thinking,
provide respectful feedback that maintains high standards and
encourages professional growth, and demonstrate the importance of all
managers in the organization acting on such values.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates. My goal will be to create a collegial, respectful, and
collaborative work environment in the bureau, if confirmed.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your deputy?
Answer. The Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary (PDAS) for the
Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs plays a key role managing
bureau processes and ensuring strong interagency coordination. If
confirmed, I look forward to finding creative ways to work in
partnership with the PDAS to advance the bureau's mission, including
addressing specific challenges as they arise.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your deputy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will aim to establish an effective
collaboration and partnership with the Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary (PDAS) for the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs that
will best leverage our respective strengths to support the bureau's
mission. I expect that this will include a substantial role for the
PDAS in strengthening coordination and communication within the bureau,
as well as with our partners across the Department, our interagency
partners, the business community, and our economic officers in the
field.
Question. Do you believe that it is important to provide
subordinates with accurate, constructive feedback on their performance
in order to encourage improvement and reward those who most succeeded
in their roles?
Answer. Yes, it is vital to provide team members with accurate and
constructive feedback on their performance to encourage improvement,
cultivate professional growth, recognize progress, and reward success.
If confirmed, I am committed to doing so.
Question. If confirmed, would you support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees in order to improve
performance and reward high achievers?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would support and encourage clear,
accurate, and direct feedback to employees to achieve these goals.
Question. What would you do, if confirmed, to strengthen the U.S.
Foreign Service's Economic Corps as well as civil servants to ensure we
are better postured to compete economically with China?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to get the Foreign Service's
Economic Corps and civil servants the resources and support they need
to advance a foreign policy for the middle class, assist American
businesses to compete and win on the global stage, and confront the
PRC's economic abuses. If confirmed, I will work with the Under
Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment to attract
highly qualified economic foreign service officers and expert civil
service officers from throughout the State Department, and to
strengthen training and professional development in economic skills,
infrastructure, and commercial diplomacy.
Question. Will you commit to providing SFRC staff with
opportunities to observe State Department technical assistance on
economic issues, such as workshops or other programming on issues like
countering predatory finance, proper tendering, bidding, and
procurement, management of key economic sectors, and other relevant
areas?
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, my understanding is that the Bureau of Economic and
Business Affairs provides technical assistance in a few select areas
and assists other Department bureaus, agencies, and partners that
provide assistance in others. I understand the value of Congressional
oversight. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with
Congress to provide visibility into the work the bureau supports that
is important to our economic diplomacy efforts.
Question. In your view, what role does the Development Finance
Corporation play in countering China's state-directed economic
investments?
Answer. I applaud the work of Congress in passing the BUILD Act and
believe that the establishment of the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation (DFC) was an important step in enhancing our
economic tools. DFC investments can help advance important U.S.
development and foreign policy objectives. I understand DFC reviews
projects for criteria such as positive development impact, potential to
fill the gap where traditional financing is unavailable, financial
risk, and more. DFC can provide an alternative to PRC state-directed
economic investments, help American companies compete and win overseas
against Chinese companies, and offer potential partners and projects
the option of values-driven investments informed by strong standards.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to strengthening the deal
team model?
Answer. Because U.S. Government tools to assist U.S. companies
effectively compete abroad reside in a number of different agencies,
interagency collaboration is paramount to the effectiveness of U.S.
assistance efforts. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the Deal Team Initiative launched in
2020 has improved interagency coordination and therefore U.S.
Government support for U.S. companies. If confirmed, I will work to
build on this progress and further strengthen collaboration between the
State Department and our trade and development agencies in Washington
and overseas as envisaged in the Deal Team Initiative.
Question. Do you commit to further advancing the objectives of the
State Department's Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network?
Answer. Public financing alone cannot close the global
infrastructure gap over the next twenty years--we need to mobilize
private financing for quality infrastructure, including in the Indo-
Pacific. Based on my consultations with State Department professionals,
I understand that the participants in ITAN representing 14 U.S.
agencies have collaborated to identify--and where possible provide
support for--a large number of projects involving substantial
investments. If confirmed, I will work to build upon the work of ITAN
to date and continue helping foreign partners build better enabling
environments to mobilize greater private sector financing in quality
infrastructure investment through ITAN.
Question. For projects that are intended to open up opportunities
for further private sector investment, do you commit that the
Department of State will actually engage with the private sector before
determining whether to fund a project?
Answer. Mobilizing private sector investment in infrastructure
requires an understanding of the private sector's perspectives and
incentives. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that many ITAN projects have a substantial
focus on capacity building and technical assistance, including to shape
an enabling environment for high-quality investment. If confirmed, I
look forward to rigorous and regular consultations with the private
sector on best practices and their views in pursuing infrastructure
investments, so that U.S. Government assistance can be deployed as
effectively as possible.
Question. Do you commit that the Department of State's strategic
infrastructure pilot will not be solely or primarily used to fund
climate-related initiatives? There are other relevant national security
and foreign policy interests that should also be addressed.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific
Affairs implements the Strategic Infrastructure Fund (SIF) pilot. My
understanding is that the SIF is designed to advance U.S. efforts to
cultivate a free and open Indo-Pacific by defending markets against
coercion by strategic competitors and supporting projects that are also
of strategic value to the United States. If confirmed, I will work with
colleagues across the Department so that the State Department is
considering the full range of U.S. interests in infrastructure.
Question. Do you believe the United States needs to advance a more
robust trade agenda in the Indo-Pacific region? If so, what would you
emphasize and what should our main goals be?
Question. In my view, key goals for our trade policy should be
supporting American working families, defending our values, and
protecting the long-term prosperity and security of the United States.
Based on my consultations with State Department professionals, my
understanding is that trade policy in the Indo-Pacific is a key part of
the administration's effort to Build Back Better. As President Biden
has said, the United States is focused on making investments in U.S.
workers and U.S. competitiveness before he signs new trade agreements,
including in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I intend to work with
allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to identify ways to
advance cooperation in areas such as infrastructure, the digital
economy, and energy to help lay the groundwork for a region that is
open, connected, prosperous, resilient, and secure.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. China has long been one of the biggest violators of U.S.
sanctions. I am particularly concerned with the lack of action against
China and the purchase of Iranian oil in violation of U.S. law. Last
month, Reuters reported the ``U.S. has reached out to China about
cutting oil imports from Iran, officials say.'' The article quoted a
senior U.S. official stating, ``[w]e are aware of the purchases that
Chinese companies are making of Iranian oil.'' Yet, we have not seen
sanctions by the administration on these purchases.
If confirmed, what will you do to seek better cooperation from
China on sanction matters?
Answer. I understand that the United States has been engaged with
JCPOA participants, including China, in an effort to achieve a mutual
return to compliance with JCPOA commitments with Iran. If confirmed, I
will work with others in the administration to raise this issue with
the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will
also work with others in the administration to counter Iranian
sanctions evasion efforts by all who are involved, including Chinese
entities.
Question. Do you agree that any significant transaction involving
Iran's energy sector, including the import of oil or petroleum
products, violates U.S. sanctions?
Answer. I understand that the current Iran-related sanction
authorities remain in effect, including sanctions that address Iran's
energy sector and certain transactions related to oil and petroleum
products. To this end, if confirmed, I will work with others in the
administration to constrain the Iranian regime's efforts to evade U.S.
sanctions on its energy sector.
Question. It has recently been revealed the Commerce Department has
issued numerous licenses to allow billions of dollars in exports to
Huawei despite the company's significant violation of sanctions on
Iran.
What are your thoughts on balancing the need to hold companies
accountable when they violate our laws, and the natural
reluctance to disrupt significant commercial activity?
Answer. Ensuring American companies are competitive in the global
economy is critical for our future prosperity. If confirmed, I will
work with U.S. companies and others in the U.S. Government to
strengthen the competitiveness of American businesses. At the same
time, companies and individuals must comply with applicable U.S. law,
including sanctions and export controls, when conducting business.
Engaging in significant commercial activity does not exempt any of
these actors from the need to fully comply with applicable U.S. law.
If confirmed, I will work with our interagency colleagues,
including those at the Departments of Treasury, Commerce, Homeland
Security, and Justice, to ensure U.S. law is properly enforced. I will
also press other states and international bodies to use all appropriate
diplomatic, enforcement, and regulatory tools to curtail business
activities that are contrary to U.S. foreign policy and national
security objectives.
Question. If confirmed, are you fully committed to carrying out the
sanctions laws passed by Congress, even if you may disagree with the
views of Congress?
Answer. Sanctions are a vital tool to advance U.S. interests and
values. I appreciate Congress's deep and continued interest in
sanctions issues, and look forward to closely consulting on these
issues, if confirmed. If confirmed, I am committed to following the
laws passed by Congress, as well as using all of our diplomatic tools
to address threats to our national security.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Ramin Toloui by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for EVs
run through Xinjiang.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that China currently has a dominant
position in the global lithium-ion battery supply chain. My
understanding is that China is the largest market for lithium batteries
and has a growing domestic demand for electric vehicles (EVs). If
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to
which forced labor permeates supply chains for EVs, as well as other
key sectors, and to address forced labor practices in Xinjiang and
elsewhere in the PRC.
Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for EVs
run through Xinjiang and involve the use of slave labor.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the use of forced labor in Xinjiang is
a significant problem that could impact a number of industries that are
potential inputs to the EV industry. If confirmed, I will work with the
administration to assess the degree to which forced labor permeates
supply chains for EVs; support and advocate for the end of forced labor
and elimination of human rights abuses in our global supply chains; and
work to hold those accountable who knowingly contribute to these human
rights abuses in our global supply chains.
Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for solar
panels run through Xinjiang.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that China currently has a dominant
position in the global solar panel supply chain. My understanding is
that China controls a large proportion of the global supply chain for
solar-grade polysilicon, much of which is manufactured in Xinjiang. If
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to
which forced labor permeates supply chains for solar panels, as well as
other key sectors, and to address forced labor practices in Xinjiang
and elsewhere in the PRC.
Question. Please assess the degree to which supply lines for solar
panels run through Xinjiang and involve the use of slave labor.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the use of forced labor in Xinjiang is
a significant problem that could impact a number of industries,
including those involved in the production of solar panels. If
confirmed, I will work with the administration to assess the degree to
which forced labor permeates supply chains for solar panels; support
and advocate for the end of forced labor and elimination of human
rights abuses in our global supply chains; and work to hold those
accountable who knowingly contribute to these human rights abuses in
our global supply chains.
Question. Please describe steps you would take, if confirmed, to
untangle any advocacy or activities by EB related to ESG that might
promote the use of products made in Xinjiang with slave labor.
Answer. I believe forced labor in Xinjiang is a serious and
important issue. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to work with
the U.S. Government interagency, as well as allies and partners, to
advocate for the removal of forced labor from key supply chains;
cultivate diverse, secure, and reliable sources of supply for solar
panels and advanced batteries, among other sectors; and develop more
robust safeguards, enhanced auditing procedures, and greater
transparency in the supply chain. If confirmed, I also commit to
continuing to shine a light on forced labor practices, including
through tools that underscore the risks for businesses and individuals
of engaging with entities in Xinjiang and elsewhere. If confirmed, I
commit to consult with you and other members of Congress on how we can
work together to make concrete progress in this area.
Question. Please assess the degree to which EB's mission and
equities would be undermined by activation of NS2.
Answer. I agree with the administration and significant bipartisan
consensus in Congress that Nord Stream 2 is a Russian geopolitical
project. In this context, the United States must be vigilant against
Russia's potential use of energy to undermine Ukraine's economy and
security, as well as broader European energy security. If confirmed, I
commit to working with others in the administration, Congress, and our
European allies and partners to support a more secure and sustainable
energy future for Ukraine and to advance European energy security more
broadly.
Question. Please assess the threat posed to EB's mission and
equities by Russia using energy as a weapon.
Answer. Nord Stream 2 is a Russian geopolitical project. It is
essential that the United States work with Germany and other allies and
partners to reduce the risks posed by the pipeline to Ukraine and
frontline NATO and EU countries and to push back against harmful
Russian activities, including in the energy sphere. If confirmed, I
will work with my administration colleagues to advance a more secure
and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and other frontline NATO and
EU Allies and partners, as well as work with others in the U.S.
Government and Europe to confront any Russian attempt to weaponize
energy flows against our allies and partners.
Question. What do you assess is going wrong with sanctions
enforcement
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the United States has used sanctions
to respond to Iranian sanctions evasion, including a designation in
August of an Omani national for facilitating the sale and shipment of
illicit Iranian oil. I expect the administration to continue to oppose
Iranian sanctions evasion efforts, including those involving Chinese
entities. If confirmed, I will work with others in the administration
to raise this issue with the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran
policy.
Question. Please assess the benefits that China gets from such
sanctions-busting.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, my understanding is that the administration is aware of
reports that PRC-based companies are buying Iranian oil. If confirmed,
I will work with others in the administration to raise this issue with
the Chinese as part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will
also work with interagency colleagues to oppose Iranian sanctions
evasion efforts, including those involving Chinese entities.
Question. If confirmed, how will you act to prevent such sanctions-
busting.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with other countries to ensure
they are aware of our current Iran-related sanctions as part of an
effort to constrain the Iranian regime's efforts to evade U.S.
sanctions and help our partners address sanctionable activity in their
respective jurisdictions. Specifically, if confirmed, I will work with
others in the administration to raise this issue with the Chinese as
part of a dialogue on Iran policy. If confirmed, I will also work with
interagency colleagues to oppose Iranian sanctions evasion efforts,
including those involving Chinese entities.
Question. Please describe any new significant sanctions that have
been imposed on Iran since the inauguration of President Biden.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that since President Biden's inauguration,
the administration has imposed sanctions on individuals and entities
linked to Iranian intelligence and financial supporters of terrorist
organizations including Lebanese Hizballah. I understand that in August
the administration designated an Omani national for facilitating the
sale and shipment of tens of millions of dollars' worth of illicit
Iranian oil to obscure Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force
(IRGC-QF) involvement. Further, I understand that the administration
has targeted leaders of a kidnapping network closely linked to the
Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security, as well as illicit
actors who moved vast sums in order to support Hizballah and the IRGC-
QF. Most recently, in late October, I understand that the
administration designated members of a network of companies and
individuals linked to the IRGC's Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) program
which has historically proliferated attacks against U.S. forces, our
partners, and international shipping.
Question. Please describe the details of any arrangements, deals,
or agreements that are being contemplated by the Biden administration
to reduce pressure on Iran other than reentry into the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
Answer. I have not been made aware of any arrangements, deals, or
agreements contemplated to reduce pressure on Iran, based on my
consultations with State Department professionals.
Question. Please commit to enforcing IFCA sanctions related to the
transport by Iran of fuel to Lebanon.
Answer. I understand that the humanitarian situation in Lebanon is
dire. I understand that U.S. Senior Advisor for Global Energy Security
Amos Hochstein travelled to Lebanon in October to discuss sustainable
solutions to Lebanon's energy crisis. If confirmed, I commit to
following the law and pursuing the full range of efforts to constrain
the Iranian regime's attempts to evade U.S. sanctions on its energy
sector.
Question. Please commit to enforcing Caesar Act sanctions related
to the transport of fuel from Iran over Syria to Lebanon.
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to following the law and promoting
accountability for the Assad regime and the atrocities it has committed
in Syria, as envisaged in the Caesar Act.
Question. Please describe to what extent you believe that it would
be in America's national security interest for resources to go to the
Government of Lebanon even if that government was controlled or unduly
influenced by Hizballah.
Answer. Hizballah is a terrorist organization. Based on my
consultations with State Department professionals, I understand that
the United States undertakes rigorous measures to safeguard U.S.
assistance from conferring benefits to Hizballah or any other terrorist
group, including thorough oversight, vetting, and robust risk
mitigation practices. I understand that U.S. economic aid is not
provided directly to the Lebanese Government but implemented through
trusted NGOs and international organizations. As part of its security
assistance, my understanding is that the U.S. Government conducts End-
Use Monitoring (EUM) to mitigate the risk of unauthorized transfer or
use of U.S. technology and equipment.
Question. Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis
in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that the Houthis' military offensive, with
continued Iranian support, is exacerbating an already-dire humanitarian
crisis, placing at risk a million internally displaced persons who
found refuge in Marib after escaping fighting in other parts of the
country.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, my understanding is that the administration revoked the
designations after taking into account warnings regarding the potential
impact the designations could have had on commercial food shipments
into Yemen and the provision of humanitarian aid. I understand that the
administration listened to concerns voiced by the UN, humanitarian
groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others, that the
designations could have had a severe impact on Yemenis' access to basic
commodities like food and fuel, which could increase the risk of
famine. Based on my consultations, I understand that the short time
that passed between the designations and the revocations limited the
impact the designations had on humanitarian assistance and commercial
imports, including food and other essential supplies.
Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that resolving the conflict in Yemen and
bringing relief to the Yemeni people is a critical U.S. foreign policy
priority. The Houthis' ongoing offensive on Marib runs directly counter
to that goal, posing a dire threat to the humanitarian situation in
Yemen and potentially triggering increased fighting throughout Yemen.
Based on my consultations, my understanding is that the lifting of
sanctions helps enable the delivery of life-saving food, emergency
shelter, water, and sanitation and hygiene supplies, as well as
essential non-food items, such as blankets and water containers.
Question. Please describe how, if confirmed, you would position EB
to enforce and/or deepen America's embargo on Cuba.
Answer. I understand that since July, the administration has
imposed four rounds of targeted sanctions against Cuban officials in
connection with violence, repression, and human rights violations
against peaceful protestors in Cuba, including numerous senior military
officers and divisions of the armed forces responsible for violence
against protestors. If confirmed, I will work with my State Department
colleagues, others in the administration, and Congress to promote
accountability for those who abuse human rights and repress the Cuban
people.
Question. Mexico has taken several actions that discriminate
against American energy producers and favor state owned enterprises
(SOEs), including through modifications of the country's Hydrocarbons
Law, proposed constitutional reforms to the electricity industry, and
predatory behavior that potentially violate key tenets of the USMCA.
Please assess the degree to which this discrimination has undermined
sustainable trade between the United States and Mexico.
Answer. I understand that Mexico has adopted a series of
administrative, regulatory, and legislative changes in its energy
policies that undermine existing investments in the sector and the
overall business climate. These measures are concerning and, if
confirmed, I look forward to working with my USTR and State Department
colleagues and others in the U.S. Government to understand the full
scope and consequences of Mexico's actions.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you be able to
take to halt and reverse these counterproductive steps?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my USTR and State Department
colleagues and others in the interagency to express concern to Mexico
about the direction of its energy policy, closely monitor these and
other problematic policy changes, and identify steps that the U.S.
Government and State Department can take to promote fair energy market
access for the private sector.
Question. Please assess the degree to which Mexico's recent actions
in the electricity and energy production sectors are in violation of
the USMCA.
Answer. I understand that USTR has confirmed that the energy sector
is covered under USMCA. While USTR would be in the best position to
comment on their ongoing review of these measures and their
implications for Mexico's commitment to a fair and open investment
regime, as well as their consistency with Mexico's USMCA obligations, I
would welcome the opportunity to look into this and consult with you,
if confirmed.
Question. Do you support the efforts and objectives of the EMGF?
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, my understanding is that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas
Forum presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key
partners to promote greater cooperation, energy security, and economic
prosperity throughout the region. I also understand that the EMGF
announced earlier this year that it plans to work with specialists to
discuss and promote gas decarbonization. If confirmed, I would consult
with my colleagues in the Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs, Energy
Resources, and European Affairs on how to coordinate our engagement and
advance U.S. national interests in the initiative.
Question. Do you support the United States continued involvement
within the EMFG?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope to work with others at the State
Department and within the U.S. Government on continued U.S. involvement
with the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum.
Question. Do you support efforts by Israel and other regional
partners to develop a sustainable natural gas infrastructure including
through bilateral negotiations?
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that natural gas discoveries have helped
redefine relationships and increase energy security in the Eastern
Mediterranean, and that our partners building up capacity in renewable
energy sources will further transform the energy landscape in this
region. I support the development of sustainable, secure, energy
sources by Israel and other regional partners, including through
bilateral negotiations.
Question. Can you evaluate the impacts of the EMFG on advancing
peace and cooperation between Israel and regional partners?
Answer. I understand that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum
presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key
partners, including greater cooperation, energy security, and economic
prosperity that supports Israel's greater integration in the region.
Question. Can you evaluate the impact that completing the EastMed
pipeline would have on providing Europe with an alternative to Russian
supplied gas?
Answer. Based on my consultations with State Department
professionals, I understand that existing natural gas pipelines and
pipelines already under construction provide energy diversification
away from Russian gas in the region. My understanding is also that
greater electricity interconnections between our partners to ensure our
partners can generate reliable and sustainable electricity using
renewable energy sources. If confirmed, I would work with other bureaus
at the State Department and others in the U.S. Government to assess the
numerous regional energy projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under
consideration to advance these goals, including the EastMed Pipeline.
Question. Do you support the continued development of the EastMed
Pipeline?
Answer. I understand that regional energy and electrical
interconnections have the ability to increase our partners' and allies'
energy security, diversify energy supplies, and aid in facilitating a
stable and sustainable energy transition to adopt renewable energy
sources. If confirmed, I would work with other bureaus at the State
Department and others in the U.S. Government to assess the numerous
regional energy projects in the Eastern Mediterranean under
consideration to advance these goals, including the EastMed Pipeline.
Question. What impact do you think this energy forum has on
regional dynamics, including those related to diplomatic, economic, and
security?
Answer. I understand that the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum
presents new opportunities for collaboration with allies and key
partners and promotes greater cooperation, energy security, and
economic prosperity in the region, which ultimately helps advances
stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.
__________
The Marakesh Accords
Christian and Jewish Organization and Leader Statements Supporting
Nomination of Rashad Hussain for Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom
Christian Persecution Watchdog Encourages
Congress to Confirm Rashad Hussain
https://premierchristian.news/en/news/article/christian-persecution-
watchdog-encourages-congress-to-confirm-biden-s-religious-freedom-
nominee
-- Tuesday, August 3, 2021 by Premier Journalist
Open Doors USA, an organization that advocates for persecuted
Christians worldwide, has expressed support for Joe Biden's recent
appointment to Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.
The Biden administration announced four new appointees related to
specific religious offices on Friday, with a distinct focus on Rashad
Hussain, the nominee for Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom.
Open Doors USA CEO David Curry said in a statement: ``Open Doors
has repeatedly called on the Biden Administration to fill these
critical roles to international religious freedom, and we are heartened
by today's nominations. Rashad Hussain is a well-qualified nominee with
a deep understanding of the factors at play in China, India, and
elsewhere. We look forward to building together the diverse coalition
of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of religious
persecution worldwide.''
Curry notes that ``Mr. Hussain's experience could play a major role
in addressing some of the most challenging issues facing Christians,
especially in the Middle East and West Africa,'' and urges Congress to
confirm this nominee quickly for the sake of religious freedom.
Hussain has served in several administrations, including the Obama
administration in 2009. He has also worked at the National Security
Council. The Ambassador at Large will play a crucial part in
coordinating foreign policy direction concerning the persecution of
religious communities across the world. Open Doors believes that the
United States should focus these priorities on the extreme violence
against Christians in Nigeria, the genocide against Uyghurs in China,
and the deteriorating state of religious freedom in India.
Open Doors also expressed support for the other three appointees.
They urged Senator McConnell and other Senators to fill these vacancies
expediently.
__________
Biden Names First Muslim Religious Freedom Ambassador
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html?utm--medium=widgetemail
(UPDATED) 12 Christian IRF advocates praise Rashad Hussain, Obama's OIC
envoy, for his credentials and credibility. Two USCIRF commissioners
and antisemitism envoy also named.--Jeremy Weber and Religion News
Service; July 30, 2021
The White House announced Friday a slate of nominations and
appointments for top religious affairs roles, including the first
Muslim American nominated to be the US ambassador-at-large for
international religious freedom (IRF).
President Joe Biden will select Rashad Hussain as his nominee for
that post, filling a State Department slot vacant since former Kansas
governor and US Senator Sam Brownback--who co-chaired a bipartisan IRF
summit for 1,200 attendees this month--left at the close of the Trump
administration.
Hussain, who would need to be confirmed by the Senate, currently
works as director for Partnerships and Global Engagement at the
National Security Council. He previously served as White House counsel
under President Barack Obama, as well as US special envoy to the
Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and US special envoy for the
Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications, among other
roles.
Knox Thames, who served as the State Department's special advisor
for religious minorities during both the Obama and Trump
administrations, told CT that Hussain was ``a strong pick.''
``He knows human rights and cares about religious freedom,'' said
Thames. ``I saw firsthand how he raised these issues when he served as
[OIC envoy]. I know he'll be able to hit the ground running from day
one to combat religious persecution.''
Judd Birdsall, a senior research fellow at the Berkley Center for
Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University who served
with Hussain at the State Department from 2009-2011, told CT that the
nomination is a ``fantastic choice'' because Hussain has ``impeccable
credentials, extensive diplomatic and legal experience, and unique
credibility as a Muslim American.''
``I greatly respected his thoughtful, humble, and capacious
approach to all things religion and diplomacy, including the promotion
of religious freedom,'' said Birdsall. ``He understands the religious
minority experience and is a passionate advocate for all those who
suffer on account of their beliefs.''
Also noteworthy is the speed of the nomination, coming at a similar
pace to President Donald Trump's selection of Brownback as IRF
ambassador after just six months.
``The most tangible measure of an administration's commitment to
international religious freedom is the quality of its IRF ambassador
nominee and the speed with which it makes that nomination,'' Birdsall
told CT. ``Whereas President Bush took 14 months to announce his
nominee for the job and Obama took 17, Biden is strongly signaling his
commitment to the issue by taking only seven months to announce an
outstanding nominee.
``By nominating a Muslim to serve as IRF ambassador, the Biden
administration is decisively turning the page on an era in which a
perception of anti-Muslim sentiment undermined the nation's reputation
on religious freedom,'' he said. ``Rashad Hussain will help to restore
America's credibility as a champion of tolerance and inclusion.''
``The task of advancing religious freedom is best done when all
faiths work together,'' James Chen, vice president of global operations
at the Institute for Global Engagement, told CT. ``So the Biden
administration's appointment of Mr. Hussain is encouraging to see.''
Bob Roberts, global senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder
of Multi-Faith Neighbors Network, told CT he was ``so excited'' for
Hussain's nomination.
``He will be incredible. He's a wise man of character,'' said
Roberts. ``Him being a Muslim is a very positive thing, in that he will
be able to walk into sensitive places in the world and be unparalleled
in his ability to understand, speak to issues, and challenge right
actions.
``We've had Christians in that role and a rabbi in David
Saperstein,'' he said. ``A Muslim is a good choice.''
``President Biden's appointment of a Muslim [IRF ambassador] is a
reminder that the US position on religious freedom has always been for
people of all faiths and even for those who express no particular
faith,'' Randel Everett, founder and president of 21Wilberforce, told
CT.
Elijah Brown, general secretary and CEO of the Baptist World
Alliance, told CT that the nomination is a ``strategic development''
because Hussain ``brings a depth of experience across all three
branches of the US government and a wide array of faith-based
initiatives including Baptist-Muslim conversations.
``I join with many others in urging Congress to quickly confirm
[him] to this ambassadorship,'' he said, ``as many--especially in light
of the ongoing global pandemic--face unprecedented restrictions as they
seek to live out their faith convictions.''
Jeremy Barker, the Erbil-based Middle East program director at the
Religious Freedom Institute, told CT that Hussain is ``a great choice''
who has ``done serious security and diplomatic policy work which will
be vital in advancing religious freedom within an administration that
had said it wants to prioritize human rights within its foreign policy.
``He is also a person of faith who takes his own religion seriously
and understands that religious persecution strikes at something
fundamental to an individual or community,'' said Barker.
``International religious freedom has been and should remain an
issue with overwhelming bipartisan support. The Senate should move
quickly to get Mr. Hussain confirmed and in the job,'' he said. ``The
work is too important to be left undone and the Biden administration is
to be commended for putting a qualified nominee forward early in the
process.''
``Rashad's appointment demonstrates not only the importance the
Biden administration places on religious freedom,'' said Saeed Khan, an
expert on American Muslim communities at Wayne State University, ``it
also shows the importance of the Muslim world to the administration
both in terms of combatting Islamophobia and also promoting religious
freedom in Muslim majority countries. Rashad's background will allow
him to have a frank discussion with Muslim majority countries about the
importance of religious freedom.''
Biden is also expected to nominate Deborah Lipstadt as the next US
special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism. Lipstadt is a
professor at Emory University in Atlanta and a prominent Holocaust
historian.She is the author of Antisemitism: Here and Now and is known
for successfully defeating a libel suit brought against her by
Holocaust denier David Irving.
``We are greatly heartened by the anticipated announcement of Prof.
Lipstadt to continue our nation's fight against antisemitism both here
and abroad,'' said Mark (Moishe) Bane, president of the Orthodox Union.
``She is a leader with great moral courage; her dedicated work, clear
voice in fighting Holocaust denial and preserving the memory of the
attempted destruction of the Jewish people make her an exemplary choice
for this role.''
Lipstadt, who would have the rank of ambassador, also requires
Senate confirmation. The anticipated announcement follows a May 24
letter from several leading Jewish organizations calling on President
Biden to address the recent rise in antisemitic attacks.
``The presence and efforts of an Ambassador to Monitor and Combat
Antisemitism send a powerful signal to governments around the world
that the U.S. takes combating antisemitism seriously and calls on them
to do the same,'' the letter said.
``President Biden is to be congratulated for having moved
relatively quickly in nominating people for religious freedom related
posts,'' Paul Marshall, a veteran IRF scholar and author and the
religious freedom chair at the Institute for Studies of Religion at
Baylor University, told CT. He noted that Lipstadt is ``a skilled
veteran'' and that Hussein's envoy roles had ``shown both his abilities
and his commitment to religious freedom.''
``Having a Muslim in the religious freedom ambassadorship may allay
the canard that this is simply a sop to the religious right,'' said
Marshall, currently a senior fellow at the DC-based Religious Freedom
Institute and the Jakarta-based Leimena Institute.
Nadine Maenza, chair of the US Commission on International
Religious Freedom (USCIRF), applauded the two nominations.
``We look forward to working closely with [them] to develop new
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief
around the world,'' she stated in a press release. ``Global religious
freedom violations continue to be a pervasive threat to our national
security and global stability. [They] play an essential role in US
efforts to counter that threat.''
In addition, Biden plans to appoint two new commissioners to
USCIRF: Khizr Khan and Rabbi Sharon Kleinbaum.Khan became famous in
2016 when he and his wife, Ghazala, spoke during the Democratic
National Convention as ``Gold Star'' parents, discussing their son,
Humayun, a US Army captain who died in Iraq in 2004.
Khan, a Harvard-educated Muslim immigrant, directly challenged
then-candidate Trump's proposal to ban residents of Muslim-majority
countries from entering the United States, accusing the business mogul
of having sacrificed ``nothing--and no one.''
``Let me ask you, have you even read the United States
Constitution? I will gladly lend you my copy,'' Khan said as he held
aloft a worn booklet containing the text of the document.
Khan, the founder of the Constitution Literacy and National Unity
Project, runs his own law practice and has authored three books,
including Founding Documents of the United States of America.
Kleinbaum, for her part, already served as a USCIRF commissioner in
2020 and leads the Congregation Beit Simchat Torah in New York City, a
community that centers LGBT people. A human rights advocate, she also
sits on Mayor de Blasio's Faith Based Advisory Council and serves on
New York City's Commission on Human Rights. In addition, she is a board
member of the New York Jewish Agenda and the New Israel Fund.
``Today's announcement underscores the President's commitment to
build an Administration that looks like America and reflects people of
all faiths,'' stated the White House.
David Curry, CEO of Open Doors USA, told CT he was ``heartened'' by
the Biden administration filling the critical IRF roles.
``Rashad Hussain is a well-qualified nomination with a deep
understanding of the factors at play in China, India, and elsewhere,''
he said. ``We look forward to building together the diverse coalition
of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of religious
persecution worldwide.''
In a later press release, Open Doors welcome all four selections,
stated Hussain's ``expertise could play a major role in addressing some
of the most challenging issues facing Christians, especially in the
Middle East and West Africa,'' and called on Senator Mitch McConnell to
``fill the last remaining vacancy [at USCIRF] in a timely
manner.''Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President Trump's
evangelical advisers Johnnie Moore congratulated Hussain and the other
appointees and told CT he'll ``look forward to collaborating with each
of them in order to advance the freedom of religion and belief around
the world.
``There will, as always, be divergent points of view on certain
ideas, policies, and strategies, but international religious freedom
continues to be--and must remain--almost entirely bipartisan,'' he
said. ``In fact, it must be nonpartisan. I intend on doing my part to
keep it so.''
Kori Porter, CEO of CSW USA, told CT she ``warmly welcomes''
Hussein and his ``excellent track record speaking out in support of
religious minorities and against laws that violate freedom of religion
or belief, including blasphemy laws.
``His nomination is an encouraging sign of the importance that the
Biden administration places on religious freedom, which is particularly
welcome as the world tackles the pandemic and worsening inequalities
and rights violations,'' she said. ``We hope that Mr. Hussein will
build on the excellent work of former ambassadors, particularly
Ambassadors Saperstein and Brownback, in raising the profile of this
fundamental human right.''
Thomas Schirrmacher, secretary general of the World Evangelical
Alliance (WEA), told CT the alliance has had ``great experience with
Muslim friends filling strategic religious freedom positions,'' such as
Ahmed Shaheed, the current UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion
or Belief (interviewed by CT here). The WEA is currently ``building a
strong global alliance with major Muslim actors who fight for religious
freedom,'' he said, evidenced by a joint statement and book release
with Indonesia's Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) at a DC event adjacent to
Brownback's IRF summit.
``With Rashad, we get one of the most experienced diplomats in
dealing with concerned governments, so there is no need for him to warm
up,'' said Schirrmacher. ``He can start to change things
tomorrow.''Jack Jenkins, Kathryn Post, and Joseph Hammond reported for
RNS. Additional reporting by Jeremy Weber for CT.
__________
U.S. Senate Should Quickly Affirm Texan Rashad
Hussain As Religious Freedom Ambassador
https://www.dallasnews.com/opinion/commentary/2021/10/21/the-us-senate-
should-quickly-affirm-texan-rashad-hussain-as-religious-freedom-
ambassador/
By Bob Roberts and Chris Seiple
The Dallas Morning News, October 21, 2021
Since Roger Williams founded America's first Baptist church in
Rhode Island in 1638, Americans have understood religious freedom to
not only be the right thing to
When the state forces people to believe something they don't want
to, the state violates the most precious gift of God--liberty of
conscience--and it creates resentment against the state. Williams'
solution was simple: Let people believe whatever they want, and gain
greater loyalty to the state. In other words, religious freedom is good
for society, and for security.
In 1998, Congress voted unanimously to create the position of the
U.S. ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. Religious
freedom is not so much a bipartisan issue as it is a nonpartisan issue:
it is in the marrow of our bones to defend someone's right to disagree
with us. It is what most makes us American.
We should know: we are a 6th generation Texan whose ancestor fought
at the Alamo (Bob Roberts), and the fourth of eight Marines in two
generations of Seiples, whose father served as the first U.S.
ambassador for international religious freedom (Chris Seiple).
Together, we have worked with our government across administrations and
politics, working with every religious freedom ambassador and around
the world for a religious freedom that protects the conscience and
ensures the security of all citizens.
Soon the U.S. Senate will consider President Joe Biden's nomination
for ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom, Rashad
Hussain, a Texan who grew up in Plano. We have known and worked with
him for many years. He is a trusted and experienced diplomat and
national security expert, having worked to protect our national
security at the White House, Department of State, and Department of
Justice in the past three presidential administrations, for Democrats
and a Republican.
For example, Rashad led America's successful effort to eliminate
the ``Defamation of Religions'' U.N. resolution, a sort of global
blasphemy law. He has led many multifaith delegations and diplomatic
missions to places such as the Central African Republic, Egypt,
Pakistan, Nigeria and Afghanistan to help protect vulnerable religious
communities; and he actively supported visits by religious leaders to
Holocaust sites to combat antisemitism. He has also worked as a
national security law enforcement officer on counter-terrorism matters.
That Hussain happens to be a Muslim is a bonus. His service in this
role, and his honorable record of public service, exemplify the deep
and widespread contributions that Muslim Americans make to our country
on a daily basis, in all walks of life.
As the first Muslim to serve in this role, Hussain would send a
strong signal rejecting despicable anti-Muslim discrimination,
stereotyping and hatred that we have seen in America and abroad. And,
we should note, he is the perfect person to visibly and vocally defend
the rights of religious minorities, especially Christians, in some
Muslim-majority contexts that have struggled to promote religious
freedom--as we have witnessed him do throughout his career.
Because of these combined attributes, Hussain has the trust and
support of interfaith groups and civil society across religious and
political spectrums, including the U.S. Commission on International
Religious Freedom, and Jewish and Christian leaders. We urge the rapid
and unanimous confirmation of him.
If confirmed to this role, Hussain will be the focal point for the
American fight against global restrictions on religious freedom, which
is at an all-time high. The Pew Research Center's global study of
restrictions on religion found in 2019 that governments in 180
countries harassed religious groups in some way, and that 57 countries
have ``high'' or ``very high'' levels of government restrictions on
religion. Christians face restrictions in 153 countries globally, the
most of any religious group. Some religious communities are being
subjected to horrific acts of genocide and crimes against humanity,
including in places like China and Myanmar.
The United States was not founded for a particular creed or race or
tribe; it was founded on the truth that all men are created equal and
are endowed by their creator with unalienable rights. Roger Williams
believed that liberty of conscience was the cornerstone of
civilization. As we continue to strive to meet his vision, one thing is
certain: The diversity and dynamism of our multifaith and
multireligious society are a source of strength and an example for the
world. Hussain will help keep it so.
Bob Roberts is the founder of GlocalNet, co-founder of Multi-Faith
Neighbors Network, senior global pastor at Northwood Church in Keller,
and host of the Bold Love podcast.
Chris Seiple is president emeritus of the Institute for Global
Engagement, a senior fellow at the University of Washington's Jackson
School of International Studies, and global policy adviser to the
executive leadership of the World Evangelical Alliance.
They wrote this column for The Dallas Morning News.
__________
Christian Solidarity Worldwide Welcomes Nomination of US Ambassador for
International Religious Freedom
https://www.csw.org.uk/2021/08/03/press/5362/article.htm
CSW warmly welcomes US President Joe Biden's nomination of Mr
Rashad Hussain as the new US ambassador-at-large for International
Religious Freedom.
Mr Hussain is the first Muslim to be nominated for the role, and
has a proven track record of standing up for the right to freedom of
religion or belief, particularly in combatting anti-semitism and
hostility towards Christians and other religious minorities in Muslim-
majority countries.
His previous roles include White House Counsel under President
Barack Obama, US Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation and US Special Envoy for the Center for Strategic
Counterterrorism Communications. His appointment as US Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom still needs to be confirmed
by the US Senate. Previous post-holders include US Senator Sam
Brownback and Rabbi David Saperstein.
President Biden has also nominated prominent Holocaust historian
Deborah Lipstadt as the next US Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat
Antisemitism, and two new commissioners to the United States Commission
on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF). The nominees are Rabbi
Sharon Kleinbaum, who served as a USCIRF commissioner in 2020, and
Khizr Khan, a lawyer and Gold Star parent who spoke movingly at the
Democratic National Convention in 2016 about his son's death.
CSW-USA's Chief Executive Kori Porter said: ``CSW congratulates
Rashad Hussain on his nomination as the next US ambassador-at-large for
International Religious Freedom. The announcement is an encouraging
indicator of the importance the Biden administration places on the
fundamental right to freedom of religion or belief. We hope that Mr
Hussain will build on the excellent work of his predecessors, and look
forward to working closely with him in pursuit of the promotion and
protection of freedom of religion or belief around the world.''
CSW`s Chief Executive Scot Bower said: ``CSW welcomes the
nomination of Rashad Hussain and urges the US Senate to confirm his
appointment. Once in post we encourage Mr Hussain to pay close
attention to the situation of freedom of religion or belief in China
and Nigeria in particular, ensuring that egregious violations of this
fundamental human right by the Chinese Communist Party, and by state
and armed non-state actors in Nigeria, are kept high on the Biden
administration's agenda.''
__________
Why the Senate Must Fast-Track Biden's
Nominee on Religious Freedom
WHILE RASHAD HUSSAIN'S CONFIRMATION WAITS,
MILLIONS ARE PERSECUTED FOR THEIR FAITH.
https://religionnews.com/2021/10/13/why-the-senate-must-fast-track-
bidens-nominee-on-religious-freedom/
By David Curry\1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ (David Curry is president and CEO of Open Doors USA, which
advocates on behalf of those who are persecuted for their Christian
faith. Follow on Twitter @OpenDoors. For more than 60 years, Open Doors
USA has worked in the world's most oppressive and restrictive countries
for Christians. Open Doors works to equip and encourage Christians
living in dangerous circumstances with the threat of persecution and
equips the Western church to advocate for the persecuted. Christians
are one of the most persecuted religious groups in the world and are
oppressed in at least 60 countries. For more information, visit
OpenDoorsUSA.org.)
(Open Doors)--Since President Joe Biden's inauguration, religious
freedom advocates urged the administration to prioritize the
appointment of a new ambassador-at-large for international religious
freedom. The president listened to our pleas, and on July 30, Biden
nominated Rashad Hussain, who currently serves as director for
partnerships and global engagement at the National Security Council.
Hussain is unable to step into his new role until he is officially
confirmed by the United States Senate. But the legislative body is
facing a ludicrous backlog of nominees also awaiting a hearing, and it
could take months--if not years--for Hussain's name to be called.
This post is not a run-of-the-mill government desk job. The IRF
ambassador plays a critical role in human rights advancement worldwide
at a time when state-sanctioned religious persecution has reached
alarming levels. The Senate must fast-track Hussain's confirmation.
According to Pew Forum's latest research, government restrictions
on religion have steadily increased for over a decade. Social hostility
toward people of faith remains high. Among the world's approximately
2.3 billion Christians, more than 340 million are at high risk of
discrimination because of their beliefs.
Many high-profile religious freedom crises are well known. There's
the ongoing genocide of Uyghur Muslims in northwest China, the targeted
killing of thousands of Christians in Nigeria by Islamist militants,
the use of blasphemy laws to imprison religious minorities in Pakistan
and, most recently, the takeover of Afghanistan by the notoriously
intolerant Taliban. Yet these instances represent only a fractional
part of the overall problem.
This ambassadorship is no small-time appointment. The role serves
as the locus for a myriad of efforts aimed at advancing a core human
right that has declined in recent years. The U.S. State Department, and
specifically the Office of International Religious Freedom, compiles an
annual report documenting concerns in nearly every country on earth.
Most of the issues documented will never receive significant media
attention and, if not for the State Department's report, would never be
compiled into a single, easy to find repository.
For outside observers, it may not be clear what the IRF ambassador
does, beyond making public appearances and giving remarks calling for
greater protections for religious freedom. This public role is an
important task in its own right, but it's only a small part of the job.
Much of the substantive work takes place in the relationships built by
the IRF ambassador, both foreign and domestic. When reports emerge of
Rohingya Muslims being driven from their homes in Myanmar, or of a
Hindu family attacked for their faith in Pakistan, it is the IRF
ambassador and the ambassador's team who often lead the way in focusing
U.S. attention and bringing relief for the victims. In areas where
government action may be limited, the IRF ambassador and the
ambassador's office help connect faith leaders and nongovernmental
organizations with the resources they need to make a difference.
Hussain is undeniably qualified to step into these important shoes.
He's an Ivy League-educated attorney, a professor at Georgetown Law
School and the former U.S. special envoy to the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation under President Barack Obama. His nomination was roundly
welcomed by advocates from across the religious and political spectrum,
and no political leader on either side of the aisle has articulated a
compelling reason not to confirm him to the post.
To Beltway insiders in Washington, D.C., it may seem motivated by
special interest to call for the prioritization of the IRF ambassador
confirmation. After all, hundreds of positions remain unfilled across
the U.S. government. Yet it is exactly positions like this one, which
address critical human rights concerns and enjoy broad bipartisan
support, that should be prioritized.
The situation for many people of faith around the world is bleak.
Delaying urgent efforts to aid them is unconscionable, no matter which
party you're from.
__________
ERLC (Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission) Commends Filling of
Religious Freedom Post
https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/erlc-commends-
filling-of-religious-freedom-post/
by tom strode, posted august 3, 2021 in erlc
WASHINGTON (BP)--The Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty
Commission commended President Biden's proposed filling of a vital
executive branch post in the effort to protect people of faith around
the world.
Biden announced July 30 the nomination of Rashad Hussain as
ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. If confirmed
by the U.S. Senate, Hussain--director for partnerships and global
engagement at the National Security Council--will be the first Muslim
to serve in the position since it was created in 1998 as part of the
International Religious Freedom Act.
The action came as the ERLC and other religious freedom advocates
are urging the U.S. House of Representatives to approve legislation to
combat China's genocidal campaign against Uyghur Muslims in the western
part of the country. The U.S. Senate passed July 14 the Uyghur Forced
Labor Prevention Act, which would prohibit products made with forced
labor in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from being introduced
into the American market. The House passed a similar bill nearly
unanimously last September before the measure died in the Senate.
Messengers to the Southern Baptist Convention's annual meeting
adopted a resolution June 15 that condemned the Chinese Community
Party's treatment of the Uyghurs and called for the U.S. government to
take ``concrete actions'' to end the genocide. The SBC reportedly
became the first Christian denomination to denounce China's campaign
against the Uyghurs as genocide.
``One need only take a brief survey of the globe to see how
religious freedom is under assault in multiple countries,'' the ERLC's
Brent Leatherwood said in written comments. ``We have long called for
America to be a bold voice for liberty against these oppressive
regimes. Taking steps such as passing the Uyghur Forced Labor
Prevention Act helps us project that voice.
``Similarly, naming a U.S. ambassador-at-large for international
religious freedom helps us to consistently use that voice,'' said
Leatherwood, the ERLC's vice president of external affairs and chief of
staff. ``We appreciate the Biden administration prioritizing this
appointment, and we stand ready to work with Mr. Hussain upon his
confirmation to advance the fundamental human right of religious
freedom internationally.''
The ambassador-at-large serves as the primary adviser to the
secretary of state regarding global religious liberty and also advises
the president. He supervises the State Department's office of
international religious freedom. If confirmed, Hussain will become the
sixth person to fill the post since it was established 23 years ago.
Sam Brownback, the previous ambassador-at-large, served during the last
three years of the Trump administration.
Biden also nominated Deborah Lipstadt as the special envoy to
monitor and combat anti-Semitism. The Senate must confirm Lipstadt,
professor of modern Jewish history and Holocaust studies at Emory
University in Atlanta. She also was the founding director of the
Institute for Jewish Studies at Emory. She would become the fifth
special envoy since Congress established the anti-Semitism position in
2004. A law elevating the post to the level of an ambassador was
enacted in January of this year.
In addition, the president appointed two members to the U.S.
Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF): Khizr Khan,
founder of the Constitution Literacy and National Unity Project, and
Sharon Kleinbaum, rabbi of Congregation Beit Simchat Torah in New York
City.
USCIRF, a bipartisan, nine-member commission, and the Religious
Freedom Institute (RFI) applauded the nominations of Hussain and
Lipstadt.
USCIRF's commissioners ``look forward to working closely with
Rashad Hussain and Dr. Deborah Lipstadt, once confirmed, to develop new
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief
around the world,'' said Nadine Maenza, the commission's chair, in a
news release. ``Global religious freedom violations continue to be a
pervasive threat to our national security and global stability.''
The ambassador-at-large and special envoy ``play an essential role
in U.S. efforts to counter that threat,'' she said.
Thomas Farr, RFI's president, said his organization offered to the
Biden administration in January its policy recommendations for global
religious liberty, including the qualifications for a productive
ambassador-at-large.
Hussain ``admirably meets these standards,'' Farr said in a written
statement. ``If America fails to defend the precious right of religious
freedom--historically understood in our nation as the `first freedom'--
who else will defend it?''
During the Obama administration, Hussain served as special envoy to
the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and special envoy for strategic
counterterrorism communications.
Khan, a Muslim, is a lawyer and author whose son, U.S. Army Captain
Humayun Khan, was killed in 2004 while serving in Iraq and received the
Bronze Star with valor.
Kleinbaum--who was appointed by Senate Majority Leader Charles
Schumer to a previous USCIRF term--has led her congregation to ``become
a powerful voice in the movement for equality and justice for people of
all sexual orientations, gender identities, and expressions,''
according to the congregation's website. In addition to her advocacy
for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) rights, she
is in a same-sex marriage to Randi Weingarten, president of the
American Federation of Teachers.
R. Albert Mohler Jr. president of Southern Baptist Theological
Seminary, questioned on his podcast Tuesday (Aug. 3) whether Kleinbaum
would protect religious freedom in a clash with LGBTQ rights.
``Given her well-documented activism and her position on these
issues, it's very unlikely that this rabbi would support religious
liberty when it comes to something like the threat of the Equality Act
inside the United States, much less around the world, where the United
States under the State Department of the Biden administration is
putting pressure on nations all over the world to adopt the basic
understanding of the LGBTQ revolution,'' Mohler said, according to a
transcript of ``The Briefing.''
The House of Representatives passed the Equality Act in February,
but the Senate has yet to act on it. The bill is a far-reaching gay and
transgender rights proposal that opponents warn would have calamitous
effects on freedom of religion and conscience, as well as protections
for women, girls and unborn children.
Khan and Kleinbaum replaced Trump appointees Gary Bauer and Johnnie
Moore on USCIRF.
USCIRF, which is made up of nine commissioners selected by the
president and congressional leaders, tracks the status of religious
liberty worldwide and issues reports to Congress, the president and the
State Department.
__________
International Christian Concern (ICC)
Urges Confirmation of Rashad Hussain
PRESIDENT BIDEN ANNOUNCES NOMINEES TO KEY INTERNATIONAL
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM ROLES
https://www.persecution.org/2021/07/30/president-biden-announces-
nominees-to-key-international-religious-freedom-roles/
07/30/2021 Washington, D.C. (International Christian Concern)--
International Christian Concern (ICC) has learned that President Joe
Biden has announced his intent to nominate four individuals to key
international religious freedom roles in his administration. The roles
to be filled include the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom (IRF), the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-
Semitism, and two Commissioners of the United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).
Rashad Hussain, Biden's nominee for IRF Ambassador, currently
serves as Director for Partnerships and Global Engagement at the
National Security Council. Hussain also served in the Obama
administration, where he spearheaded efforts on countering antisemitism
and protecting religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries. If
confirmed, Hussain would follow in the footsteps of Samuel Brownback,
who served in the role under the Trump administration and was widely
celebrated in advancing the cause of international religious freedom.
The two nominees for USCIRF Commissioners, Khizr Khan and Rabbi
Sharon Kleinbaum, both have a background in human rights advocacy. Khan
immigrated to the United States in 1980 and founded the Constitution
Literacy and National Unity Project. He is also a Harvard Law School
graduate and is licensed to practice law before the Supreme Court.
Rabbi Kleinbaum serves as spiritual leader of Congregation Beit
Simchat Torah in New York. She also serves as a Commissioner on New
York City's Commission on Human Rights and NYC Mayor Bill de Blasio's
Faith-Based Advisory Council.
Deborah Lipstadt, Biden's nominee for Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Anti-Semitism, also has a strong background in advocacy against
persecution and founded the Institute for Jewish Studies at Emory
University.
In response to the new nominations, Matias Perttula, Director of
Advocacy at ICC, said, ``We here at ICC are excited to see a nomination
for the position of Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
Freedom from the Biden administration. We hope to see a smooth
confirmation process and look forward to working with Rashad Hussain to
advance religious freedom globally.''
__________
AJC (American Jewish Committee) Applauds Nomination of Rashad Hussain
to Head Office of International Religious Freedom
https://www.ajc.org/news/ajc-applauds-nomination-of-rashad-hussain-to-
head-office-of-international-religious-freedom
July 30, 2021--New York
American Jewish Committee (AJC) praised the Biden Administration
for nominating today Rashad Hussain as United States Ambassador at-
Large for International Religious Freedom. He will be the first Muslim
to serve in this position.
``Rashad Hussain is an impressive advocate of freedom of religion
or belief in challenging diplomatic contexts,'' said AJC CEO David
Harris. ``He is an ally in the global fight against antisemitism,
including in is extensive engagement with the Muslim world, and an
experienced advocate for building stronger Muslim-Jewish relations.''
Hussain served as U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation under President Obama. He has been an active supporter of
the Muslim-Jewish Advisory Council, co-convened by American Jewish
Committee.
The Office of International Religious Freedom in the U.S.
Department of State was created by the International Religious Freedom
Act of 1998.
__________
Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance Letter Supporting
Confirmation of Rashad Hussain
https://www.ijma-alliance.org/post/ijma-rashad-letter
IJMA--Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance
September 28, 2021
U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
423 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510-6225
Dear Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch, We are writing as a
bipartisan coalition of American Jewish and Muslim leaders, and others,
to express our full and enthusiastic support for the nomination of
Rashad Hussain to be the next U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom.
Ambassador Hussain was a founding member in 2019 of a national
coalition of American Jews and Muslims, the Inter Jewish Muslim
Alliance or IJMA. We at IJMA know Rashad well. He has worked for years
both in government and in civil society on issues of international
religious freedom. He has advocated for specific measures and programs
to address antisemitism in Muslim-majority countries, to protect
Christian and Muslim minorities throughout the world, and to combat
religious bigotry regardless of its source. He works effectively with a
very diverse range of persons and organizations, across lines of party
and religion, as he demonstrated in IJMA and beyond.
The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance or IJMA was founded in January
2019 by individuals and communal organizations of the two communities,
to work together on projects that serve the interests of the entire
nation. We promote understanding, civility and comity between our two
communities as a model of American pluralism. One of our priority
projects is addressing bigotry in each community directed towards the
other community, through outreach and educational efforts. We address
the most difficult issues in the Muslim-Jewish relationship. For
instance, during the latest conflict between Israel and Hamas in May of
this year, IJMA members unanimously agreed to a public statement
against antisemitism and expressing sympathy for the victims of the
conflict, the only Muslim-Jewish statement of its kind.
US leadership on international religious freedom is urgently needed
today, following deadly threats to minorities in Afghanistan, ongoing
antisemitism in Europe and the Middle East, anti-Muslim oppression in
China and Myanmar, and renewed violence against Christians in Africa
and beyond. Rashad provided personal and policy leadership to our civil
society group. We look forward to his ability to serve in this new
role, once confirmed by the Senate, representing our nation as the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom.
Sincerely,
The Inter Jewish Muslim Alliance (IJMA)
Mohamed Abubakr, President of the African Middle Eastern Leadership
Project
Atiya Aftab, co-founder of the Sisterhood of Salaam-Shalom
Majid Alsayegh, Chairman of the Dialogue Institute
Wa'el Alzayat, CEO of Emgage Foundation
Adnan Ansari, Executive Director of Muflehun
Imam Abdullah Antepli, Duke University professor and co-director of
Muslim Leadership Initiative of the Shalom Hartman Institute
Marshall Breger, Professor of Law at Catholic University
Dr. Georgette Bennett, Founder & President, Tanenbaum Center for
Interreligious Understanding and Founder, Multifaith Alliance for
Syrian Refugees
Rabia Chaudry, attorney and author
Richard S. Cohen, President of President of The Walden Group and
Marcia's Light Foundation
Richard Foltin, religious freedom writer and consultant
Megan Hallahan, Executive Director of the African Middle Eastern
Leadership Project
S.A. Ibrahim, former CEO of Radian Group Inc. and interfaith leader
Rizwan Jaka, Chair of Interfaith & Government Relations, All Dulles
Area Muslim Society
Humera Khan, President of Muflehun
Suhail Khan, External Affairs Director, Microsoft Corp. and Vice
President, IJMA
Moses Libitzky, President of Libitzky Property Companies of San
Francisco
Maital Friedman, co-director of Muslim Leadership Initiative of the
Shalom Hartman Institute
Imam Mohamed Magid, All Dulles Area Muslim Society and Chairman of
Interfaith Peace Corps
Rabbi Jack Moline
Sharon Nazarian, Senior Vice President for International Affairs, Anti-
Defamation League (ADL)
Melanie Nezer, immigration and refugee policy expert
Sheryl Olitzky, co-founder of the Sisterhood of Salaam-Shalom
Rabbi David Saperstein, former Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom
Ann Schroeder, CEO of Global Source Partners, and board member of
Dialogue Institute
Imam Talib Shareef, Masjid Muhammad, the Nation's Mosque and Vice
Commander of the Muslim Americans Veterans Association
Robert Silverman, Lecturer at Shalem College and President, IJMA
Halie Soifer, Executive Director of the Jewish Democratic Council of
America
__________
ADL--Jonathan Greenblatt
@JGreenblattADL
Congratulations to Rashad Hussain for his historic nomination for
@IRF--Ambassador at Large, and to Rabbi @Skleinbaum and @KMKhan--Law on
being appointed as @USCIRF commissioners. @ADL's Task Force on Middle
East Minorities looks forward to working with you
__________
ADL--Sharon Nazarian, Senior VP, International Affairs
@sharon--nazarian
I proudly joined this coalition letter of American Muslim and
Jewish leaders writing to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to
express our enthusiastic support for the nomination of Rashad Hussain
to be the next US @IRF--Ambassador
__________
The Religious Freedom Institute (RFI) Applauds President Joe Biden's
Nomination of Rashad Hussain as Ambassador at Large for International
Religious Freedom
NORTH AMERICA ACTION TEAM, PRESS RELEASE
https://www.religiousfreedominstitute.org/news/biden-administration-
announces-key-international-religious-freedom-appointments
Religious Freedom Institute / Tom Farr
August 2, 2021
The Religious Freedom Institute (RFI) applauds President Joe
Biden's nomination of Rashad Hussain as Ambassador at Large for
International Religious Freedom, and calls upon the Senate to confirm
his appointment as soon as possible.
``This is a critically important position in American foreign
policy,'' said RFI President Tom Farr. ``We want President Biden and
his administration to succeed at advancing religious freedom abroad. An
increase in religious freedom will aid the victims of religious
persecution, increase human and social flourishing, enhance global
stability, and benefit American national security. RFI will continue to
work with Biden administration officials to achieve these goals.''
Farr went on to say, ``We are in the midst of a global crisis of
religious freedom, which makes U.S. leadership critical. RFI provided
its recommendations for international religious freedom policy to the
Biden administration in January 2021, including the qualifications
needed for an effective ambassador at large. Rashad Hussain admirably
meets these standards. If America fails to defend the precious right of
religious freedom--historically understood in our nation as the `first
freedom'--who else will defend it?''
``Rashad Hussain is a wise choice for International Religious
Freedom Ambassador, and I commend the Biden administration for the
speed with which it made the nomination. Hussain is eminently qualified
for the position, and as a man of faith, he understands that religious
freedom is important because religion is important,'' said Ismail
Royer, Director of RFI's Religious Freedom Action Team.
__________
Elijah Brown, General Secretary and CEO of
the Baptist World Alliance
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Elijah Brown, general secretary and CEO of the Baptist World
Alliance, told CT that the nomination is a ``strategic development''
because Hussain ``brings a depth of experience across all three
branches of the US government and a wide array of faith-based
initiatives including Baptist-Muslim conversations.
__________
Thomas Schirrmacher, Secretary General of the
World Evangelical Alliance (WEA)
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
``With Rashad, we get one of the most experienced diplomats in
dealing with concerned governments, so there is no need for him to warm
up,'' said Schirrmacher. ``He can start to change things tomorrow.''
[Schirrmacher] has had ``great experience with Muslim friends
filling strategic religious freedom positions,'' such as Ahmed Shaheed,
the current UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief
(interviewed by CT here). The WEA is currently ``building a strong
global alliance with major Muslim actors who fight for religious
freedom,'' he said, evidenced by a joint statement and book release
with Indonesia's Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) at a DC event adjacent to
Brownback's IRF summit.
__________
Kori Porter and Scott Bower, CEOs of Christian
Solidarity Worldwide
https://www.csw.org.uk/2021/08/03/press/5362/article.htm
Kori Porter: ``[I] warmly welcome'' Hussain and his ``excellent
track record speaking out in support of religious minorities and
against laws that violate freedom of religion or belief, including
blasphemy laws.
``His nomination is an encouraging sign of the importance that the
Biden administration places on religious freedom, which is particularly
welcome as the world tackles the pandemic and worsening inequalities
and rights violations,'' she said. ``We hope that Mr. Hussein will
build on the excellent work of former ambassadors, particularly
Ambassadors Saperstein and Brownback, in raising the profile of this
fundamental human right.''
Scot Bower: ``CSW welcomes the nomination of Rashad Hussain and
urges the US Senate to confirm his appointment. Once in post we
encourage Mr Hussain to pay close attention to the situation of freedom
of religion or belief in China and Nigeria in particular, ensuring that
egregious violations of this fundamental human right by the Chinese
Communist Party, and by state and armed non-state actors in Nigeria,
are kept high on the Biden administration's agenda.''
__________
AJC Applauds Appointment of Rashad Hussain to Head
Office of International Religious Freedom
https://www.ajc.org/news/ajc-applauds-appointment-of-rashad-hussain-to-
head-office-of-international-religious-freedom
``Rashad Hussain is an impressive advocate of freedom of religion
or belief in challenging diplomatic contexts,'' said AJC CEO David
Harris. ``He is an ally in the global fight against antisemitism,
including in is extensive engagement with the Muslim world, and an
experienced advocate for building stronger Muslim-Jewish relations.''
__________
International Christian Concern/Persecution.org--Former Diplomat and
DOJ Attorney Rashad Hussain Nominated for IRF Ambassador
https://www.persecution.org/2021/08/02/former-diplomat-doj-attorney-
rashad-hussain-nominated-irf-ambassador/
08/02/2021 United States (International Christian Concern)--The
Biden administration has nominated a new Ambassador at Large for
International Religious Freedom. Rashad Hussain is entering the
confirmation process and is expected to be confirmed after which he
will join the Department of State's Office of International Religious
Freedom.Hussain brings a wealth of experience and knowledge to the
position of IRF Ambassador. He is an attorney who served as an
associate White House Counsel and as the United States Special Envoy to
the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation under then President Barack
Obama. Hussain also served in the Department of Justice as a trial
attorney as well as a criminal and national security prosecutor. He has
developed key partnerships and relationships abroad throughout his
career and is well postured to press US interests in international
religious freedom.
Hussain was born in Wyoming to Indian American parents and would be
the first Muslim to hold the post of IRF Ambassador. His educational
background includes the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,
Harvard, and Yale.
``At International Christian Concern we are excited to see the
Biden administration nominate Rashad Hussain for the post of Ambassador
at Large for International Religious Freedom and are praying for a
successful confirmation process as well as a strong continuation of
Ambassador Brownback's legacy in international religious freedom.
Christians in India, Pakistan, China, North Korea, Nigeria and across
the Middle East need strong advocates in the United States to lead on
advancing their fundamental human right to follow Jesus,'' said Matias
Perttula, Director of Advocacy at International Christian Concern.
__________
Open Doors USA urges swift confirmation of President Biden's pick for
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom
https://www.opendoorsusa.org/religious-freedom-newsroom/press-kits/
August 2, 2021
SANTA ANA, Calif.--David Curry, CEO of Christian persecution
watchdog organization Open Doors USA urges a swift appointment of
Rashad Hussain, President Biden's nomination for the role of
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, announced
today.
``Open Doors has repeatedly called on the Biden Administration to
fill these critical roles to international religious freedom, and we
are heartened by today's nominations. Rashad Hussain is a well-
qualified nominee with a deep understanding of the factors at play in
China, India and elsewhere. We look forward to building together the
diverse coalition of leadership necessary to counter the rising tide of
religious persecution worldwide,'' said Curry.
Curry said, ``Mr. Hussain's expertise could play a major role in
addressing some of the most challenging issues facing Christians,
especially in the Middle East and West Africa. We urge the Senate to
take action on religious freedom by confirming his nomination
quickly.''
The Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom is the
key coordinator for U.S. government policy on the persecution of
religious communities around the world. Without multinational
leadership committed to advocating for religious freedom, Curry says
the condition of persecuted groups is not likely to improve anytime
soon.
Open Doors asserts top priorities for any new International
Religious Freedom Ambassador must include the extreme violence against
Christians in Nigeria, the genocide against Uyghur Muslims in China,
and the deterioration of religious freedoms in India, among others. The
core of religious freedom is a call for equality, tolerance and
acceptance for all people of faith, no matter how or whether they
choose to believe.
Isaac Six, Director of Advocacy for Open Doors USA, said, ``We're
glad to see the White House answer the call of Open Doors USA and many
other groups who have been advocating for a qualified appointment to
this position since the start of the Biden administration.''
``We also welcome the nomination of the Special Envoy to Monitor
and Combat Anti-Semitism and the appointment of two new USCIRF
Commissioners. We urge Senator McConnell to fill the last remaining
vacancy on the Commission in a timely manner,'' said Six.
__________
Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission Commends Filling
of Religious Freedom Post
https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/erlc-commends-
filling-of-religious-freedom-post/
August 3, 2021
The Southern Baptist Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission
commended President Biden's proposed filling of a vital executive
branch post in the effort to protect people of faith around the world.
Biden announced July 30 the nomination of Rashad Hussain as
ambassador-at-large for international religious freedom. If confirmed
by the U.S. Senate, Hussain--director for partnerships and global
engagement at the National Security Council--will be the first Muslim
to serve in the position since it was created in 1998 as part of the
International Religious Freedom Act.
The action came as the ERLC and other religious freedom advocates
are urging the U.S. House of Representatives to approve legislation to
combat China's genocidal campaign against Uyghur Muslims in the western
part of the country. The U.S. Senate passed July 14 the Uyghur Forced
Labor Prevention Act, which would prohibit products made with forced
labor in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from being introduced
into the American market. The House passed a similar bill nearly
unanimously last September before the measure died in the Senate.
Messengers to the Southern Baptist Convention's annual meeting
adopted a resolution June 15 that condemned the Chinese Community
Party's treatment of the Uyghurs and called for the U.S. government to
take ``concrete actions'' to end the genocide. The SBC reportedly
became the first Christian denomination to denounce China's campaign
against the Uyghurs as genocide.
``One need only take a brief survey of the globe to see how
religious freedom is under assault in multiple countries,'' the ERLC's
Brent Leatherwood said in written comments. ``We have long called for
America to be a bold voice for liberty against these oppressive
regimes. Taking steps such as passing the Uyghur Forced Labor
Prevention Act . helps us project that voice.
``Similarly, naming a U.S. ambassador-at-large for international
religious freedom helps us to consistently use that voice,'' said
Leatherwood, the ERLC's vice president of external affairs and chief of
staff. ``We appreciate the Biden administration prioritizing this
appointment, and we stand ready to work with Mr. Hussain upon his
confirmation to advance the fundamental human right of religious
freedom internationally.''
__________
Johnnie Moore, Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President
Trump's evangelical advisers
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Former USCIRF commissioner and spokesman for President Trump's
evangelical advisers Johnnie Moore congratulated Hussain and the other
appointees and told CT he'll ``look forward to collaborating with each
of them in order to advance the freedom of religion and belief around
the world.
``There will, as always, be divergent points of view on certain
ideas, policies, and strategies, but international religious freedom
continues to be-and must remain-almost entirely bipartisan,'' he said.
``In fact, it must be nonpartisan. I intend on doing my part to keep it
so.''
__________
Jim Wallis
@jimwallis
Aug 4
I fully support the nomination of Rashad Hussain by @POTUS to be
@IRF--Ambassador He has significant experience, depth of perspective,
and broad concerns for people of all faiths. I've seen first hand his
ability to relate to a broad cross section of very diverse people.
__________
Knox Thames
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Knox Thames, who served as the State Department's special advisor
for religious minorities during both the Obama and Trump
administrations, told CT that Hussain was ``a strong pick.''
``He knows human rights and cares about religious freedom,'' said
Thames. ``I saw firsthand how he raised these issues when he served as
[OIC envoy]. I know he'll be able to hit the ground running from day
one to combat religious persecution.''
__________
Institute for Global Engagement
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
``The task of advancing religious freedom is best done when all
faiths work together,'' James Chen, vice president of global operations
at the Institute for Global Engagement, told CT. ``So the Biden
administration's appointment of Mr. Hussain is encouraging to see.''
__________
Chris Seiple, President Emeritus, Institute for Global Engagement &
Global Policy Adviser to the World Evangelical Alliance
https://twitter.com/CSeiple/status/1451148806876286978
``@SenateDems should unanimously confirm Rashad Hussein as next US
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom. Rashad
embodies and firmly believes in liberty of conscience for everyone,
everywhere. With @bobrobertsjr @dallasnews''
__________
Bob Roberts, Senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder of Multi-
Faith Neighbors Network
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Bob Roberts, global senior pastor of Northwood Church and founder
of Multi-Faith Neighbors Network, told CT he was ``so excited'' for
Hussain's nomination.
``He will be incredible. He's a wise man of character,'' said
Roberts. ``Him being a Muslim is a very positive thing, in that he will
be able to walk into sensitive places in the world and be unparalleled
in his ability to understand, speak to issues, and challenge right
actions.
``We've had Christians in that role and a rabbi in David
Saperstein,'' he said. ``A Muslim is a good choice.''
__________
Randel Everett, Founder and Pastor of 21Wilberforce
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
``President Biden's appointment of a Muslim [IRF ambassador] is a
reminder that the US position on religious freedom has always been for
people of all faiths and even for those who express no particular
faith,'' Randel Everett, founder and president of 21Wilberforce, told
CT.
``I join with many others in urging Congress to quickly confirm
[him] to this ambassadorship,'' he said, ``as many--especially in light
of the ongoing global pandemic--face unprecedented restrictions as they
seek to live out their faith convictions.''
__________
Jeremy Barker, Middle East Program Director,
Religious Freedom Institute
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Jeremy Barker, the Erbil-based Middle East program director at the
Religious Freedom Institute, told CT that Hussain is ``a great choice''
who has ``done serious security and diplomatic policy work which will
be vital in advancing religious freedom within an administration that
had said it wants to prioritize human rights within its foreign policy.
``He is also a person of faith who takes his own religion seriously
and understands that religious persecution strikes at something
fundamental to an individual or community,'' said Barker.
``International religious freedom has been and should remain an
issue with overwhelming bipartisan support. The Senate should move
quickly to get Mr. Hussain confirmed and in the job,'' he said. ``The
work is too important to be left undone and the Biden administration is
to be commended for putting a qualified nominee forward early in the
process.''
__________
Paul Marshall, Religious Freedom Chair, Institute
for Studies of Religion, Baylor University
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
``President Biden is to be congratulated for having moved
relatively quickly in nominating people for religious freedom related
posts,'' Paul Marshall, a veteran IRF scholar and author and the
religious freedom chair at the Institute for Studies of Religion at
Baylor University, told CT. He noted that Lipstadt is ``a skilled
veteran'' and that Hussein's envoy roles had ``shown both his abilities
and his commitment to religious freedom.''
``Having a Muslim in the religious freedom ambassadorship may allay
the canard that this is simply a sop to the religious right,'' said
Marshall, currently a senior fellow at the DC-based Religious Freedom
Institute and the Jakarta-based Leimena Institute.
__________
Nadine Maenza, Chair of the US Commission on International Religious
Freedom (USCIRF)
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
``We look forward to working closely with [them] to develop new
ways for the United States to promote the freedom of religion or belief
around the world,'' she stated in a press release. ``Global religious
freedom violations continue to be a pervasive threat to our national
security and global stability. [They] play an essential role in US
efforts to counter that threat.''
__________
Judd Birdsall
https://www.christianitytoday.com/news/2021/july/rashad-hussain-irf-
ambassador-religious-freedom-uscirf-khan.html
Judd Birdsall, a senior research fellow at the Berkley Center for
Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University who served
with Hussain at the State Department from 2009-2011, told CT that the
nomination is a ``fantastic choice'' because Hussain has ``impeccable
credentials, extensive diplomatic and legal experience, and unique
credibility as a Muslim American.''
``I greatly respected his thoughtful, humble, and capacious
approach to all things religion and diplomacy, including the promotion
of religious freedom,'' said Birdsall. ``He understands the religious
minority experience and is a passionate advocate for all those who
suffer on account of their beliefs.''
Also noteworthy is the speed of the nomination, coming at a similar
pace to President Donald Trump's selection of Brownback as IRF
ambassador after just six months.
``The most tangible measure of an administration's commitment to
international religious freedom is the quality of its IRF ambassador
nominee and the speed with which it makes that nomination,'' Birdsall
told CT. ``Whereas President Bush took 14 months to announce his
nominee for the job and Obama took 17, Biden is strongly signaling his
commitment to the issue by taking only seven months to announce an
outstanding nominee.
``By nominating a Muslim to serve as IRF ambassador, the Biden
administration is decisively turning the page on an era in which a
perception of anti-Muslim sentiment undermined the nation's reputation
on religious freedom,'' he said. ``Rashad Hussain will help to restore
America's credibility as a champion of tolerance and inclusion.''
__________
Material Submitted Supporting the Confirmation of Rashad Hussain to be
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom
Submitted by The International Religious Freedom Roundtable
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Submitted by Multifaith International Religious Freedom Advocates
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Submitted by Muslim American Civil Society Organizations
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., by
videoconference, Hon. Tim Kaine presiding.
Present: Senators Kaine [presiding], Shaheen, Markey, Van
Hollen, Romney, and Young.
Also Present: Senators Baldwin, Graham, and Hickenlooper.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Good morning to everyone. I see my ranking
member for this nominations hearing, Senator Romney, on the
line. I think we will go ahead and get started.
This meeting of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is
here to consider four important nominees to be ambassadors to
countries that are good allies of the United States: Thomas
Barrett to be Ambassador to Luxembourg, Jamie Harpootlian to be
Ambassador to Slovenia, Scott Miller to be Ambassador to
Switzerland and Lichtenstein, and Erik Ramanathan of
Massachusetts to be Ambassador to Sweden.
I want to congratulate each of you on your nominations to
these important posts. I know a couple of you pretty well.
Mayor Barrett, it is really good to see you, in particular,
and I want to thank you for your willingness to serve and also
the willingness of your families to have you serve. This is a
family challenge and a family sacrifice and also a family
opportunity.
I have four distinguished Senate colleagues who will each
introduce one of the nominees: Senators Baldwin, Graham,
Hickenlooper, and Markey. We are going to turn to my colleagues
first for these introductions before proceeding to open
remarks, my opening remarks and Senator Romney's, and then to
opening statements from the nominees.
If I could ask Senator Baldwin to begin and introduce
Thomas Barrett.
STATEMENT OF HON. TAMMY BALDWIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Baldwin. Thank you, Chairman Kaine. I am really
honored to join you today to introduce Tom Barrett as you
consider his nomination as United States Ambassador to the
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
Tom Barrett learned our strong Wisconsin work ethic as a
young man, working his way through college as a parts worker,
dock man, and as a factory worker at Harley-Davidson in
Milwaukee.
He received a BA Phi Beta Kappa from the University of
Wisconsin Madison and a JD with honors from the University of
Wisconsin Law School in Madison. After law school, he clerked
for the Honorable Robert W. Warren, who was nominated by
President Nixon to the Federal District Court for the Eastern
District of Wisconsin, based in Milwaukee.
With a deep commitment to public service, Tom has committed
his life to working as a public servant, serving in the
Wisconsin State Assembly, the Wisconsin State Senate, and
working for five terms as a member of the U.S. House of
Representatives, where I had the pleasure of calling him a
colleague.
He served on the Committee on Energy and Commerce, where he
was a tireless advocate for job creation and worker training.
He also served on the Banking and Financial Services,
Government Reform and Oversight, and Judiciary Committees.
Serving as mayor of Milwaukee since 2004, he has worked
hard on economic development efforts, bringing billions of
dollars in private investment across the city and working to
create jobs and grow our economy.
In addition to spearheading multiple clean green
initiatives in the city to clean up rivers, parks, and
brownfields, he has led the Great Lakes mayors in both Canada
and the United States as chair of the Great Lakes and St.
Lawrence Cities Initiative.
Tom Barrett's long career of public service at the state
and federal level, combined with years of hands-on business and
management experience as mayor, demonstrate that he is well
qualified to represent the United States of America as
Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
I really thank you for giving me the opportunity to join
you here today. I have known Mayor Barrett for many years, both
as a colleague and a friend, and I strongly support his
nomination and respectfully ask the committee to support his
nomination as well.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Senator Baldwin.
Next, Senator Graham will introduce Ms. Harpootlian.
STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Senator Graham. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member. It is my pleasure to introduce to you Jamie
Harpootlian from South Carolina.
Slovenia is a very important NATO ally. I was there not
long ago. It is a beautiful place and a very dicey region. You
want to send your best and I think Jamie was a great choice by
President Biden. She is a graduate of Mary Baldwin College,
which should go a long way with the chairman here.
[Laughter.]
Senator Graham. She did really well there and went to
Tulane Law School and graduated with distinction. She
volunteered to be a hearing officer for the Department of
Justice for the 9/11 Victims Compensation Fund. She is well
known in South Carolina legal circles and practiced in federal
court and has a really great reputation in our state as a
problem solver.
I just think President Biden did the country a great
service by nominating Jamie to this important posting. She has
the skill set, I think, to represent our country in a very
honorable and effective way in a region where America's voice
is important.
Russia is up to no good all over that part of the world,
and with Jamie there, she will keep an eye on the Russians and
be a good ally to our friends in Slovenia. I completely
wholeheartedly support her and I know that she has the support
of people all over my state. She will do a great job for us.
Jamie, congratulations, and hope you get through this thing
quickly and I will come see you.
Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Senator Graham.
Next, if Senator Hickenlooper is on, he will introduce Mr.
Miller. Do I see Senator Hickenlooper?
[No response.]
Senator Kaine. I do not, so what I will do is I will go to
Senator Markey. Senator Markey is going to introduce Mr.
Ramanathan.
Ed, please unmute.
Senator Markey. Can you hear me now?
Okay. Beautiful. Thank you, Tim.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Markey. It is my pleasure to introduce Erik
Ramanathan to be our next ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden.
Erik grew up in western New York, the son of public school
teachers, and while New York is Erik's native home,
Massachusetts is where he studied and spent much of his
professional life and is his adopted home.
Erik, his husband, Ranesh, and their son, Christopher, live
on Heard Pond, one of our state's treasured national wildlife
refuges outside of Boston. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law
School.
Some years after graduating he returned to Cambridge to run
Harvard Center for the Legal Profession, whose mission is to
help lawyers and instructors realize their full potential in
their respective professions.
After building a career as a life sciences attorney, Erik
transitioned to the nonprofit sector, where for more than a
decade he has served as the chair of the national public health
services nonprofit, Heluna Health, and under Erik's leadership
Heluna has grown to help our nation's frontline hospital
workers in the battle against the dual opioid and COVID-19
pandemics.
His commitment to helping those in need will serve him well
as he embarks upon this important role representing the United
States. Our friendship with Sweden dates back to the first
Swedish immigrants who arrived in Delaware in the middle part
of the 17th century.
Sweden was one of the first countries to recognize U.S.
independence in 1783 and it has been a steady partner in
advancing our common interests and values. Ingrained in
Sweden's foreign policy is a commitment to equality,
sustainable development, and human rights, all issues that Erik
has championed in his professional career and public service.
Sweden was one of the first countries in the world to
commit to marriage equality, and the Kingdom is second to none
in its commitment to gender equality.
As Ambassador, Erik will bring to Stockholm his own
lifetime of commitment to fighting for equality, and as the
leader of the Board of Immigration Equality, Erik worked to
champion the rights of LGBTI asylees.
Erik is on the board of several education and professional
development nonprofits in Massachusetts and spends his free
time cleaning up the Sudbury and Concord River watersheds,
whose beauty have inspired poets and authors alike.
His accomplished career in law, the private sector, public
health, and his service to his community make him a great
choice to be our next Ambassador to Sweden.
I urge swift confirmation for Erik, an adopted son of the
Commonwealth, for this important post.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to testify.
Senator Kaine. Senator Markey, thank you so much.
Senator Hickenlooper has now joined us and he will
introduce our fourth nominee, Mr. Miller.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN W. HICKENLOOPER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM COLORADO
Senator Hickenlooper. Great. Good morning, Mr. Chairman,
and good morning to all of you. Good morning, Mr. Ranking
Member, members of the committee.
It is my privilege and my great honor to introduce Scott
Miller, who is President Biden's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to
the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
I have known Scott for almost 20 years and I cannot imagine
a better person to be representing our country and negotiating
on our behalf than Scott. If approved by this chamber, Scott
will be headed to Europe and I think you could argue this will
not be a moment too soon.
There is a lot on the agenda in the months and the years
ahead: navigating a global pandemic, facilitating an inclusive
economic reality, recovery from that pandemic, shoring up the
transatlantic relationship to counter an increasingly assertive
China, an increasingly assertive Russia, defending democracy
amidst the creeping spread of authoritarianism around the
world, and addressing the existential threat of climate change
at every level.
Fortunately, Switzerland and Liechtenstein are enduring
trusted partners on all of these issues as well as many others.
They share our commitment to democratic values, the rule of
law, free markets. They have similarly vibrant open economies
like our own and they have strong bilateral collaboration based
on stable political systems.
Together, we have worked on controlling terrorism and
cracking down on money laundering, worked to strengthen
intellectual property rights, and much more. We have developed
a robust economic and trade relationship and created
opportunities for our mutual defense.
As the home of several U.N. agencies, not to mention the
World Trade Organization, Switzerland, in particular, is
synonymous with this type of international collaboration that
is so essential to addressing these and other transnational
challenges.
These types of forums are important sources for dialogue
and many of the shared priorities highlighted today. I trust
Scott's ability to be the appropriate voice of the U.S. in all
of these rooms. He is the right leader for this moment.
He has dedicated his life to expanding access to the
American Dream. He is a national leader for LGBTQ equality. He
has worked to boost STEM in K-12 public schools. He has helped
provide over 5= million meals to Coloradans during the
pandemic.
He has experience in business but, more importantly, he has
experience in life. He is fiercely committed to creating more
seats at the table, investing in the success of the next
generation. These kinds of efforts are critical to the
innovation and dynamism of our country and its influence
abroad. Scott again and again has risen to the occasion.
I am confident that Scott will embody these American values
of opportunity and equality in Bern. As I said before, I have
known him for almost two decades and in terms of dealing with
bringing people together, who are, let us say, disagreeing, in
violent disagreement, I do not know anybody better than Scott.
He is the kind of person you want navigating complex issues
when people have serious disagreements. He has that knack for
putting people at ease, focusing on the facts that really
matter, and working to a conclusion--a successful conclusion.
I support Scott's nomination to represent the United States
in what some people call the Colorado of Europe--that would be
Switzerland. I hope this committee will recognize how important
his nomination will be and will support it wholeheartedly, and
I will reach out to many of you and just have conversations on
the side if we can find time.
Thank you very much for your time. I yield back to the
chair.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Hickenlooper. Great
introductions. The four of you are lucky to have these Senators
presenting you to the committee.
I will now offer opening remarks and then that will be
followed by Senator Romney's opening remarks. We will then hear
from each of the nominees and then we will alternate questions
beginning first me, then Senator Romney and then we will
alternate by party.
There are a set of votes scheduled at 11:00 a.m., and so
just for the nominees, you might see some of us coming and
going to make sure we do not miss votes. But let me just,
again, congratulate each of the four of you on your
nominations.
Representing the U.S. as an Ambassador is a tremendous
honor and it is a privilege, and based on your impressive
professional backgrounds I know you can do these jobs and do
them well.
I also want to congratulate you for an experience that you
will have, since none of you are career Foreign Service you are
going to have probably for the first time in your lives, which
is working in a very in-depth way with America's talented
Foreign Service officers.
As a member of this committee, I travel around the world
and I am always just struck by the tremendous talent and
patriotism of those that we have serving us abroad. And so
should you be confirmed, that might be the most memorable and
impactful part of your job is interacting with these great
professionals.
The countries that you represent, several of them, are
small but they are mighty. They punch above their weight on the
global stage because of strong economies and also entrenched
democratic traditions.
Luxembourg was a founder--a founding member of the United
Nations and NATO and the EU. Due to the strength of its economy
and financial sector, it is a critical partner in economic
efforts including efforts to counter money laundering, tax
evasion, and terrorism.
Luxembourg has positioned itself to be a leader in many
global industries and particularly the commercial space
industry, which has significant ties to American companies.
Switzerland provides an invaluable service to global peace
and security as a host nation to many U.N. agencies and other
international, governmental, and NGO organizations.
We are in the midst of a combined $7.6 billion deal for
Switzerland to purchase F-35 fighter jets and Patriot missiles.
Switzerland has a long nonaligned tradition, but it also is a
partner in global security efforts, which we appreciate.
The cooperation of neighboring Liechtenstein is also very
crucial to this issue of addressing international tax evasion.
The combined mission of Switzerland and Liechtenstein is very
important.
Slovenia--Slovenia is approaching 20 years as a member of
both NATO and the EU. Its economic and democratic gains during
that time are a strong demonstration of the value of
transatlantic integration and cooperation.
Today, Slovenia is among the major proponents, the greatest
proponents, of EU membership for Western Balkans nations, which
is a foreign policy objective that the United States shares.
Finally, moving further north to Sweden, Sweden is a leader
in holding Russia accountable for aggression in Ukraine and
throughout Europe and also a leader in countering Russian
disinformation.
Despite not being a NATO member, Sweden has been a very
valuable security partner for the United States, an
indispensable partner in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The committee looks forward to hearing from each of you
today and to asking you questions about the missions that you
will undertake, should you be confirmed.
I now turn to the ranking member, Senator Romney, for his
opening comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the
introductions made by our colleagues. I particularly appreciate
the willingness of the nominees to serve our country in foreign
posts, particularly, at such a critical time.
We face a number of challenges, some among friends,
deciding how we can collaborate together to be stronger and
provide for our respective populations, but some relate to
other nations.
Russia, in particular, poses an ongoing threat to Europe
and to places around the world. China has set its tentacles
into Europe and is intending to become the leader of the world
in military and economic terms, and so the work that we
anticipate doing together with our friends and allies around
the world is of critical importance.
I have more extensive comments I will ask the chairman to
include in the record. But with that introduction, we will be
happy to turn to your statements and our respective questions.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Romney. We
will now move to opening statements and I would like to do the
opening statements in this order--first, Mayor Barrett, then
Ms. Harpootlian, then Mr. Miller, finally, Mr. Ramanathan, and
then we will begin with questions.
Mayor Barrett, we will begin with you.
STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS BARRETT OF WISCONSIN, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG
Mr. Barrett. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
today as President Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.
I also want to give a big shout out to my friend, Senator
Baldwin, for her generous introduction and all the work she
does for the people of the state of Wisconsin.
I am truly humbled and honored by the trust and confidence
the President and Secretary of State have placed in me. If
confirmed, I pledge to work closely with this committee and the
Congress to advance U.S. interests and priorities in
Luxembourg.
I am here today as a direct result of the love and support
of my family. My wife, Kris, who just retired from teaching
grade school, has been my best friend and partner for over 30
years. Together, we are blessed with four children, Tom, Annie,
Erin, and Kate. All of them are in their 20s. Each of them is a
remarkable young adult.
Growing up in Milwaukee, I was also blessed to have parents
who set the example of how to be caring and responsible. My dad
was a navigator in World War Two and taught my brother,
sisters, and me the importance of being responsible.
My mother lost her first husband during the Battle of the
Bulge, and then met our father. She taught us resilience and
caring.
I have committed my life to public service. I have had the
good fortune and honor to serve as an elected official for over
36 years, first as a state legislator, next as a member of
Congress for 10 years, and currently as mayor of the city of
Milwaukee for the past 17 years.
I am especially proud that my home state of Wisconsin is
also the home of many people of Luxembourg descent. In fact, it
is the home of the Luxembourg American Cultural Center, just a
short drive from Milwaukee.
The United States-Luxembourg relationship is strong, based
on our shared history, our values and mutual interest, our
strategic alliance and our economic ties.
Luxembourg, as you mentioned, Mr. Chair, is a charter
member of NATO and one of the founding members of the EU. It
has also hosted numerous monuments to the American liberators
after both world wars and is the final resting place for over
5,000 American service members, including General George
Patton.
As a premier financial capital in Europe, Luxembourg is one
of the U.S. economy's largest sources and destinations for
investment. If confirmed, my number-one priority will be the
safety and security of U.S. citizens abroad. There are
approximately 3,100 U.S. citizens who reside in Luxembourg and
30,000 U.S. citizens who visit annually.
I also pledge to maintain the safety and security of our
mission in Luxembourg. Luxembourg is a small country that is
home to one of the largest financial centers in the Euro zone
and, remarkably, the second largest investment fund center in
the world, behind only the United States.
Luxembourg is a world leader in green and sustainable
finance. It is home to the world's first and largest green
exchange for debt instruments. It is also home to the EU
Investment Bank, which is the lending arm of the European
Union.
As mayor of Milwaukee, I have chaired the Great Lakes and
St. Lawrence Cities Initiative and have worked to create green
solutions to clean up rivers, parks, and brownfields. That is
important because it is imperative that we work at all levels
of government, domestically and internationally, to support
President Biden's efforts to combat global climate change.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Luxembourg on
this important issue. I will work with Luxembourg to address
this challenge in areas where it has a competitive advantage,
such as sustainable finance. Luxembourg is also a pioneer and
an important player in space and one of the original
signatories of NASA's Artemis Accords in October 2020.
In 2019, the United States and Luxembourg signed a
groundbreaking agreement on space. If confirmed, I will
continue to expand our civil, commercial, and defense
cooperation in space.
Luxembourg is in the heart of Europe, both psychologically
and geographically, and I should note the size of its
population is very close to that of Milwaukee. It is home to 10
EU institutions and offices, including the European Court of
Justice. It has produced three EU Commission presidents and it
is a strong voice for institution building and rulemaking in
the European Union.
President Biden has emphasized the importance of our
transatlantic relations and working with those who share our
values. If confirmed, I will be honored to work with Luxembourg
to advance our shared priorities and U.S. interests in
Luxembourg.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I would be happy to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Barrett follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Thomas Barrett
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as President
Biden's nominee as U.S. Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. I
am truly humbled and honored by the trust and confidence the President
and Secretary of State have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to
work closely with this committee and the Congress to advance U.S.
interests and priorities in Luxembourg.
I am here today as a direct result of the love and support of my
family. My wife Kris, who just retired from teaching grade school, has
been my best friend and partner for over 30 years. Together, we are
blessed with four children: Tom, Annie, Erin, and Kate. All of them are
in their twenties. Each of them is a remarkable young adult.
Growing up in Milwaukee, I was also blessed to have parents who set
the example of how to be caring and responsible. My dad was a navigator
in World War II and taught my brother, sisters, and me the importance
of being responsible. My mother lost her first husband during the
Battle of the Bulge and then met our father. She taught us resilience
and caring.
I have committed my life to public service. I have had the good
fortune and honor to serve as an elected official for over thirty-six
years; first as a state legislator, next as a member of Congress for
ten years, and currently as Mayor of Milwaukee, for the past seventeen
years.
I am especially proud that my home state of Wisconsin is also the
home of many people of Luxembourg descent. In fact, it is the home of
the Luxembourg American Cultural Center, just a short drive from
Milwaukee.
The United States-Luxembourg relationship is strong, based on our
shared history and values, mutual interests, strategic alliance, and
economic ties. Luxembourg is a charter member of NATO and one of the
founding members of the EU. It is also host to numerous monuments to
the American liberators after both World Wars, and it is the final
resting place for over 5,000 American service members, including
General George Patton. As a premier financial capital in Europe,
Luxembourg is one of the U.S. economy's largest sources and
destinations for investment.
If confirmed, my number one priority will be the safety and
security of U.S. citizens abroad. There are approximately 3,100 U.S.
citizens who reside in Luxembourg and 30,000 who visit annually. I also
pledge to maintain the safety and security of members of our mission in
Luxembourg.
Luxembourg is a small country that is home to one of the largest
financial centers in the Eurozone and, remarkably, the second largest
investment fund center in the world, behind only the United States.
Luxembourg is a world leader in green and sustainable finance. It is
home to the world's first and largest ``green exchange'' for debt
instruments. It is also home to the EU Investment Bank, which is the
lending arm of the European Union.
As Mayor of Milwaukee, I have chaired the Great Lakes and Saint
Lawrence Cities Initiative and have worked to create green solutions to
clean up rivers, parks, and brownfields. That is important because it
is imperative that we work at all levels of government, domestically
and internationally, to support President Biden's efforts to combat
global climate change. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
Luxembourg on this important issue. I will work with Luxembourg to
address this challenge in areas where it has a competitive advantage,
such as sustainable finance.
Luxembourg is also a pioneer and an important player in space, and
one of the original signatories of NASA's Artemis Accords in October
2020. In 2019, the United States and Luxembourg signed a groundbreaking
agreement on Space. If confirmed, I will continue to expand our civil,
commercial and defense cooperation in space.
Luxembourg is in the heart of Europe both psychologically and
geographically--and, I should note, the size of its population is very
close to that of Milwaukee. It is home to ten EU institutions and
offices, including the European Court of Justice; it has produced three
EU Commission presidents; and it is a strong voice for institution
building and rulemaking in the European Union.
President Biden has emphasized the importance of our Transatlantic
relations and working with those who share our values. If confirmed, I
will be honored to work with Luxembourg to advance our shared
priorities and U.S. interests in Luxembourg.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I would be happy to answer your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Mayor.
Ms. Harpootlian?
STATEMENT OF JAMIE L. HARPOOTLIAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA, NOMINATED
TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA
Ms. Harpootlian. Chairman Kaine and Ranking Member Romney
and distinguished members, thank you for inviting me to appear
before you today. I am deeply grateful to President Biden for
the confidence he has placed in me and I would also like to
thank Senator Graham for his very generous remarks today.
I would also like to take a moment to thank my husband,
Richard Harpootlian, who has given me his constant support in
this endeavor, and I would like to remember my parents, Charles
and Margaret Lindler, who taught me by example to value public
service.
My father was a United States naval aviator who served in
World War Two, Korea, and Vietnam, while my mother served in
naval communications during World War Two. Later at home, she
raised two daughters in Dad's absence--well, extended absences
overseas.
This past Friday, we laid Dad to rest at Arlington
Cemetery. I would like to express my gratitude to the United
States Government for providing a tremendously meaningful
ceremony and resting place to honor its veterans.
Our country has provided me rewarding opportunities for
public service in my own career as an attorney, working in the
federal judicial system, serving as a court-appointed special
master in complex litigation, and serving the Department of
Justice pro bono as a hearing officer for the 9/11 Victims
Compensation Fund.
In each role, I made pivotal decisions and managed
conflicting positions and personalities. I learned that respect
for the opinions of others and treating all people with dignity
are essential for reaching consensus.
Bringing people with divergent views together is necessary
for progress, and overarching all, building and upholding trust
is vital for success. If confirmed, I hope to use these skills
to successfully advance U.S. interests and values in Slovenia.
Slovenia and the United States have strong military,
economic, educational, and cultural ties. Slovenia embraces
transatlantic cooperation and shares our commitment to
safeguarding democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and free
and fair elections.
Slovenia has made impressive contributions to a broad range
of regional and global efforts to bolster stability, security,
and peace. It has proven itself to be a strong and cooperative
partner with the United States, a stalwart NATO ally, a leader
in the EU, and a reliable partner in the U.N. and multilateral
organizations.
Slovenia contributes troops to almost every NATO mission
across the globe. It participates in numerous EU and U.N.
missions. This year, Slovenia committed to increase defense
spending by 780 million euros through 2026, a significant step
toward meeting its NATO Wales pledge commitment.
It holds the EU Council presidency until the end of this
year, where its focus is EU-NATO coordination, economic
resilience and recovery, and stability in the Western Balkans
for EU accession.
To confront the security challenges of Russia and the
People's Republic of China, strategic investments in Central
Europe's energy transport and digital infrastructure, Slovenia
shares our goals for strategic nuclear energy cooperation,
protecting 5G communications networks, developing alternative
infrastructure and renewable energy sources, and adopting a
foreign direct investment screening mechanism.
Slovenia welcomed the United States returned to the Paris
Agreement and the Biden-Harris administration's reengagement on
global climate change, and Slovenia has one of Europe's fastest
growing economies with projected GDP growth of approximately 4=
percent in 2021 and 2022.
If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and well
being of U.S. citizens in Slovenia. I will work to strengthen
our bilateral relationship with Slovenia using all the
diplomatic tools available to me to build relationships, deepen
understanding of the United States, and to counter
disinformation.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure Slovenia's strong
commitment to stability and security around the world remains
steadfast, including its efforts toward Euro-Atlantic
integration of the Western Balkans and to meeting its NATO
defense spending commitments and capability targets, and I will
look forward to working with our Special Presidential Envoy for
Climate, John Kerry, to support Slovenia's actions on climate.
We are stronger in confronting challenges when we work
cooperatively with our allies.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Harpootlian follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jamie L. Harpootlian
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this distinguished
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I
am deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed
in me to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.
I would like to acknowledge that I am joined today by my husband,
Richard Harpootlian, who has given me his unwavering love and support
in this endeavor. Dick has been a fearless public servant and
passionate advocate for fairness and justice throughout his life. I am
proud of his lifelong efforts to right wrongs and be a force for good
in the world.
I also would like to remember my parents who taught me by example
to value public service. My father was a United States Naval Aviator
who served in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, while my mother served
in naval communications during World War II and later at home raising
two daughters in her husband's extended absences overseas.
Our country has provided me rewarding opportunities for public
service in my own career as an attorney--working in the federal
judicial system, serving as a court-appointed special master in complex
litigation, and serving the Department of Justice pro bono as a hearing
officer for the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund. In each role, I made
pivotal decisions and managed conflicting positions and personalities.
I learned that respect for the opinions of others and treating all
people with dignity are essential for reaching consensus. Bringing
people with divergent views together is necessary for progress. And
overarching all, building and upholding trust is vital for success. If
confirmed, I hope to use these skills to successfully advance U.S.
interests and values in Slovenia.
Slovenia and the United States have strong military, economic,
educational, and cultural ties. Slovenia embraces transatlantic
cooperation and shares our commitment to safeguarding democracy, the
rule of law, human rights, and free and fair elections.
Slovenia is a Central European country with a population of two
million that has made impressive contributions to a broad range of
regional and global efforts to bolster stability, security, and peace.
It has proven itself to be a strong and cooperative partner with the
United States, a stalwart NATO Ally, a leader in the EU, and a reliable
partner in the U.N. and multilateral organizations.
Slovenia contributes troops to almost every NATO mission across the
globe. It participates in numerous EU and U.N. missions. This year,
Slovenia committed to increasing defense spending by 780 million euros
through 2026; a significant step toward meeting its NATO Wales Pledge
commitment to spend at least 2 percent of its GDP on defense by 2026.
It holds the EU Council presidency until the end of this year, through
which it is emphasizing EU-NATO coordination, supporting economic
resilience and recovery, and working to bolster stability in the
Western Balkans for EU accession. And it participates in several
successful bilateral programs with the United States to support strong
military relationships.
To confront the security challenges of Russian and People's
Republic of China (PRC) strategic investments in Central Europe's
energy, transport, and digital infrastructure, Slovenia shares our
goals for strategic nuclear energy cooperation, protecting 5G
communications networks, developing alternative infrastructure and
renewable energy sources, and adopting a foreign direct investment
screening mechanism.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure Slovenia's strong commitment to
stability and security around the world remains steadfast, including
its efforts toward Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans,
and to meeting its NATO defense spending commitments and fulfilling
NATO Capability Targets.
Slovenia welcomed the United States' return to the Paris Agreement
and the Biden-Harris administration's reengagement on global climate
change. One of the top priorities of the Slovenian EU Council
presidency is advocating for reduction of greenhouse gases by at least
55 percent by 2030 and reaching carbon neutrality in 2050. If
confirmed, I will work with our Special Presidential Envoy for Climate
John Kerry to support Slovenia's actions on climate.
Slovenia has one of Europe's fastest growing economies with
projected GDP growth of approximately 4.5 percent in 2021 and 2022.
Positive economic factors include a well-educated, multilingual
workforce, and technical expertise.
If confirmed, my top priority will be the safety and well-being of
U.S. citizens in Slovenia. I will work to strengthen our bilateral
relationship using all the diplomatic tools available to me to build
relationships, deepen understanding of the United States, and to
counter disinformation. And I will foster our shared vision of
democracy. We are stronger in confronting challenges when we work
cooperatively with our allies.
It would be the greatest honor of my life to serve in this
capacity. Thank you for your time and consideration. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Ms. Harpootlian, and we will next
hear from Mr. Miller.
You need to unmute, Mr. Miller.
STATEMENT OF SCOTT MILLER OF COLORADO, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SWISS CONFEDERATION, AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE PRINCIPALITY OF LIECHTENSTEIN
Mr. Miller. That is about right.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. You will not be the last either.
Mr. Miller. Apologies. Thank you, Chairman Kaine, and thank
you, Ranking Member Romney. I would also like to thank my dear
friend, Senator Hickenlooper, for his introduction. You are not
only an exceptional friend, but you were a terrific mayor and
governor, and I am so proud to call you my Senator.
To each member of the committee, please accept my gratitude
for the privilege of speaking with you today as the President's
nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to both the
Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in my ability to serve in this role, and will
work on behalf of our great country and to represent the
interests of the American people.
If I am privileged enough to do so with the confidence of
this committee, it would be the greatest honor of my life. I
would like to thank my entire family, and while he will not
enjoy me singling him out, I am so proud to be joined today by
my husband, Tim Gill, albeit virtually.
He is no doubt wincing right now as he is watching as he
enjoys attention and praise about as much as a root canal. But
without Tim's love and support and without his tireless work on
behalf of LGBTQ people everywhere, I would not be sitting in
front of this committee today.
A lifetime of experience has prepared me for this moment. I
worked as a banker at UBS and a management consultant at
Accenture. I also joined my husband, Tim, as co-chair of the
Gill Foundation, where together and with so many others we have
advocated for the full equality of all Americans.
In our home state, we have devoted considerable resources
and effort to enhance the lives of our fellow Coloradans
through STEM education, public broadcasting, and programs to
fight food insecurity.
Over the course of my career in finance, philanthropy, and
civil rights advocacy, I have learned the importance of
nurturing friendships and building coalitions, and to view
those with whom I may disagree with today as future friends and
partners tomorrow.
If confirmed, I vigorously look forward to applying this
principle to America's relationships with Switzerland and
Liechtenstein to the benefit of all three.
To that end, I would like to outline four policy priorities
that will guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland and
Liechtenstein, if confirmed.
My top priority will be ensuring the safety and well being
of Americans in Switzerland and Liechtenstein as well as the
broader mission community.
Two, to deepen ties and cooperation through the lens and
application of our core values, including support for
democracy, respect for universal human rights, and the
promotion of peace and security.
Three, to increase support for the United States and our
policies through active engagement with both host governments
and civil society, as well as through educational, cultural,
and people-to-people ties and exchanges.
Four, to grow our already strong economic and commercial
relationship to advance America's competitive advantage in both
countries. I believe we have untapped potential to gain greater
access for American products to the Swiss and Liechtenstein
markets. If confirmed, I would work hard to realize that
potential.
I would like to take a moment to say that growing up as a
shy kid on the Western Slope of the great state of Colorado,
being in this remarkable place today would have been impossible
to imagine. Indeed, that young boy too often felt, as many
LGBTQ kids often do, that there was no place for him.
I am here today thanks to countless heroic Americans who
dedicated their lives to ensuring that someone like me could
grow up to enjoy all the promises and responsibilities of this
wonderful country, and I want to pledge to this committee and
to the American people that, if confirmed, the security and
vital national interests of the United States and its citizens
would be my priority.
I would work tirelessly to further deepen and enhance our
bilateral relationships with Switzerland and Liechtenstein, and
I will look for every opportunity to increase trade, foster
development, and promote cultural exchanges and understanding
between our nations.
I would pursue all this work shoulder to shoulder with the
remarkable and very talented U.S. Foreign Service officers and
local Embassy staff in Bern, who have already done so much to
advocate on behalf of the United States and who could not be
praised enough for their dedication and public service, and, if
confirmed, I would proudly serve the United States with
integrity, humility and compassion.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and all the members of the
committee, I thank you so much for the opportunity to testify
today. I am happy to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Miller follows:]
Prepared Statement of Scott Miller
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, I am grateful for the privilege of speaking with you today
as the President's nominee to be the next United States Ambassador to
both the Swiss Confederation and the Principality of Liechtenstein.
I am grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for their
confidence in my ability to serve in this role and to work on behalf of
our great country and to represent the interests of the American
people. If confirmed by this committee, serving as Ambassador would be
the greatest honor of my life.
He won't enjoy me singling him out, but I am so proud to be joined
today by my husband, Tim Gill. I would not be here without his support.
A lifetime of experience has prepared me for this moment. I worked
as a banker and as a management consultant. I also joined my husband
Tim as co-chair of the Gill Foundation where, together and with so many
others, we have advocated for the full equality of all Americans. In
our home state, we have devoted considerable effort to enhance the
lives of our fellow Coloradans through STEM education, public
broadcasting, and programs to fight food insecurity.
I'd like to take a moment to say that growing up as a shy kid on
the Western Slope of the great state of Colorado, being in this
remarkable place today would have been impossible to imagine. Indeed,
that young boy too often felt, as many LGBTQ kids too often do, that
there was no place for him.
Over the course of my career, I've learned the importance of
nurturing friendships and building coalitions--and to view those with
whom I may disagree today as future friends and partners tomorrow. If
confirmed, I look forward to vigorously applying this principle to
America's relationships with Switzerland and Liechtenstein, to the
benefit of all three.
To that end, I'd like to outline four policy priorities that will
guide my work as U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein, if
confirmed:
My top priority will be ensuring the safety and well-being of
Americans in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, as well as of our
broader mission community.
Two, to deepen ties and cooperation through the lens and
application of our core values, including: support for
democracy, respect for universal human rights, and the
promotion of peace and security.
Three, to increase support for the United States and our policies
through active engagement with both host governments and civil
society, as well as through educational, cultural, and people-
to-people ties and exchanges.
Four, to grow our already strong economic and commercial
relationship to advance America's competitive advantage in both
countries. I believe we have untapped potential to gain greater
access for American products to the Swiss and Liechtenstein
markets. If confirmed, I will work hard to realize that
potential.
I am here today thanks to countless heroic Americans who dedicated
their lives to ensuring that someone like me could grow up to enjoy all
the promises and responsibilities of this wonderful country.
I want to pledge to this committee and to the American people that,
if confirmed, the security and vital national interests of the United
States and its citizens would be my highest priority. I would work
tirelessly to further deepen and enhance our bilateral relationships
with Switzerland and Liechtenstein. And I would look for every
opportunity to increase trade, foster development, and promote cultural
exchanges and understanding between our nations.
I would pursue all this work shoulder to shoulder with the
remarkable and talented U.S. Foreign Service officers and local Embassy
staff in Bern, who have already done so much to advocate on behalf of
the United States, and who cannot be praised enough for their
dedication and public service.
If confirmed, I look forward to proudly serving the United States
with integrity, humility, and compassion.
Mr. Chairman, ranking member and all the members of the Committee--
I thank you so much for the opportunity to testify today.
I am happy to answer any questions you have.
Senator Kaine. Thank you so much, Mr. Miller.
And Mr. Ramanathan, please, your opening comments.
STATEMENT OF ERIK D. RAMANATHAN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN
Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
the committee, it is a privilege to appear before you, and
thank you to Senator Markey for that kind introduction and for
his service.
I am honored to be the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to
Sweden, and I thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
their confidence in me. Endless gratitude goes to my husband of
more than 30 years, Ranesh Ramanathan, the love of my life and
constant companion on life's journey, whose kindness, humor,
and devotion in the face of the countless challenges we have
navigated are unparalleled, and to my 16-year-old Chris, who
inspires me every day with fresh perspective and boundless
potential, and who drives me to want to make our country and
the world we share a better place for future generations.
With Chris' future in mind, I made the decision 15 years
ago to pivot from a successful private sector career in law and
life sciences to a portfolio of service roles where I felt I
could have a larger-scale impact.
Combining my fire-tested corporate and legal experience
with lessons learned fighting for the civil rights and well
being of the LGBTQ and HIV-positive communities, I reckoned
that I could be an effective leader bringing stakeholders from
disparate backgrounds together in pursuit of bigger missions.
Collaborative service became my compass as I built an
academic platform at Harvard Law and took on a constellation of
nonprofit leadership roles, culminating in a decade leading the
board of Heluna Health.
With perseverance, Heluna grew tenfold larger and
transformed into a true catalyst to meet the public health and
community resilience challenges facing tens of millions of
Americans, including the direct and indirect effects of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
I am deeply proud of the diverse and talented team of
professionals who join together every day to make this life-
changing work possible.
If confirmed, I plan to apply and foster a similarly
vigorous service ethic, creative and collaborative mindset, and
seriousness of purpose to expanding and deepening our historic
close friendship and like-minded partnership with Sweden.
The relationship in diplomacy between our people both
bilaterally and on the global stage can have a tremendously
positive impact on our shared prosperity over the course of
decades to come.
I look forward to continuing to listen and learn from many
stakeholders and, if confirmed, I see three core priorities at
the outset.
First, enhancing bilateral and regional security efforts.
If confirmed, my foremost priority will always be the safety
and security of Americans in Sweden, including personnel and
family members of Embassy Stockholm.
But our shared security interests extend further. As a
NATO-enhanced opportunities partner, Sweden has made robust
contributions on the international stage.
If confirmed, I look forward to building on this history
and on our bilateral statement of intent to support
interoperability and coordination as Sweden increases
investments in its defense and security infrastructure and
capabilities.
Second, growing and deepening bilateral economic ties. The
U.S. and Sweden are two of the world's leading innovators, with
robust business and technology ecosystems deeply intertwined
with academic, civil society, and government collaboration.
As both nations recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, we
should focus not only on reopening for business but also on
unlocking new sources of job opportunity and mutual prosperity,
such as joint pursuit of green technologies.
Increasing bilateral exports and job-creating foreign
direct investment in the U.S. can contribute to economic
prosperity in both nations while providing a stronger and more
secure counterbalance to trade and investment with partners who
may seek to compromise intellectual property or sensitive
infrastructure.
Third, collaborating to address key existential challenges
of our time on the global stage. Not only is Sweden a strong
partner in foreign policy, but it is also an ideal collaborator
in many unprecedented challenges facing the world, most notably
fighting climate change, combating COVID-19 and preventing
future pandemics, promoting democracy, protecting human rights,
and safeguarding the rules-based international order.
If confirmed, I eagerly await working with the talented
team at Embassy Stockholm to build on their successes and
advance these shared goals together. I look forward to
partnering with Congress to further U.S. priorities in Sweden,
and I enthusiastically await hearing from people across Sweden,
sharing our ideas and deepening people-to-people ties as we
strive toward a better tomorrow.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look
forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Ramanathan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Erik D. Ramanathan
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is a privilege to appear before you. I am honored to be
the nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Sweden, and I thank President Biden
and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
Endless gratitude goes to my husband of more than 30 years, Ranesh
Ramanathan, the love of my life and constant companion on life's
journey, whose kindness, humor, and devotion in the face of the
countless challenges we've navigated are unparalleled. And to my 16-
year-old, Chris, who inspires me every day with fresh perspective and
boundless potential, and who drives me to want to make our country and
the world we share a better place for future generations.
With Chris' future in mind, I made the decision 15 years ago to
pivot from a successful private sector career in law and life sciences
to a portfolio of service roles where I felt I could have a larger-
scale impact. Combining my fire-tested corporate and legal experience
with lessons learned fighting for the civil rights and well-being of
the LGBTQ and HIV+ communities, I reckoned that I could be an effective
leader bringing stakeholders from disparate backgrounds together in
pursuit of bigger missions.
Collaborative service became my compass as I built an academic
platform at Harvard Law and took on a constellation of nonprofit
leadership roles, culminating in a decade leading the board of Heluna
Health. With perseverance, Heluna grew tenfold larger and transformed
into a true catalyst to meet the public health and community resilience
challenges facing tens of millions of Americans, including the direct
and indirect effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. I am deeply proud of the
diverse and talented team of professionals who join together every day
to make this life-changing work possible.
If confirmed, I plan to apply and foster a similarly vigorous
service ethic, creative and collaborative mindset, and seriousness of
purpose to expanding and deepening our historic close friendship and
like-minded partnership with Sweden.
The relationship and diplomacy between our people--both bilaterally
and on the global stage--can have a tremendously positive impact on our
shared prosperity over the course of decades to come. I look forward to
continuing to listen and learn from many stakeholders and if confirmed,
I see three core priorities at the outset:
First, enhancing bilateral and regional security efforts. If
confirmed, my foremost priority will always be the safety and
security of Americans in Sweden, including personnel and family
members of Embassy Stockholm. But our shared security interests
extend further. As a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner,
Sweden has made robust contributions on the international
stage. If confirmed, I look forward to building on this history
and on our bilateral Statement of Intent to support
interoperability and coordination as Sweden increases its
investments in its defense and security infrastructure and
capabilities.
Second, growing and deepening bilateral economic ties. The U.S. and
Sweden are two of the world's leading innovators, with robust
business and technology ecosystems deeply intertwined with
academic, civil society, and government collaboration. As both
nations recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, we should focus not
only on reopening for business but also unlocking new sources
of job opportunity and mutual prosperity such as joint pursuit
of green technologies. Increasing bilateral exports and job-
creating foreign direct investment in the U.S. can contribute
to economic prosperity in both nations, while providing a
stronger and more secure counterbalance to trade and investment
with partners who may seek to compromise intellectual property
or sensitive infrastructure.
Third, collaborating to address key existential challenges of our
time on the global stage. Not only is Sweden a strong partner
in foreign policy, but it is also an ideal collaborator in many
unprecedented challenges facing the world, most notably
fighting climate change, combating COVID-19 and preventing
future pandemics, promoting democracy, protecting human rights,
and safeguarding the rules-based international order. Among
other efforts, Sweden has pledged over $500 million for global
vaccine equity. Sweden is a respected leader in combating
climate change and pledged to double its climate aid to over
$1.8 billion by 2025. If confirmed, I look forward to
strengthening our partnership with Sweden to address these
global challenges.
If confirmed, I eagerly await working with the talented team at
Embassy Stockholm to build on their successes and advance these shared
goals, together. I look forward to partnering with Congress to further
U.S. priorities in Sweden. And I enthusiastically await hearing from
people across Sweden, sharing our ideas, and deepening people-to-people
ties as we strive toward a better tomorrow.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you very much for all of your opening
testimonies. Before we begin precise questions about the
countries and your missions, should you be confirmed, I do have
a set of standard questions that I want to ask to all the
nominees, so if the four of you could all unmute yourself.
These are questions that enable the committee to stress the
importance that we place on responsiveness by all officials in
the executive branch to this oversight committee, and we ask
these because they give you an idea of what we will expect from
you. I would ask each of you on the following questions to
provide just a yes or no answer.
First, do you agree to appear before this committee and
make officials from your office available to the committee and
designated staff when invited?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Second, do you commit to keep this committee
fully and currently informed about the activities under your
purview?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Third, do you commit to engaging in
meaningful consultation while policies are being developed, not
just providing notification after the fact?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. And finally, do you commit to promptly
responding to requests for briefings and information requested
by the committee and our designated staff?
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Kaine. Thank you for those answers. Let me begin
now with Mayor Barrett.
Mr. Mayor, you talked briefly about the fact that
Luxembourg is positioning itself well to be a center of the
commercial space industry. This is a particular interest in
Virginia because more rockets are shot out of Wallops Island
than out of either Florida or California, and both NASA and
commercial space is a growing industry sector here.
Talk to us a little bit about the U.S.-Luxembourg
cooperative agreement of 2019, and should you be confirmed what
you might do to try to enhance our cooperation on commercial
space activities.
Mr. Barrett. Thank you very much for that question, Mr.
Chairman, and if confirmed, I will continue the strong
relationship that we have developed with Luxembourg. Luxembourg
and the United States have been working closely together and
you mentioned the accord that we reached with them.
There is the Artemis Accord, which, obviously, creates a
mechanism for us to return to the moon. There is the efforts to
do what we can with them or independently on space exploration.
And I think both of those, as well as some of the work that
we have been doing with them on satellites, for example--the
investment they are making in satellites, which goes towards
their defense spending goal--I think all of those position us
in a very, very good way to continue to work together.
I think that there is a strong foundation there and, again,
if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I want to continue
that relationship and make it even stronger.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Mayor.
Mr. Miller, Switzerland has this long-standing commitment
to neutrality but it does contribute to NATO missions in Kosovo
and other U.N. and EU security operations.
How do you evaluate Swiss contributions to international
security and what might you do to encourage them consistent
with their own domestic traditions to take an even more forward
leaning role?
Mr. Miller. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think we know that Switzerland is clear-eyed when it
comes to their approach in dealing with other nations and what
they are doing around the world, and that they have a keen
interest in making sure to address any threat to the
international order.
Both Switzerland and Liechtenstein are committed allies. I
am very lucky, if confirmed, to step into this role of having
not only a partner in these missions but to be able to have the
high-level discussions that we are able to have with both
Switzerland and Liechtenstein and in our work, broadly, in
Europe.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Ms. Harpootlian, you talked in your opening testimony about
Slovenia's commitment to greater defense investment. They have
one of the lowest levels of investment in terms of GDP
percentage of NATO allies.
They have indicated a desire to ramp up that investment.
Does that defense modernization plan present opportunities for
the United States and U.S. companies?
Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I
appreciate the opportunity to address it.
Slovenia--this past year they have increased their defense
spending by =780 million and that is a significant increase
from any of the prior years. I feel as if we are making
progress in the right direction.
If I am confirmed, I will continue to push Slovenia to
meeting those goals. Right now, they are scheduled for 2026 to
meet the 2 percent guidelines and that includes NATO capability
targets and force modernization.
Senator Kaine. I would encourage you. I am glad to see them
make those commitments. There may well be opportunities for
U.S. companies and others to be involved in helping Slovenia
reach those goals and I know you will focus on those.
Finally, to Mr. Ramanathan, Sweden has been a very strong
partner in countering Russian aggression and one area that they
particularly focused on is trying to counter disinformation.
This is an area where we have had challenges here. We are a
robust First Amendment society and that sometimes means that a
lot of disinformation crowds up all of our inboxes.
What is Sweden doing that we might emulate or how could we
and Sweden partner together on anti-disinformation efforts?
Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
Sweden takes a very clear-eyed view on disinformation--
particularly from Russia. There has been increased malign
activity relating to disinformation and misinformation
campaigns. They have a whole of government approach to
combating disinformation, and we coordinate with Sweden on
monitoring and pushing back on those kind of campaigns.
If confirmed, I look forward continuing to collaborate on
monitoring and pushing back on disinformation campaigns, and
also on using public diplomacy and interacting with media, both
traditional and social media, and in-person conversations, of
course, with the people of Sweden to ensure that our messages
and priorities are clear and that that too can be a way of
pushing back on disinformation.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that answer.
Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Mayor Barrett, a number of us were
concerned as we saw that Luxembourg signed on to the Belt and
Road Initiative that China has been promoting throughout the
world, and I am interested in your perspective, if you have
that at this stage, about what the status of that is in
Luxembourg and what you think our objectives might be with
regards to communicating with Luxembourg on that topic and
perhaps encouraging them to take a course which is less
favorable to China.
Mr. Barrett. Senator Romney, thank you for that question,
and I hope I got the gist of it. My terminology is a little
sketchy right now.
But it sounded like you were asking about the Belt and Road
Initiative and the fact that Luxembourg has signed on to it,
which it has, in fact, one of the few Western European
countries that has done so.
Luxembourg prides itself on having good relations--
investment relations--with many countries throughout the world
and that, I think, is one of the factors that led it to signing
this.
At the same time, obviously, as a key member of the
European Union it recognizes that it is working with its
neighbors. I think we are also fortunate that because of our
strong historic ties, our economic ties, our community of
interests in terms of democracy, that that provides a
checkpoint, if you will, and we will make sure that we will
continue to work but--with Luxembourg.
And if I am confirmed, I, certainly, plan to work with
Luxembourg to make sure that they understand, which I am very
confident that they do, the challenges that come from that
Chinese initiative.
Again, I think that because of our historic ties, I think
that that puts us in a good place. But it is something that, if
confirmed, I am very, very sensitive to and mindful of the
challenges that it presents.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mayor. I apologize if you could
not hear me but your response was spot on to the question I
asked. I appreciate that.
Mr. Barrett. Thank you.
Senator Romney. Ms. Harpootlian, I am interested in your
perspective on how the people of Slovenia and the leadership of
Slovenia looks at Russia when they think Russia's objectives
might be in the Balkans. What type of commitment do you think
we can make to supporting the independence of the Balkans from
Russia influence?
But I guess the beginning of that question is do you have a
sense of how the leadership in Slovenia and the people of
Slovenia consider Russia objectives, what they consider them to
be with regards to the Balkans?
You are muted. I am sorry.
Ms. Harpootlian. Thank you for the question, Senator, and I
am happy to address it. I, first, want to point out that
Slovenia is a very strong NATO ally and it shares our
democratic values and interests.
Slovenia's heart is in the West and that is something to--
it is important to remember that when we are talking about
Russia and China engagement.
The fact is that Russia and Slovenia do have an active
economic relationship and they have cultural ties and
diplomatic ties, and they have engaged in high-level visits.
But Slovenia is very aware of issues regarding
destabilization and, in particular, the fact that by virtue of
geology and existing infrastructure Russia provides virtually
all of Slovenia's natural gas.
In response to that, Slovenia and the United States have
been working together. They have signed a Memorandum of
Understanding on civil nuclear cooperation for clean and safe
nuclear energy.
Slovenia is very interested in developing a second nuclear
reactor and the U.S. is interested in competing for providing
the technology on that. The U.S. also supports Slovenia in an
initiative called the Three Seas Initiative and that is
designed to develop infrastructure on north-south access, which
would compete with the old Soviet east-west infrastructure
lines. All of these are steps that Slovenia is taking to create
independence from Russia influence in the country.
I hope that answered your question.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I think my time is up. I will turn back to
you and I will get a chance to continue with the others in the
next round.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Senator Shaheen is next.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Chairman, and congratulations
to each of the nominees, and thank you for your willingness to
serve the country at this critical time.
My first question is, really, for each of you, and I have
been following very closely for a number of years now the
impact of what is known as Havana syndrome or anomalous health
incidents on American personnel around the world and, sadly, we
have now seen attacks against personnel on all continents
except Antarctica.
Obviously, the State Department personnel are one of the
main targets of these attacks. I want to ask each of you--
because I understand that the State Department includes a
briefing on AHIs as part of the ambassadorial seminar program
that you are required to attend.
I want to to ask each of you if, if confirmed, you will
commit to attending the ambassadorial seminar on AHIs and seek
a classified briefing with the State Department once you are
confirmed.
If I could just have everyone respond either positively or
negatively to that.
[All witnesses answer in the affirmative.]
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. That was a good leading
question. You all passed with flying colors.
Ms. Harpootlian, I want to start with you on another issue
because I think Slovenia--I chair the European Affairs
Subcommittee of Foreign Relations, and I think Slovenia is a
beautiful country and of all of the countries in the Balkans
that made up the former Yugoslavia, Slovenia has done probably
the best job, at least it has been the most successful in
integrating with the West and the EU.
But I fear now that we are beginning to see some
backsliding in Slovenia, and there are recent developments that
may curtail the full and free operation of an independent media
and civil society there.
Can you talk about how you will approach this issue with
Bratislava and how you will connect what might happen there
with that backsliding to the potential for Russia and China to
make inroads in Slovenia?
I am sorry. I think you are still on mute.
Ms. Harpootlian. I am so sorry. My apologies. Thank you for
the question.
Senator Shaheen. That is--we have all been going through a
whole year and a half of being on mute, so we understand.
Ms. Harpootlian. There are a lot of issues that you have
presented in your question that are very important. I think
that, first and foremost, Slovenia embraces transatlantic
cooperation. Democratic values are the foundation of our
transatlantic alliance with Slovenia.
In Slovenia, there are multiple parties. It is a multi-
party system with a well entrenched system of checks and
balances. It is unlikely that in Slovenia you would ever have
one party taking control. Right now, there are nine parties
sitting in Parliament.
You mentioned Bratislava. But in Ljubljana, I think that
the focus is wanting to be a good member of NATO, a good member
of the EU where, as you are well aware, Slovenia currently
holds the EU Council presidency, and it is working toward
accession of the Western Balkan states into the EU, which, if
that happens, they have certain thresholds for the Copenhagen
criteria in order to demonstrate that they are a stable
democracy, that they have freedom of the press, they respect
human rights, and Slovenia is working very hard on those issues
and pushing for the EU accession.
It will not happen anytime soon. But by striving to create
stable democracies in those countries, I think that we are
going to combat the issues that you have raised.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, and thank you for correcting my
misspeaking on Bratislava rather than Ljubljana.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Harpootlian. But, if confirmed, I will support Slovenia
in its efforts to support democracy throughout the region and I
look forward to having the opportunity to do that.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I know I am almost out of time. But I would
really like to ask Mr. Ramanathan a question about Sweden
because, as we know, competition in the Arctic is becoming even
more critical today and we are seeing increasing incursions by
Russia into the Arctic.
And so what I would like to know is, if confirmed, Mr.
Ramanathan, how you will engage not just in Sweden but within
the State Department and with ambassadors for the other Arctic
nations about the role of the United States and how we can
cooperate with our allies in the Arctic.
Mr. Ramanathan. Of course, Sweden, like the United States,
is an Arctic nation and we are represented together on the
Arctic Council, which is the premier forum for governance
around Arctic--issues ranging from environment, sustainable
development of the Arctic, scientific research, and so forth.
You also referred to military buildups by Russia.
Obviously, the Arctic Council does not include security matters
and those are left to sovereigns.
But we do have a strong relationship with Sweden on the
defense and security front and, if confirmed, I look forward to
collaborating with Sweden on our continued efforts towards
interoperability and coordination, defense activities under
both our bilateral agreements as well as their NATO-enhanced
opportunities partner status, and addressing these issues,
going forward.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Unless--I think Senator Young
was next in the queue, but I am not sure he is currently signed
on. Senator Young, are you with us?
[No response.]
Senator Kaine. If not, Senator Van Hollen, you are up next.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
Mr. Miller, a couple of questions about Swiss practices
when it comes to banking and bank secrecy and other issues.
As you know, Switzerland is the world's largest offshore
financial center, managing about a quarter of global cross-
border assets, which is, of course, an astounding number.
Over the years, issues regarding bank secrecy and taxation
have become irritants in U.S.-Swiss relations. How would you
assess Switzerland's current compliance with the U.S. Foreign
Account Tax Compliance Act and the OECD automatic exchange of
information agreement?
Mr. Miller. Thank you, Senator, and it is good to see you
again.
My background in finance and, in particular, working at UBS
has given me a front row seat to this particular topic. I was
lucky enough to work for UBS for a decade many years ago, but
many of the--this particular topic popped up while there.
And what I would like to say is, unfortunately, there were
incidents of the past of us not being able to get the
information that we wanted as it related to U.S. citizens and
their banking in Switzerland.
I do believe, through a series of actions by the Department
of Justice and continued negotiations by Treasury, that we do
have greater confidence and insight into the foreign--into
FATCA. I am trying to not use acronyms, but this is the
Government.
But I do believe we are--we feel very confident in our
dealings with Switzerland as it relates to the banks and I know
banks there are anxious to switch from a Tier--they are
currently a Tier Two model where banks report directly to the
United States to switching to a model, a Tier One, that would
allow the Swiss Government to do the reporting and, in turn,
would allow reciprocal information to go from the U.S. to
Switzerland as well.
Senator Van Hollen. Got it. I appreciate that.
As you know, one of top priorities of this administration
has been to prevent a race to the bottom when it comes to
corporate taxation in developed countries, and one of the great
success stories, of course, has been the President and
Secretary Yellen's ability to get the G-20 to adopt the idea of
a 15 percent minimum global corporate tax rate.
I saw Switzerland did sign on in July. But as you well
know, the local cantons there have lots of power within
Switzerland. How do you assess--how are you going to, if
confirmed, use your influence to make sure that Switzerland
moves to comply with the goal?
Mr. Miller. Again, thank you, Senator.
Again, thanks to the efforts not just of this
administration but also the previous administrations, the
conversations that we have had with Switzerland of reducing
their dependence and reliance on using reduced corporate taxes
has started to diminish and Switzerland, as you did point out,
did sign on the guidelines of the international taxation OECD
of committing to the 15 percent global tax rate.
And, if confirmed, I think the most important part of this
job is for me to communicate with my interlocutors the
importance of a level playing field and that would be, as you
pointed out, with each canton because of their decentralized
government.
But I think that is a skill that I have and I look forward
to those conversations.
Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I think we need to
work quickly in this area.
Mayor Barrett, congratulations. Good to see you, and I have
a question--a similar question with a little different twist,
but related to Luxembourg.
How responsive has Luxembourg been, in your opinion, to
U.S. and international concerns about money laundering and tax
evasion? Luxembourg is often named as one of those tax havens.
Can you just comment on that, briefly?
Mr. Barrett. Thank you for the question, Senator. It is
great to see you.
I, certainly, think it has made progress in the last eight
years and I am pleased to see the progress that it has made.
Also, as you noted in your previous conversation about the G-20
and the minimum tax rate has agreed to that as well, which I
think is an important step.
But I think it is important to note that the Financial
Action Task Force, which is the international watch dog that
periodically goes to the countries to make sure there is no
money laundering or illegal money, will be in Luxembourg this
month, actually, and I intend, if I am confirmed, to look very
carefully at what the Financial Action Task Force
recommendations are and then work with the Luxembourg
Government to make sure those become a reality.
But I think it has made progress and I think that that is
something we should recognize and applaud and give positive
reinforcement to.
Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Appreciate it. And thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. I do not believe there are
additional Senators on.
Senator Romney, you indicated you had other questions. I
will go back to you. I will have some additional questions
after you unless we have other senators who join.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Just a couple of comments. As we talk about international
tax rates we do not know exactly what is going to happen here,
of course, but I do think there is a difference between leaders
coming together over a social event and drinks and meetings and
saying, hey, let us all agree to a 15 percent international tax
rate and that actually becoming the law, having passed by
their--being passed by their respective parliaments and
congresses and so forth. I think there is a big gap between
that.
I would not want to see a circumstance where we, in our
nation, took action, which would then not be matched by other
nations and put our enterprises at a competitive disadvantage.
Depending on what we do here, it will be important to make sure
that other nations follow through as well.
Let me turn to Mr. Miller with regards to our relationships
in Switzerland, obviously, a nation which is given to high
standards of human rights historically, a nation which
considers itself to be a leader on various social issues, and I
wonder how they square that with a relatively friendly
relationship with China, China carrying out genocide.
I mean, in this day and age for a nation to be carrying out
genocide is really inexplicable and I wonder whether the Swiss
are going to be able to continue to look away from the reality
of what is happening in China and whether you might be able to
help them understand that their interests really lie in
becoming closer and closer with those nations which honor the
same types of values they have long said they espouse.
Mr. Miller. Thank you, Senator Romney.
As you aptly point out, how we approach China, our greatest
competitor, is a focus that all of us, if we are lucky enough
to be confirmed, will have to address.
The good news for me in a potential, if confirmed,
relationship with Switzerland is that Switzerland does already
have in a long-standing meeting and dialogue that they have had
with People's Republic of China, starting since 1991.
Unfortunately, due to COVID, many of these conversations
have been postponed. But also I would like to point out that
Switzerland did come out and join the criticism of the
situation in Xinjiang and also the Uighurs--the situation that
is, obviously, happening with the Uighurs.
I do hope that Switzerland will be proactive in
reestablishing that conversation, that annual conversation, to
make sure that they understand that China is doing these
practices, and I think that it is also incumbent upon the Swiss
Government to be proactive in having a dialogue with the
companies based in Switzerland to make sure that they
understand also the risks of doing business in China.
I am fully aware of, and I think we all are, on this, as we
testified today, the threat that China poses is significant and
we must work with all of our interlocutors on making sure in
our meetings that they understand that, despite needing the
economic relations, perhaps, with the People's Republic that it
is also still okay to criticize them and hold them accountable
and to make sure that we are pushing them to do better every
day.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Miller.
Mr. Ramanathan, Sweden has shown a lot of backbone relative
to, perhaps, other countries in the world as it relates to
Russia and to China, for that matter, and China has retaliated
against a number of Swedish businesses, Ericsson among others.
Do you have a sense of whether there is backsliding on the
part of the leadership or the business community in Sweden?
Meaning, are the backbones still strong and how can we
encourage them to continue to have the kind of strength they
have had in the past? Because we may need to step in and show
them that if they are punished by one side they could be more
rewarded by the other.
Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you for the question.
And my sense is that the backbone of Sweden is strong,
indeed. While they are a trading nation reliant on trade for
half of their GDP, they understand and are clear-eyed about
what that means with respect to China, the need to protect
sensitive infrastructure, intellectual property, and the like.
You mentioned 5G and Ericsson. Obviously, they--as you may
be aware, the administrative courts in Sweden have upheld
Swedish regulations banning Huawei and ZTE from Sweden's own 5G
build out, which I think sends an important signal about the
continued focus on protecting sensitive infrastructure.
Obviously, Ericsson has also invested, opening a new $134
million plant in Texas working on 5G equipment and other
investments in the United States on that front, and we have
been a good partner of Ericsson's.
I think these are indications that things are very, very
strong. But, if confirmed, I look forward to continuing that
close dialogue and continuing to ensure that we are creative
and collaborative in ways that we find to ensure our mutual
security and prosperity.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Ramanathan.
Mr. Chairman, I turn back to you. I have asked the
questions I came with.
[Laughter.]
Senator Kaine. Excellent. Thank you, Senator Romney.
And there is no other members on the call who have not
asked questions in the first round. I will ask a couple more
questions, and then if no one else joins we will adjourn. There
are votes now on the floor. But I have a question, first, for
Mr. Miller.
I was intrigued when Switzerland made the decision to buy a
$5.5 billion contract to buy F-35s from the United States
because there were less expensive offers on the table, both
from Boeing and a French manufacturer, and then also a
Spanish--a Spain-Italy-U.K.-Germany conglomerate. But the Swiss
made the decision to go with the more expensive U.S.
technology.
And I just was wondering, as somebody who is not an expert
on Swiss politics, I was wondering if you might explain that to
me. I think that is a heartening sign but I am curious how I
should interpret that.
Mr. Miller. I am not fully familiar to the sensitive
negotiations as it relates to the sale of United States defense
equipment. But what I can attest to is to American greatness
and our exceptional military aircraft and ground to base--
ground to air base missile defense.
And I think Switzerland, again, wanting to strengthen our
very, very strong bilateral relationship with the United States
as a replacement to the F-18 aircraft that they have used for
many years, see this as a familiar relationship and a known
quantity as they look to replace their strategic air defense
capabilities.
I would love nothing more once I am fully briefed on the
sensitive background of this to follow up with you. But I,
again, am really heartened by this and I think, obviously, that
the Swiss Government made a fantastic decision and I look
forward to helping complete that deal, if confirmed.
Senator Kaine. I think it is interesting. It probably has
something to do, I would imagine, just intuiting also with the
interoperability of the F-35 as a platform that many nations
that are allied with the United States are now embracing, and a
desire not only to have a capacity but to have a capacity that
is interoperable is probably one of the reasons. But I would
love to know more about that.
And finally, Mr. Ramanathan, one more question for you that
is also just something I want to understand, not being an
expert on Swedish politics. Sweden has been an absolute global
leader in acceptance and permanent resettlement of refugees
from Syria, from Iraq, from Afghanistan.
There are proposals on the table in Sweden that would
significantly curtail this. How do you assess kind of the
current Swedish dynamic regarding this long-standing tradition
of being welcoming to refugees from places of danger and
violence in the world?
Mr. Ramanathan. Thank you, Senator, for that question. The
Swedes have been a very welcoming country to asylees over the
years and current UNHCR quota refugees. They take about 5,000
refugees per year and recently announced that because they were
unable to take 5,000 refugees in 2020 because of COVID pandemic
issues that they will actually add the deficit to what they are
doing this year and will take about 6,400 refugees and asylees.
And Sweden has, of course, been a close partner in
Afghanistan and otherwise, and they have taken over 650 asylees
from Afghanistan as one part of that commitment.
I expect--if confirmed, I will look forward to continuing a
close dialogue about asylee and refugee issues and about human
rights in general.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Ramanathan.
If there are no more questions for the witnesses, and I
believe there is no additional senators who have joined, the
record for the hearing is going to remain open until the close
of business tomorrow, Wednesday, November 3rd.
Please ensure that questions for the record are submitted
no later than the close of business tomorrow if you are a
member of this committee, and I would encourage the nominees,
if there are questions submitted, please try to answer fully
and expeditiously so that the committee can consider your
nominations as soon as possible.
Thanks again to all the nominees for your willingness to
serve. Congratulations on being nominated.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:17 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Thomas Barrett by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. If confirmed, I would take every report of an anomalous
health incident very seriously, and do all in my power to investigate,
protect those affected, and respond. I believe these incidents pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel. I would share information on
the latest updates and how our Mission would respond should such a case
arise.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to take every report of an anomalous
health incident very seriously, and do all in my power to investigate,
protect those affected, and respond quickly. I would make sure affected
individuals are treated promptly.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. If confirmed, I absolutely commit to meeting with medical
staff and the RSO at post to discuss past reported incidents and ensure
all protocols are being followed. The health and security of Mission
personnel would be my top priority.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Thomas Barrett by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons
report, Luxembourg remained on Tier 1 due to its sustained efforts to
combat human trafficking, but during the last reporting period, courts
issued more lenient sentences which undermined trafficking efforts.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the Government of Luxembourg
on this issue?
Answer. Luxembourg continues to take trafficking in persons issues
seriously and has been a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue
with the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and
Luxembourg authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise
trafficking in persons at the highest levels of the Luxembourg
Government. I will urge the Government of Luxembourg to take further
concrete actions to address the recommendations from this year's
Trafficking in Persons Report, including the issue of lenient sentences
for convicted human traffickers.
Question. In the 2020 reporting period, the 2020 State Department
Report on International Religious Freedom indicated that Anti-Semitism
incidents increased from 2019 from 47 to 64.
If confirmed, what steps can you take to address this issue?
Answer. Luxembourg takes religious freedom seriously and is
committed to countering anti-Semitism. If confirmed, I will work
closely with the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism and
other U.S. officials to engage with government authorities, civil
society, and religious actors to encourage cooperation and take further
steps to combat and condemn all manifestations of anti-Semitism,
particularly in light of the global rise in anti-Semitism.
Question. How will you engage with civil society and the Government
to promote better societal respect for all religious minorities?
Answer. to promote respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including for members of religious minority groups. As I
understand, the U.S. Embassy in Luxembourg enjoys strong and
longstanding relationships with religious leaders and civil society
organizations supporting the rights of members of minority groups and
advocating for access to justice for vulnerable communities. I would
also work closely with the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom and other U.S. officials to promote the freedom of
religion or belief for all.
Question. According to the 2020 State Department Human Rights
Report, there were no significant human rights abuses reported in
Luxembourg. However, there is always work to be done.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil
society to bolster human rights in thecountry?
Answer. Luxembourg is a key partner in promoting human rights,
including efforts to promote them globally. If confirmed, I will
continue to foster and encourage Luxembourg's positive track record in
the area of human rights promotion, including Luxembourg's efforts to
responsibly apportion development assistance in a manner that
encourages respect for human rights and dignity.
Question. What do you consider to be the top human rights priority?
Answer. If confirmed, I will look to prioritize human rights in all
their forms and encourage the Government of Luxembourg to continue to
be a key partner for the United States in this regard. I believe that
the top human rights priority is respect for others. With respect as
our core value, we can work to include that in all our actions as a
nation and as individuals.
Question. Mission Luxembourg has been under enormous stress over
the past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Luxembourg?
Answer. Luxembourg and all of Europe was hit hard by COVID. Travel
and other restrictions, heightened uncertainty, health concerns, and
family obligations have been stressful for Mission Luxembourg officers
and their families. If confirmed, I pledge to work with my team to
address concerns and strengthen morale in the Mission.
Question. Mission Luxembourg has been under enormous stress over
the past few years due to COVID.
How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Luxembourg?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the safety and morale
of the Mission is of paramount importance to me. I appreciate the
wealth of talent and experience of the current team and will ensure
that they know that I will do everything I can to take care of them and
their families. If confirmed, when I arrive, I will hold a Town Hall to
seek input from all members of the Mission. I will also work with my
management team to see how we can work together to address ongoing
concerns from employees in the Mission and create an environment where
people feel safe and can thrive. I will meet regularly with all
sections of the Mission to share my appreciation for the invaluable
work and contributions they make and listen to their concerns.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Luxembourg?
Answer. As Mayor of Milwaukee since 2004, I have worked hard to
create a unified administration where communication, cooperation and
coordination are paramount. I understand that motivating people and
providing resources to accomplish our goals are key to success. If
confirmed, I will work with my country team to establish clear goals
and empower my staff to reach them.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I work hard to create a team approach. I appreciate and
seek input from all members of my team. I also understand that, as team
leader, I am ultimately responsible for my team's actions and
decisions.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. As a long time public servant, I understand how to work
with limited resources and other career public servants. If confirmed,
I believe as a team we will be able to use what resources we have to
accomplish targeted goals.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new Chiefs of Mission to integrate
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes, I do believe that it is important to integrate myself
into the Embassy operations and culture. If confirmed, I intend to
proactively support and participate in activities set up by the Mission
for Mission employees and families. I will maintain the smooth
operation of the Embassy by following the established regulations and
protocols. I am looking forward to becoming a part of the Mission
family.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, I do not believe it is constructive to berate
subordinates in public or private. If there are issues, I will address
them professionally and constructively.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to have an excellent, professional
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to support the Deputy Chief of
Mission's role in the day-to-day management of the Mission and as my
key advisor.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens. Public diplomacy
is an important aspect of U.S. foreign policy efforts.
How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to
access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to encourage officers to meet with
contacts as the COVID situation allows, and to travel around the
country to meet a diverse range of Luxembourgers. As mayor, I
understand and embrace the value of people-to-people exchanges, and I
intend to promote U.S. policies by supporting the Mission's public
diplomacy programming.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Luxembourg? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. The media environment in Luxembourg is professional,
modern, respectful, multi-lingual, and mildly partisan. If confirmed, I
will work with the public diplomacy section to raise the profile of
U.S. priorities, such as in space cooperation, economic ties, and
climate challenges. As the population ages, traditional support from
those who recall the U.S. liberation of Europe have less salience. I
will work with my public diplomacy section to build closer ties with
the youth in Luxembourg, so they too understand the important role the
United States played in the history of Luxembourg.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my public diplomacy section
to tailor messages on policy priorities with the realities on the
ground. I will work with my team to communicate with Main State and
make sure that our messaging resonates with Luxembourgers. I will also
encourage creative ways of sharing our message to appeal to targeted
audiences.
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received an unclassified briefing on the anomalous
health incidents, and have followed the issue in the news. If
confirmed, I commit to receiving additional, classified briefings on
the incidents.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will maintain detailed records of the
incident and share it with the State Department and others to
contribute to the investigation.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take every measure to keep our staff
safe and secure and would take any report of an anomalous health
incident very seriously. I will do my best to ensure those affected
receive the attention they deserve, that incidents are investigated
fully, and that we work with the appropriate offices and agencies to
ensure required reporting, investigation, potential countermeasures,
and provision of medical care. I would share what information I can
with my team and the mission community-remaining cognizant of people's
medical privacy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jamie L. Harpootlian by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand there is a
major interagency effort to investigate what is causing the incidents
and how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do
my utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous health incidents
receives immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I consider
it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the
Embassy community.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
family members who report a possible health incident will receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting
these members of our Embassy teams. I also consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jamie L. Harpootlian by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons
report, Slovenia remained on Tier 1 for fully meeting the minimum
standards to eliminate trafficking. The Government also convicted more
traffickers and adopted a national anti-trafficking plan.
If confirmed, how will you continue to engage with the Government
on this issue to capitalize on the success of their trafficking
efforts?
Answer. Slovenia continues to take trafficking in persons issues
seriously and is a steadfast partner in coordinating on the issue with
the United States. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Slovenian
authorities to encourage cooperation and regularly raise trafficking in
persons at the highest levels of the Slovenian Government. I will urge
the Slovenian Government to take further concrete actions to address
the recommendations from this year's Trafficking in Persons Report.
Specifically, I will encourage the Government of Slovenia to increase
efforts to identify victims among vulnerable groups, ensure all victims
have access to services, and increase efforts to identify victims of
labor trafficking.
Question. How can you work with regional Ambassadors to use
Slovenia as a model for other surrounding countries not on Tier 1 but
aspiring to be?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with regional Ambassadors to
highlight best practices in Slovenia to other surrounding countries not
on Tier 1. For example, NGOs in Slovenia noted continued strong
cooperation with police on the identification of sex trafficking
victims, as police continued to invite NGO care-providers to police
interactions with commercial sex establishments to assist in victim
identification. The United States encourages all governments to pursue
strong cooperation between civil society and law enforcement to
identify trafficking victims and to provide assistance.
Question. According to the 2020 State Department Report on
International Religious Freedom, Slovena lacks general respect for
religious freedom with noted Anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim incidents in
the reporting period.
Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed, with the
host government and civil society to increase societal respect
for religious freedom.
Answer. Slovenia's constitution provides for freedom of religion or
belief; other laws and policies contribute to the generally free
practice of religion in Slovenia. There were, however, occasional
reports of societal abuses or discrimination, including incidents of
anti-Muslim hatred in 2020. If confirmed, I look forward to working
together with the Ambassador at Large for International Religious
Freedom, as well as the Department's Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Anti-Semitism, to bolster societal respect for the freedom of
religion or belief and the rights of members of religious minority
groups.
Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report,
Slovenia was identified as having significant human rights abuses,
including threats of violence against journalists. Ending this threat
and impunity for violence against journalists remains a challenge
globally.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil
society to bolster human rights in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
organizations to help us assess human rights issues, develop programs,
and advocate for stronger policies and reforms. The U.S. Embassy in
Ljubljana enjoys strong and longstanding relationships with civil
society on human rights and democracy issues. Civil society has played
an important role in promoting accountability of elected leaders,
driving meaningful reform, supporting the rights of members of minority
groups and access to justice for vulnerable communities, and
strengthening independent media.
Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?
Answer. Media freedom is essential to a free and democratic
society. Slovenia has an open media environment, yet some government
actors have called into question the integrity of media outlets and
launched verbal attacks on journalists. The Government also has
withheld financial support required by law to the national press
agency. Friends should be able to discuss difficult topics with each
other, and this is an area where we have to engage with the Slovenian
Government. If confirmed, I will have these conversations to emphasize
the importance of media freedom.
Question. How can you work with the Government to improve their
efforts to protect journalists?
Answer. Media freedom is fundamental to a free and democratic
society. If confirmed, I will emphasize the importance of media freedom
and urge the Government of Slovenia to strongly condemn and, if
appropriate, thoroughly investigate such threats and any violence
against journalists. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy
continues to track this issue closely and will also prioritize
continued outreach to members of the Slovenian press to continue to
develop their ability to safely carry out their profession and to
promote good governance and anti-corruption objectives through
investigative journalism.
Embassy Management
Question. Mission Slovenia has been under enormous stress over the
past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Slovenia?
Answer. Slovenia has enforced strict national lockdowns. The
American and local employees at Embassy Ljubljana have dealt with
significant challenges posed by COVID-19. I am grateful for their
service, despite the difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize
listening to, and supporting, Embassy employees, including the Deputy
Chief of Mission, to better understand the impact of the pandemic on
the mission.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Slovenia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
to ensure that we create an atmosphere in which our staff knows that
they can bring serious issues to us and know that they are being heard
at the highest level. I will do personal outreach to the staff when I
arrive at Post and will ensure that everyone in the Mission understands
that my highest priority is the safety and security of the team. If
confirmed, I will promote training and professional development, and
ensure that all staff members are aware of the employee and family
support resources that the Department offers to assist employees.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Slovenia?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to establish a strong team with a
clear understanding of our goals and objectives, maintain open and
transparent communications throughout the Mission by sharing
information, and seek ways to support and ensure the safety and
community of the Mission--both American and local staff. I will treat
the team with respect and professionalism and give them the tools they
need to do their jobs. I believe that all members of U.S. Embassy
Ljubljana are one team working for the good of the U.S.-Slovenia
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people, and, if confirmed, my goal will be to have everyone inspired to
work in that direction.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. I have a collaborative management style. I believe in
sharing information and empowering my team, being open to ideas and
suggestions from throughout the mission, and providing clear guidance
and decisions as needed to lead. If confirmed, I will regularly engage
with members of my team and always seek to create a space for open
dialogue, creativity, and diversity of thought.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. As I understand it, the State Department continuously
reviews its priorities, organization, and staffing relevant to the
needs of each mission. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we
use our available resources as effectively as possible to advance our
top policy priorities. If necessary, I would advocate for additional
resources to carry out our mission.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Ljubljana and to
schedule opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy
operations. I also will create opportunities for more informal meetings
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy
morale.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a high constructive
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission, who will be my trusted
partner, confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be
fully engaged and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with my DCM once I arrive in Ljubljana to
collaboratively work through the best division of labor in managing the
Mission.
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of posts
abroad to meet with local actors, including host government officials,
non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to
access all local populations?
Answer. If confirmed, I would lead by example to demonstrate the
importance of getting outside of our Embassy. Access to and engagement
with local contacts and populations is an important part of our work
overseas. If confirmed, I look forward to participating in public
outreach with all parts of society, including students, non-
governmental organizations, academics, scientists, and the media, and
will encourage the diplomats of Embassy Ljubljana to do the same.
Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Slovenia? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. In Slovenia, as throughout the world, COVID-19 has affected
in-person public diplomacy programming. Recently announced new travel
rules, once implemented, should alleviate the perceived imbalance in
measures that make travel to the United States restrictive for
Slovenes. U.S. public diplomacy programming supports Mission goals
through student and scholarly exchanges, media engagement, educational
outreach, speaker series, support for culture and the arts, and
entrepreneurship, bilateral trade and investment ties. If confirmed, I
look forward to engaging with the Slovenian public to increase dialogue
about a range of issues and build support for our policies.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Ljubljana-based
public diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified
approach to highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Slovenia
and around the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety
of different social media platforms to deliver tailored messages on
U.S. foreign policy priorities, promote Embassy activities and events,
provide information on security, voting, and other topics to U.S.
citizens, and communicate with the Slovenian public.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have already received an overview at the unclassified
level on potential anomalous health incidents reported by U.S.
Government personnel in regions around the world. If confirmed, I look
forward to receiving an in-depth briefing on the incidents before I
depart for my post. Protecting the health and safety of members of my
team is my very highest priority.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of
our employees and their family members as my top priority. If
confirmed, I will vigorously and diligently support the Department's
established reporting and care protocols for possible anomalous health
incidents.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed,
the health, safety, and security of Embassy Ljubljana staff, their
family members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with the Embassy community
to discuss these issues. If confirmed, I also commit to meeting with
the RSO and medical staff to ensure that I am most prepared to protect
the safety of Embassy Ljubljana staff in case any potential anomalous
health incidents are reported.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. Yes. This is a sensitive ongoing investigation and is a top
priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I understand a major
interagency effort is investigating what is causing the incidents and
how the Embassy community can be protected. If confirmed, I will do my
utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous health incidents receives
immediate and appropriate attention and care, and I will consider it my
primary responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
family members who report a possible health incident will receive
immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I will
communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected employees
and their family members and work together with partners in Washington
and the interagency to do what we can to protect against these
incidents and, of course, to find the cause of what has been afflicting
these members of our Embassy teams. I will also consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator James E. Risch
Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons
report, Switzerland remained on Tier 2 due to ongoing lacking efforts
by the Government to hold traffickers accountable, fund victim
services, and without legal safeguards to protect victims.
Please explain, in detail, how you plan to engage with the Swiss
Government, if confirmed.
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Deputy Chief of Mission
and Country Team to develop and implement both a short and long-term
strategy of engagement with government officials, business leaders, and
civil society in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. If confirmed, I would
work with my Country Team to prioritize engagement with Swiss and
Liechtenstein Government officials and entities based on policy needs
and priorities. If confirmed, I would also more closely consider
engagement with Swiss and Liechtenstein Government entities and
officials who may seek greater U.S. Government interaction.
Question. Please explain why you believe the Swiss Government has
not made serious and sustained efforts to combat trafficking in
persons.
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure Swiss and Liechtenstein
interlocutors understand the United States is committed to combating
trafficking in persons in Switzerland, Liechtenstein, and beyond. While
the Swiss Government is making significant efforts to address this
issue, lenient sentencing, resulting in 60 percent of traffickers
receiving fully suspended sentences or fines, undercut efforts to hold
traffickers accountable. The Government did not report the number of
trafficking investigations for the third year in a row, reported fewer
convictions, and continued to lack sufficiently disaggregated data on
trafficking. For the third consecutive year, the Government decreased
victim identification and remained without a national standardized
identification and referral mechanism.
Question. According to the 2020 State Department Report on
International Religious Freedom, Anti-Semitic incidents in Switzerland
were in the hundreds but on the decline from previous reporting
periods.
How can you use regional ambassadors and the Special Envoy to
Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to emulate other successful
regional programs in Switzerland?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Office of International
Religious Freedom to promote universal respect for freedom of religion
or belief in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. I will also work with both
the Office of International Religious Freedom and the Office of the
Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to ensure the Embassy
recommends, develops, and implements policies and programs to combat
discrimination and promote tolerance. I will also engage with various
religious communities across Switzerland and Liechtenstein to better
understand where challenges remain and raise these challenges with the
Governments of both countries. Finally, if confirmed, I will seek to
promote inter-religious dialogue among religious groups in Switzerland
and Liechtenstein.
Question. Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed,
with civil society to increase societal respect for religious freedom.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
organizations, religious minorities, and government entities to assess
and increase societal respect for religious freedom, develop programs,
and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms.
Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report,
Switzerland was identified as having no significant human rights
abuses. However, there is always work to be done.
If confirmed, how can you promote religious freedom and tolerance
with federal and cantonal government officials?
Answer. Switzerland's constitution guarantees freedom of faith and
conscience, and the penal code prohibits discrimination against any
religion or its members. Switzerland also has an independent judicial
system capable of holding accountable those who commit hate-based
crimes. If confirmed, I will work closely with federal and cantonal
government officials--as well as civil society and religious
minorities--to promote religious freedom and advocate for appropriate
policies and reforms. If confirmed, I will also work with my team to
ensure we leverage a whole-of-government approach in engagement with
federal and sub-national officials, such as initiatives focused on
promotion of interfaith tolerance by cantonal officials and local
procedures.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and
civil society to bolster human rights in country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with civil society
organizations and government entities to assess and bolster human
rights and advocate for appropriate policies and reforms. If confirmed,
I will work with my team to ensure we leverage the whole-of-government
and U.S. subject matter experts to develop engagement and reporting
strategies that effectively bolster human rights in Switzerland and
Liechtenstein.
Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?
Answer. The protection of fundamental human rights was a foundation
stone in the establishment of the United States over 200 years ago.
Since then, a central goal of U.S. foreign policy has been the
promotion of respect for human rights, as embodied in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Partnering with Switzerland and
Liechtenstein on supporting democracy around the world not only
promotes such fundamental American values as religious freedom and
worker rights, but also helps create a more secure, stable, and
prosperous global arena in which the United States can advance its
national interests. If confirmed, I would commit to deepening
cooperation with my host governments on promoting respect for human
rights wherever they are under threat.
Embassy Management
Question. Mission Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein have been
under enormous stress over the past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Switzerland
and Mission Liechtenstein?
Answer. Like most overseas Posts, Embassy Bern has endured strict
host nation mitigation measures and varying conditions in response to
the COVID-19 pandemic. Consequently, American and local employees at
Embassy Bern have dealt with significant challenges posed by COVID-19.
Beyond the pandemic, Embassy Bern has a lean staffing pattern across
multiple sections. I am grateful for their service, despite these
difficulties. If confirmed, I will prioritize meeting with and
supporting Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief of Mission, to
understand the impact of the pandemic and lean-staffing patterns on the
mission. If confirmed, I will advocate for more resources for Embassy
Bern as appropriate to ensure our staffing aligns with mission
priorities and needs.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize meeting with and supporting
Embassy employees, including the Deputy Chief of Mission, to understand
the impact of the pandemic and lean-staffing patterns on the mission.
If confirmed, I will advocate for more resources for Embassy Bern as
appropriate to ensure our staffing aligns with mission priorities and
needs. I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure we create
an atmosphere in which our staff knows that they can bring serious
issues to us and know that they are being heard at the highest level. I
will do personal outreach to the staff when I arrive at Post and will
ensure that everyone in the Mission understands that my highest
priority is the safety, security, and resiliency of the team. If
confirmed, I will promote work/life balance, training, and professional
development, and ensure that all staff members are aware of the
employee and family support resources that the Department offers to
assist employees.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Switzerland and Mission Liechtenstein?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
and Country Team to ensure our mission priorities and plans incorporate
input and suggestions from diverse stakeholders, are well-known, and
are communicated effectively through venues like Town Halls and Country
Team meetings. I would consider it a priority to ensure the mission and
vision is unified and clear to all under my authority.
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. Management is a critical responsibility for any chief of
mission. If confirmed, I want Americans and local staff under my
leadership to feel heard, respected, and engaged; and I plan to set the
tone by my example, which includes being considerate, communicative,
consistent, and calm. I would also seek to develop and grow new leaders
through mentorship and appropriately challenging tasks and roles. If
confirmed, I would work closely with the Council on Inclusion and
Diversity to adopt and model best practices. I would be available and
present for my entire team. If confirmed, I would seek to ensure my
team maintains a healthy work-life balance while ensuring the mission
is complete.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an Embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to advance mission policies and
priorities shoulder-to-shoulder with the remarkable and talented U.S.
Foreign Service officers and local Embassy staff in Bern, who have
already done so much to advocate on behalf of the United States, and
who cannot be praised enough for their dedication and public service. I
understand the State Department continuously reviews its priorities,
organization, and staffing relevant to the needs of each mission. If
confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we use our available
resources as effectively as possible to advance our top policy
priorities. If necessary, I would work with my Deputy Chief of Mission
and Country Team to advocate for additional resources to carry out our
mission.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new Chiefs of Mission to integrate
themselves into Embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador
will be to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Bern and to schedule
opportunities for regular coordination and planning of Embassy
operations. I will also create opportunities for more informal meetings
and events with members from across the Embassy community, so that I
have a strong awareness of community concerns and the state of Embassy
morale.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. I do not believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope to establish a positive relationship
where my Deputy Chief of Mission will be my trusted partner,
confidante, and alter ego in managing and leading the Mission.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to having a close working
relationship with my Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). The DCM must be
fully engaged on and informed about all aspects of policy and Mission
management should the Deputy need to step in to lead. If confirmed, I
look forward to working with my DCM to collaboratively work through the
best division of labor in managing the Mission.
Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
Question. It is imperative that U.S. diplomats get outside of
posts abroad to meet with local actors, including host government
officials, non-government organizations, and everyday citizens.
How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S. diplomats to
access all local populations?
Answer. Public diplomacy is an important aspect of U.S. foreign
policy efforts. If confirmed, I will encourage all parts of the mission
to engage regularly with the widest possible range of the local
population, across the entire country, while always working to ensure
the safety and security of everyone on our team.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in
Switzerland? What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. COVID-19 has affected in-person public diplomacy
programming in Switzerland, as it has everywhere. Recently announced
new travel rules, once implemented, should help alleviate increased
skepticism about the perceived imbalance between measures that make
travel to the United States restrictive for the Swiss. U.S. public
diplomacy programming supports Mission goals through student and
scholarly exchanges; media engagement; educational outreach; speaker
series; support for culture and the arts; and entrepreneurship,
bilateral trade and investment ties. If confirmed, I look forward to
engaging with the Swiss public to increase dialogue about a range of
issues and build support for our policies.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Public Diplomacy Section
to closely coordinate the efforts of Washington and Bern-based public
diplomacy professionals to ensure that there is a unified approach to
highlighting the key U.S. messages and policies in Switzerland and
around the world. The Public Diplomacy Section engages on a variety of
different social media platforms to deliver tailored messages on U.S.
foreign policy priorities; promote Embassy activities and events;
provide information on security, voting, and other topics of interest
to U.S. citizens; and communicate with the Swiss public.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. Embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received an overview at the unclassified level on
potential anomalous health incidents reported by U.S. Government
personnel in regions around the world. If confirmed, I look forward to
receiving an in-depth briefing on the incidents before I depart for my
post.
Answer. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
Embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. As the Department does, I consider the safety and health of
our employees and their family members as my top priority. If
confirmed, I will energetically support the Department's established
reporting and care protocols for possible anomalous health incidents.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among Embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of Embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your Embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by potential anomalous health
incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel and their family
members. I agree that such incidents may pose a threat to the wellbeing
of U.S. personnel and must be taken extremely seriously. If confirmed,
the health, safety, and security of Embassy Bern staff, their family
members, and all those supporting the Mission will be my highest
priority. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with the Embassy community
to discuss these issues. If confirmed, I also commit to meeting with
the Regional Security Officer and medical staff to ensure that I am
most prepared to protect the safety of Embassy Bern staff in case any
potential anomalous health incidents are reported.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Scott Miller by Senator Tim Kaine
F-35 Sale
Question. Earlier this year, Swiss voters approved in a referendum
a $5.5 billion deal for Switzerland to purchase Lockheed Martin F-35s
as its next-generation fighter jet, along with a $2.1 billion agreement
to buy Patriot surface-to-air missiles from Raytheon. The Swiss
Government chose the F-35s over competing bids from Boeing, Dassault
(France), and a Germany-Spain-Italy-UK conglomerate. The decision
followed an analysis from the Swiss Federal Council assessing that the
F-35 offered the highest overall benefit at the lowest overall cost--
costing around $2 billion less than the next lowest bidder.
The Swiss Government and Swiss voters clearly recognized the value
of the F-35. And the F-35 offers capabilities over and above
the economic considerations. How do you assess Switzerland's
decision to buy F-35s from the United States, over options from
European competitors? As Ambassador, how will you build on this
success?
Answer. Switzerland's decision to acquire $6.5 billion in F-35
fighters will contribute to a lasting, mutually beneficial security and
technological partnership for decades to come. The Swiss government
conducted a systematic, unbiased, and transparent competition. Not only
would Switzerland derive the benefit of the F-35's interoperability
capabilities with the United States and allied European nations, but
the acquisition would bolster diplomatic and political partnerships
with the United States and its European allies. If confirmed, I will
continue to advocate energetically for U.S. defense systems, which I
believe deepen our bilateral cooperation, provide our partners with the
best strategic and fiscal value, and strengthen economic benefits for
both of our countries.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Erik D. Ramanathan by Senator Robert Menendez
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. I am very concerned about directed energy attacks on U.S.
Government personnel (so-called Anomalous Health Incidents). Ensuring
the safety and security of our personnel abroad falls largely on
individual Chiefs of Mission and the response of officers at post. It
is imperative that any individual who reports a suspected incident be
responded to promptly, equitably, and compassionately.
Do you agree these incidents must be taken seriously, and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel?
Answer. I agree these incidents must be taken seriously and pose a
threat to the health of U.S. personnel. I understand a major
interagency effort is underway to investigate what is causing the
incidents and how the Embassy community can be protected, and this
issue remains a top priority for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. If
confirmed, I will do my utmost to ensure anyone who reports anomalous
health incidents receives immediate and appropriate attention and care,
and I will consider it my primary responsibility to ensure the safety
and security of the Embassy community.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that any reported
incident is treated seriously and reported quickly through the
appropriate channels, and that any affected individuals receive prompt
access to medical care?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that any employees or their
family members who report a potential anomalous health incident will
receive immediate and appropriate attention and care. If confirmed, I
will communicate with our workforce to provide care for affected
employees and their family members and work together with partners in
Washington and the interagency to do what we can to protect against
these incidents and to find the cause of what has been afflicting these
members of our Embassy teams. I consider it my primary responsibility
to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy community.
Question. Do you commit to meeting with medical staff and the RSO
at post to discuss any past reported incidents and ensure that all
protocols are being followed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will consider it my primary
responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the Embassy
community. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with medical staff and the
RSO at post to discuss any past reported incidents and to ensure that
all protocols are being followed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Erik D. Ramanathan by Senator James E. Risch
Sweden
Question. In the 2021 State Department Trafficking in Persons
report, Sweden remained on Tier 1 for continued efforts to eliminate
trafficking in persons. However, authorities in Sweden investigated
fewer trafficking cases and investigated fewer victims. They also
delayed the National Support Program (NSP) for victim assistance.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the Government of Sweden on
this issue?
Answer. The Government of Sweden fully meets the minimum standards
for the elimination of trafficking. The Swedish Government continued to
demonstrate serious and sustained efforts, considering the impact of
the COVID-19 pandemic on its anti-trafficking capacity. As part of a
four-year project, the Government allocated 18 million krona ($2.2
million) to strengthen labor market regulation compliance efforts and
review compliance developments, including efforts to prevent forced
labor. If confirmed, I will engage with U.S. and Swedish authorities to
advance bilateral cooperation on this issue. I will work to encourage
the Swedish Government to increase proactive identification and
assistance for victims, particularly among vulnerable groups, and
encourage consistent and sufficient funding for victim services.
Question. In the 2020 State Department Report on International
Religious Freedom, the country report on Sweden indicated several anti-
Semitic incidents and one against an 11 year-old Christian boy.
Please describe your plan of engagement, if confirmed, with the
host government and civil society to increase societal respect
for religious freedom.
Answer. Sweden's constitution protects ``the freedom to practice
one's religion alone or in the company of others'' and prohibits
discrimination based on religion. However, anti-Semitism is rising
around the world at an alarming rate. Although levels of anti-Semitism
are lower in Sweden than in some other parts of Europe, I view any
increase in anti-Semitism with serious concern. In October 2021, the
Swedish Government hosted foreign leaders, Holocaust survivors, and
internationally renowned activists in Malmo for a forum aimed at
promoting Holocaust remembrance and combating anti-Semitism. If
confirmed, I look forward to building on the important pledges made at
the Malmo forum and commit to coordinating with the State Department's
Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, the Special Envoy to Monitor and
Combat Anti-Semitism, and the Ambassador-at-Large for International
Religious Freedom to combat anti-Semitism and religious intolerance in
all its forms and to promote freedom of religion or belief for all.
Question. In the 2020 State Department Human Rights Report, Sweden
was identified as having no significant human rights abuses. However,
there is always work to be done.
If confirmed, how will you work with the Government and civil
society to bolster human rights in country?
Answer. The Swedish Government has undertaken a ``Drive for
Democracy,'' which centers democracy and human rights in its foreign
policy, including via security cooperation and international
development efforts. Since launching its Drive in 2016, Sweden has
hosted over 600 ``Democracy Talks'' at Embassies across the globe,
engaging more than 1.7 million people. The Swedish Government also
pursues a ``feminist foreign policy'' approach, which emphasizes the
impact of global events on women and children and seeks to include
women in conflict resolution, negotiation, and diplomacy. If confirmed,
I look forward to building on these efforts and working with the
Swedish Government and civil society to promote democracy, human
rights, and global norms. The U.S. Embassy in Stockholm has strong
relationships with civil society organizations in Sweden, and I commit
to working closely with them to advance human rights and promote our
shared values.
Question. What do you consider to the top human rights priority?
Answer. Sweden's commitment to promoting human rights and gender
equality makes it a respected moral leader in international affairs. If
confirmed, I particularly look forward to working with the Government
of Sweden to combat human rights issues connected to large-scale
displacement of refugees, including related issues of persecution,
discrimination, human trafficking, and religious intolerance.
Embassy Management
Question. Mission Sweden has been under enormous stress over the
past few years due to COVID.
What is your understanding of morale throughout Mission Sweden?
Answer. Mission Sweden has faced challenges posed by COVID-19, and
I am thankful for their continued service. If confirmed, the health and
safety of the personnel and family members of Mission Sweden will be my
first priority, and I look forward to working with the talented team of
locally employed staff, U.S. Direct Hires, and their families, and
ensuring that everyone on my team understands they are valued and has
my support.
Question. How do you intend to improve morale across all of Mission
Sweden?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure everyone on my team is treated
professionally, their rights are respected, they are safe and secure,
and they have the resources necessary to perform their jobs. We are all
one team working for the good of the U.S.-Swedish relationship and the
interests of the United States and the American people.
Question. How do you intend to create a unified mission and vision
across Mission Sweden?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring open and
continuous communication throughout the Mission. We are all one team
working together to advance the U.S.-Swedish relationship and in the
interests of the American people, so I will ensure this collaborative
service focus is central to our work. Furthermore, U.S. Embassy
Stockholm is committed to a diverse and inclusive workforce that fully
represents and supports many different cultures, backgrounds, and
perspectives to provide a productive workplace for all people from all
walks of life. I was pleased to learn the Embassy is staffed with a
very diverse workforce with over 25 nationalities represented among our
local staff. Diversity makes our Mission strong by bringing different
perspectives and enhancing creativity and if confirmed, I look forward
to working with the team to maximize innovation and effectiveness.
Management: A Key Responsibility for Chiefs of Mission
Question. How would you describe your management style?
Answer. The foundation of my management style is focused on
service, collaboration, and creativity. We are all public servants and
one team working on a common goal--to advance the bilateral
relationship between the United States and Sweden and to effectively
advocate for the American people. I look forward to meeting people
face-to-face, understanding their goals, and ensuring we are all
working collaboratively as one team. If confirmed, I will work to
ensure the Embassy fully represents and supports many different
cultures, backgrounds, and perspectives to provide a productive and
innovative workplace that lifts up the voices of each member of the
team.
Question. How do you believe your management style will translate
to an embassy setting, where resources may not be readily available and
your diplomatic workforce are career employees?
Answer. If confirmed, my commitment will be to ensure we use our
available resources as effectively as possible to advance top policy
priorities for the U.S.-Swedish relationship and the American public. I
have long admired the dedication and service to country of career
Foreign Service officers, and if confirmed, look forward to working
with them and drawing upon their experience and expertise. I value
respect, professionalism, and creative thinking and welcome divergent
points of view.
Question. As a political appointee rather than career diplomat, do
you believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to integrate
themselves into embassy operations and culture? If yes, how do you
intend to do so?
Answer. Yes, I believe it is incumbent on new chiefs of mission to
integrate themselves into embassy operations and culture. If confirmed,
I intend to meet with the personnel at Embassy Stockholm, including
U.S. Direct Hires and locally engaged staff, to fully understand their
roles and responsibilities and how I can best support, guide, and
advocate for them. I look forward to working closely with the Deputy
Chief of Mission and will rely on the experience and expertise of the
talented staff to help determine how I can best integrate into and
enhance embassy operations.
Question. Do you believe it is ever acceptable or constructive to
berate subordinates, either in public or private?
Answer. No, it is never acceptable or constructive to berate
subordinates, either in public or private.
Question. How do you envision your relationship with your Deputy
Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to a close and productive
relationship with the Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM) centered on trust
and collaborative service. I envision the relationship as a
partnership: a career official that brings experience and institutional
knowledge on whom I can depend on and work closely with to ensure the
success of the overall Mission, while still retaining ultimate
responsibility and accountability for steering our course.
Question. If confirmed, what leadership responsibilities do you
intend to entrust to your Deputy Chief of Mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to building a foundation of
trust and a highly collaborative working relationship with the DCM. If
confirmed, I will entrust the DCM with responsibility for the day-to-
day operations of the Mission and the DCM should keep abreast of policy
issues to be able to serve as Charge d'Affaires in my absence. If
confirmed, I plan to consult with the DCM on a range of issues.
Public Diplomacy: An Important Aspect of U.S. Foreign Policy Efforts
Question. How do you intend to increase the ability of U.S.
diplomats to access all local populations?
Answer. I firmly believe it is imperative that U.S. diplomats get
outside of the Embassy to meet with local actors, including host
government officials, non-governmental organizations, and citizens. If
confirmed, I plan to exchange ideas with people from all parts of the
country to hear their views and promote our shared goals. I will use
both social and traditional media to reach people across Sweden, to
directly and indirectly engage with the Swedish public. If confirmed, I
will work with the Embassy team to continue leveraging engagements with
the media, cultural and educational exchange organizations, and
individual interactions to expand the people-to-people bonds that are
the foundation of our strong bilateral relationship.
Question. What is the public diplomacy environment like in Sweden?
What public diplomacy challenges do U.S. diplomats face?
Answer. The United States has strong academic, cultural, and
professional exchanges with the people of Sweden. The COVID-19 pandemic
has been a challenge for U.S. diplomats to travel and fully engage
face-to-face with host country nationals. As conditions improve, U.S.
diplomats have started in-person engagements and programs again. If
confirmed, I look forward to utilizing both traditional and social
media to engage with the Swedish public, in addition to in-person
programs.
Question. How do you balance the importance of Main State versus
the in-country mission when it comes to tailoring public diplomacy
messages for foreign audiences?
Answer. We are all one team working to advance the bilateral
relationship and the interests of the United States and the American
people. If confirmed, I will leverage public diplomacy tools to enhance
security cooperation, expand economic and trade relations, strengthen
Arctic collaboration, and deepen people-to-people ties. I will work to
counter adverse influence and mis- and disinformation through
engagements with traditional media, communication via social media,
institutional outreach and personal interactions, and through a variety
of public diplomacy programming. Working with the public diplomacy
team, we will tailor our messaging in a way that the Swedish public is
most receptive to.
Anomalous Health Incidents
Question. Have you received a briefing on the anomalous health
incidents that have occurred to U.S. Government personnel around the
world, including at U.S. embassies and other diplomatic posts? If you
have not, and if you are confirmed, do you commit to receiving a
briefing on the incidents before you depart for your post?
Answer. I have received a briefing at the unclassified level on the
anomalous health incidents that have affected U.S. Government personnel
around the world. If confirmed, I commit to seeking full briefings at
the appropriate classification levels before my departure to post and
learning how I can best protect all Embassy personnel and respond to
any future incidents.
Question. In the event of an anomalous health incident among your
embassy personnel or eligible family members, do you commit to maintain
detailed records of the incident, and share the information with the
State Department and other embassies to contribute to the investigation
of how these attacks are affecting U.S. missions and personnel around
the world?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of the personnel and
family members of Embassy Stockholm, and American citizens in Sweden,
will always be my first priority. In the event of an anomalous health
incident, I commit to maintain detailed records of the incident, share
the information with the State Department and other embassies, and
ensure open communication to contribute to the investigation.
Question. The past occurrences and ongoing threat of anomalous
health incidents among embassy personnel and their families poses a
serious challenge to morale. When personnel at post fear for their
safety or doubt that their case will be taken seriously if they were
affected, the performance of embassy operations can suffer. Whether or
not anomalous health incidents occur at your embassy, how will you work
to restore and preserve morale that may be lost due to the knowledge
these attacks have been occurring at posts around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, the safety and security of Embassy personnel,
their families, and American citizens in Sweden will always be my first
priority. This is an issue I take very seriously and is a top priority
for Secretary of State Antony Blinken. I will ensure that anyone
affected receives immediate medical attention and that personnel and
family member concerns are heard. If confirmed, I will communicate with
our workforce to share information as appropriate and provide care for
affected employees and their family members. I understand there is an
ongoing interagency investigation to identify the cause, and I am
committed to supporting this investigation.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 1, 2021
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., in
Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
Risch, Johnson, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, Rounds, and Hagerty.
Also Present: Senator Warner.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
The Chairman. Good morning. We are here today to consider
the nominations for four important positions: Ambassador John
Bass to be the Under Secretary for Management, Mr. Scott Nathan
to be the chief executive officer for the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation, Ambassador Mark Brzezinski to
be the Ambassador to Poland, and Mr. Michael Adler to be the
Ambassador to Belgium.
Congratulations to all of you on your nominations. I
appreciate your willingness and that of your families because
we understand families are part of the sacrifice to serve our
country in this capacity.
Before I start any comments, I understand that our
colleague from Virginia, from the great Commonwealth of
Virginia, the former Governor of Virginia, Senator Warner, is
here to introduce Mr. Nathan.
Senator Warner?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARK R. WARNER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Warner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate that
recognition, and to you and Ranking Member Risch and members of
the committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to make
an introduction.
I know Ambassador Bass a bit, but I know Mark Brzezinski--
Ambassador Brzezinski and Michael Adler very well. You have got
an extraordinary panel in front of you today.
But we all get called upon sometimes to do these
introductions but today is something that is very special to me
because I get the chance to introduce and present to the
committee somebody who is a close friend, trusted confidante,
and somebody I know who is going to be an excellent choice to
lead the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, my
friend, Scott Nathan.
I have known Scott for more than 15 years. I first got to
know him in my waning days, as you mentioned, when I was--still
had a real job, governor, and Scott was introduced to me
initially as a like-minded adviser on security issues, having
come up in the business world and then transitioned to the
public sector.
Scott, I think--and I say this particularly to my friends
on the Republican side--brings a very pragmatic outside
perspective to the issues of economic diplomacy, trade policy,
emerging markets, and international development.
Over the years, I have come to appreciate Scott's wisdom
and expertise, and I can tell you he is practical,
collaborative, and very independent minded. But I have also
gotten to know him as a friend.
I do not want to steal his thunder, but he has got his
wife, Laura, and his two kids, Asher and Lia, check behind him.
I have got to know them, frankly, since they have been born.
But I have seen him and his family on the personal side and
this is a--these are good people.
My message to you today is I think the DFC is a incredible
valuable tool. Senator Risch and I serve on the Intelligence
Committee together and we know the challenges our nation faces
as we compete with China and other adversaries in terms of
economic development.
I think in Scott you are going to find somebody who is
uniquely suited for this job. He comes here with both law and
business degrees in hand. He had an extraordinarily impressive
career in the private sector for almost two decades.
He worked in the investment business, becoming a very
prominent partner on a major fund where he also served as the
role of risk management, something I think, again, that is
terribly important in this new role with the DFC. He then
transitioned to government service, working at both OMB doing
policy work and the State Department where he worked in
promotion of American economic interests abroad, again,
something that I think will serve him well at the DFC.
I know you have got a lot in front of you. I will skip
through all these wonderful other descriptions of the important
role of the DFC. But I can think of no one that I am prouder to
introduce, prouder to present and give more full-fledged
endorsement to than my friend, Scott Nathan.
And with that, I thank the chairman and the ranking member
for the courtesy of allowing me to go first.
Thank you, sir.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Warner, for that glowing
introduction of Mr. Nathan. I know that being governor is an
exalted status but some of us believe that being a U.S. Senator
is a real job as well.
On that note, I will let you go to some other important
meeting that I am sure that you have at the Intelligence
Committee.
Senator Risch. Senator Shaheen and I also have ideas on the
governorship. At some point in time----
[Laughter.]
Senator Shaheen. Yes, thank you.
The Chairman. I just realized I am surrounded by former
governors. All right.
Ambassador Bass, it is good to see you again before the
committee. You have a long and distinguished public service
trajectory that I believe will serve you well upon your
confirmation to be the Under Secretary of State for Management.
As you well know, Secretary Blinken inherited a damaged and
depleted department, as I documented in a committee report last
year, ``Diplomacy in Crisis.'' The last administration's
repeated assault on State Department personnel, management, and
resources were unconscionable and dangerous for long-term U.S.
foreign policy interests. Confidence in leadership decayed and
key bureaus were gutted.
In fairness, as I have acknowledged before, many
institutional, budgetary, and morale problems are also the
result of multiple administrations and congressional action and
inaction as well. That is why I believe there is now broad
bipartisan consensus that critical efforts needed to be taken
to address core structural and resource issues that have too
long plagued the department.
While I was encouraged to hear Secretary Blinken's speech
on State Department modernization in October, I hope you will
provide us some more specifics today on how you intend to
execute each of the five pillars he outlined, particularly on
how you plan to build capacity on critical issues like cyber
and technology, climate and global health, and to improve
diversity at the department.
Separately, I would like to take a moment to speak about
your recent work in Afghanistan, as this committee would also
be interested in hearing your views on the evacuation efforts
that you helped oversee this past August.
While the State Department performed heroically in that
effort, the fact of the matter is that the department and the
United States never should have been in the position where that
sort of desperate heroism was necessary.
To my mind, and this is directly relevant to the job that
you have been nominated for, it speaks to serious shortcomings
in the department's planning and contingency response capacity.
I recognize that today's hearing is not a post-mortem on
Afghanistan. But I am interested in what lessons you learned
from this experience and how you will apply those lessons as
the Deputy for Management, if confirmed.
Mr. Nathan, congratulations on your nomination. I
appreciate your visit with me yesterday. If confirmed, you will
be leading an agency that is without question an important new
asset for advancing U.S. economic competitiveness in the global
economy, alleviating poverty and improving opportunity, growth,
and stability in countries, all of which are incredibly
important U.S. foreign policy objectives.
However, during the DFC's brief history there have been
many questions raised, from the decision to grant authorities
to the DFC to pursue domestic deals under the Defense
Production Act to the series of projects in upper middle income
countries to over promising on prospective investments. There
is a need for a cultural reset at the DFC.
Yet, the agency has demonstrated its potential, coming into
existence at a critical moment for enhancing U.S. development
finance policies and programs with a significant potential to
be a vehicle to provide support to our friends and allies who
are under increasing economic and diplomatic pressure from
Beijing.
I look forward to hearing your vision for ensuring the DFC
is fulfilling the BUILD Act's mandate to pursue projects that
advance clear development outcomes while also taking strategic
approaches for advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives.
This includes the importance of addressing the climate
crisis, the need to convert the global economy to clean energy,
as highlighted during last month's COP26.
Ambassador Brzezinski, welcome back to the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. Your nomination comes at a critical time
for Poland, and I must note the United States' steadfast
commitment to Poland's security. As you know, Poland is a
longtime friend and NATO ally, and nothing will undermine our
commitment to supporting Poland and defending NATO's Eastern
flank.
The illegitimate Lukashenko regime's use of migrants and
hybrid tactics at borders--Poland's border is unacceptable and
inhumane. Poland is on the front lines and the United States
will always support Poland in defending its territorial
integrity and security.
However, while Poland's security is of utmost importance,
we must also underscore that NATO is strengthened by our
commitment to democratic values and human rights.
To that end, I am deeply concerned by continued attacks on
the independence of Poland's judiciary. In Warsaw, it will be
your job to urge the Polish government to live up to its
commitments as a NATO ally that supports a vibrant judiciary,
free press, and rights for all of its citizens, and I am
confident you are the right choice to represent the United
States in Warsaw.
Finally, Mr. Adler, congratulations on your nomination. I
trust that, if confirmed, you will draw from your experience in
the private sector to advocate for U.S. interests in Belgium.
As you know, hundreds of U.S. firms are represented in
Belgium. In 2020, it was the thirteenth largest recipient of
U.S. exports and we appreciate Belgium's support for the U.S.-
EU Trade and Technology Council to further strengthen
transatlantic ties.
In addition, we are grateful for Belgium's partnership in
the global coalition to defeat ISIS. Belgium is a NATO partner,
a leader on human rights and democracy, and I look forward to
getting you to Brussels as soon as possible to continue to
strengthen our relationship with that important ally.
We look forward to each of your testimonies. Let me turn to
the distinguished ranking member, Senator Risch, for his
comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all, on the nomination of Under Secretary of State
for Management, this position is not only responsible for
keeping our diplomats safe and embassies functioning properly
but also supporting and improving the State Department
workforce. It plays a crucial role in helping coordinate State
Department operations with this committee.
There are enormous pressures on State Department personnel
that need immediate attention. Embassy personnel are being
attacked in what State is awkwardly calling anomalous health
incidents. All of us, on a bipartisan basis, are very concerned
about this situation. We have struggled to get straight answers
out of the department on what is going on.
Moreover, in many posts, our diplomats are having trouble
getting outside of the embassy walls to meet with the local
population, putting a serious strain on their ability to
advance vital U.S. national interests. We know Russian,
Chinese, and Iranian diplomats do not have these restrictions.
Determining the future of this workforce and how it
operates is one of the most important responsibilities of this
position and one that could have ramifications for years, if
not decades. I look forward to hearing your thoughts on these
important issues.
On the nomination of CEO of the U.S. International
Development Finance Corporation, the DFC has the potential, the
potential, to serve as one of the most influential tools to
unleash the power of the private sector, lift countries out of
power and counter the predatory state-sponsored development
models pursued by strategic competitors.
To that end, the DFC should focus on two core missions. It
should promote economic freedom through support for private
sector-led growth in developing countries and it should protect
economic freedom through investments in sectors of strategic
significance to the United States.
Investments in the digital economy, advanced technologies,
energy infrastructure, supply chains, and public health are
critical in an era of strategic competition with China and to
provide alternatives to state-directed investments. Senator
Warner's reference to the Intelligence Committee and our work
in overseeing these types of matters is important and,
certainly, this agency plays a crucial role there.
Last month, I sent a letter to the DFC expressing serious
concerns that 18 of the 21 current solar project sourced panels
are from China, even after revelations of forced labor in
China's solar industry. That situation is unacceptable and
unsustainable. If confirmed, I expect you to fix it and make
sure DFC's supply chains do not touch forced labor.
Additionally, the agency's keen interest in pursuing deals
in wealthy countries is inexplicable. The DFC must shrug off
its old OPIC mindset and fully embrace the new agency's dual
missions. It must strike a healthier balance between pursuing
projects with a greater development focus and those guided by
strategic interests.
On the nomination of our Ambassador to Poland, I will
associate myself with the remarks of the chairman regarding our
commitment to Poland and its security. Poland is under a
growing threat from Russia and its proxy, Belarus. I am glad to
see a growing U.S. troop presence there. But being an ally
requires more than just military cooperation. Values matter.
The Polish Government seems set on consolidating its
control over previously free media and to terminating the
largest U.S. investment in Poland, Discovery Media's ownership
of TVN.
Both decisions are counter to the commitments to human
rights and freedom of speech we expect that our allies will
maintain. I expect to hear your thoughts on all of these
critical issues.
Finally, on the nomination of Ambassador to Belgium,
Brussels is home to many European NGOs and international
organizations as well as headquarters of the EU and NATO. It is
an important post, especially within the context of Brussels'
influential position in European politics.
Like in many European countries, China has sought to expand
its influence in Belgium by purchasing stakes in important
Belgian companies, particularly ports. I would like to hear how
you plan to address this growing issue, should you be
confirmed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
All right. We will start the testimonies. We will start
with Mr. Nathan and just work our way down the dais. We would
ask you to summarize your comments in about five minutes or so.
Your full statements will be included for the record, without
objection, and feel free to introduce any members of your
family that are here.
Mr. Nathan?
STATEMENT OF SCOTT NATHAN OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED TO BE
CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER OF THE UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT FINANCE CORPORATION
Mr. Nathan. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
members of the committee, thank you for having me here today
and for the time you and your staff have spent with me prior to
this hearing.
Senator Warner, thank you for your kind introduction and
for your friendship over many years.
With me here today are my wife, Laura, and our two
children, Asher and Lia. I am grateful for their love today and
every day. My parents and my brother are also watching this
hearing and I want to acknowledge their role in getting me to
this moment.
I am honored to be nominated by President Biden to be the
chief executive officer of the U.S. International Development
Finance Corporation. Throughout this confirmation process, I
have relied on the input, guidance, and support of the current
acting as well as the former leadership of both DFC and its
predecessor, OPIC.
I am deeply grateful to Adam Boehler, Ray Washburne,
Elizabeth Littlefield, Rob Mosbacher, Jr., David Bohigian,
Edward Burrier, and Dev Jagadesan. The value and spirit of
these conversations reflect the broad support for this agency.
I also want to thank the fantastic group of hardworking
professionals at DFC as well as throughout the interagency,
whom I have so far met in preparation for this confirmation
process.
This is an exciting and important time for DFC. The agency
is less than two years old but the expectations for it are
high. DFC was created with bipartisan support and a consensus
that it could be an effective tool of U.S. foreign policy.
The needs of the developing world are too great to meet
with government resources alone, and DFC can be a catalyst for
bringing private capital to worthy projects. By bringing
together OPIC and DCA through the BUILD Act, setting a new dual
mandate both developmental and strategic, and providing
expanded tools and investment targets, Congress has challenged
DFC to make a greater impact.
My consultations with members of this committee and staff
have been very valuable. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Congress to shape and to continue to grow DFC's
capabilities and capacity so that it can properly fulfill the
responsibilities it has been given.
DFC mobilizes capital for private sector-led growth in the
developing world and provides a clear alternative to state-
directed investments by authoritarian governments. DFC's
product offering gives developing countries a positive choice
reflecting our democratic values for meeting their
infrastructure and economic needs.
While investing in private sector companies and projects,
DFC can insist on transparency, rule of law, financial
sustainability, and high environmental and labor standards.
Unlike some of our strategic competitors, we do this with no
strings attached.
I believe in the power of the private sector, free markets,
and inclusive economic growth to improve lives and bring
countries out of poverty.
I entered adulthood right as the Cold War was coming to a
close. Just months after I graduated college, the Berlin Wall
fell and the world changed dramatically. For the first time,
millions in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union tasted
freedom and could pursue their own economic liberty.
This sea change profoundly impacted me. I lived in the
region during this time of wrenching change and great optimism,
and after completing law school and business school, I focused
my early career primarily on emerging markets, especially in
these economies in transition.
After nearly 20 years in the investment business, I was
fortunate to have the opportunity to devote the second chapter
of my career to public service in roles at the Department of
State and OMB.
At State, I focused on commercial advocacy for U.S.
companies, economic diplomacy, and the promotion of
entrepreneurship. The challenges facing the developing world
can seem overwhelming but the opportunity for DFC to be part of
the solution is enormous.
If confirmed, I will draw on my investment, managerial, and
government experience to help DFC pursue this mission. I will
work hard to make sure the agency has the right strategy,
resources, structure, processes, to efficiently and effectively
source and analyze investment opportunities and to properly
measure and monitor those that make it into the portfolio.
I am so grateful to have been born in this country. I would
be proud to, again, have the opportunity to work on behalf of
the American people and represent the interests of the United
States.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Nathan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Scott Nathan
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
committee, thank you for having me here today and for the time you and
your staff have spent with me prior to this hearing.
Senator Warner--thank you for that kind introduction and for your
friendship over many years. With me here today is my wife Laura and our
two children, Asher and Lia. I am grateful for their love and support
today and every day. My parents and my brother are also watching this
hearing and I want to acknowledge their role in getting me to this
moment.
I am honored to be nominated by President Biden to serve as the
Chief Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development Finance
Corporation.
Throughout this confirmation process, I have relied on the input,
guidance, and support of the current acting, as well as the former
leadership of both DFC and its predecessor OPIC. I am deeply grateful
to Adam Boehler, Ray Washburne, Elizabeth Littlefield, Robert Mosbacher
Jr., David Bohigian, Edward Burrier, and Dev Jagadesan, many of whom
are watching today. The value and spirit of these conversations reflect
the broad support for this agency. I also want to thank the fantastic
group of hard-working professionals at DFC, as well as throughout the
interagency, whom I so far have met in preparation for this
confirmation process.
This is an exciting and important time for DFC. The agency is less
than two years old, but the expectations for it are high. DFC was
created with bipartisan support and a consensus that it could be an
effective tool of U.S. foreign policy. The needs of the developing
world are too great to meet with government resources alone and DFC can
be a catalyst for bringing private capital to worthy projects. By
bringing together OPIC and DCA through the BUILD Act, setting a new
dual mandate (both developmental and strategic), and providing expanded
tools and investment targets, Congress has challenged DFC to make a
greater impact.
My consultations with members of this committee and staff have been
very valuable. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
shape and to continue to grow DFC's capabilities and capacity so that
it can properly fulfill the responsibilities it has been given.
Collaboration with the DFC's interagency partners will also be crucial.
DFC mobilizes capital for private sector-led growth in the
developing world and provides a clear alternative to state-directed
investments by authoritarian governments. DFC's product offering gives
developing countries a positive choice, reflecting our democratic
values, for meeting their infrastructure and economic needs. While
investing in private sector companies and projects, DFC can insist on
transparency, rule of law, financial sustainability, and high
environmental and labor standards. Unlike some of our strategic
competitors, we do this with no strings attached.
I believe in the power of the private sector, free markets, and
inclusive economic growth to improve lives and bring countries out of
poverty. I entered adulthood right as the Cold War was coming to a
close. Just months after I graduated college, the Berlin Wall fell, and
the world changed dramatically. For the first time, millions in Eastern
Europe and the Former Soviet Union tasted freedom and could pursue
their own economic liberty. This sea change profoundly impacted me. I
traveled throughout and lived in the region during this time of
wrenching change and great optimism. After completing law school and
business school, I focused my early career primarily on emerging
markets, especially in these economies in transition.
After nearly twenty years in the investment business, I was
fortunate to have the opportunity to devote the second chapter of my
career to public service in roles at the Department of State and OMB.
At State, I focused on commercial advocacy for U.S. companies, economic
diplomacy, and the promotion of entrepreneurship.
The challenges facing the developing world can seem overwhelming.
But the opportunity for DFC to be part of the solution is enormous. If
confirmed, I will draw on my investment, managerial, and government
experience to help DFC pursue this mission. I will work hard to make
sure the agency has the right strategy, resources, structure, and
processes to efficiently and effectively source and analyze investment
opportunities and to properly measure and monitor those that make it
into the portfolio.
I am so grateful to have been born in this country. I would be
proud to again have the opportunity to work on behalf of the American
people and represent the interests of the United States. Thank you for
considering my nomination. I look forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ambassador Bass?
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN R. BASS OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER, NOMINATED
TO BE AN UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE (MANAGEMENT)
Mr. Bass. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to
appear before you as the President's nominee to be Under
Secretary of State for Management.
I want to thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
the opportunity to, again, serve the nation if I am confirmed.
I am joined today by my wife, Holly, a fellow diplomat who
has represented our nation in Afghanistan and five other
countries, and I am enduringly grateful for her love and
support.
My sister, Kristin, is also with us today, and we are
joined in spirit by an extended family that includes the one we
are blessed with by birth and marriage and the family we have
made through shared service and sacrifice overseas.
I would like to begin this morning by honoring, first, the
memory of the Marines, Navy corpsman, and soldier who died
while protecting the rest of us, working to evacuate fellow
Americans and at-risk Afghans from Kabul in late August. Their
loved ones have been and remain in our thoughts and prayers
every day.
It has been an honor to serve three previous times as a
presidential appointee and I welcome this new opportunity,
subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to give back
to an institution that I love but one that I and many
colleagues have not always liked.
I swore my first oath to support and defend the
Constitution in 1988, and since then, the world and the issues
and challenges at the center of American diplomacy have changed
a great deal.
But how we work at State as representatives of our
government and as diplomatic practitioners has not kept pace
with the times. The reasons for this are complex. They reflect
the choices of multiple administrations on both sides of the
aisle.
But the result is an institution that relies too heavily on
its dedicated professionals to bridge the gap between what
State's infrastructure, technology, and practices enable and
what our responsibilities to the nation actually require. And
as the President, Secretary Blinken, members of this committee,
and many outside observers have underscored, it is past time to
remedy that.
If confirmed, I will do everything I can to prepare the
State Department to tackle the challenges we will face in the
coming years, and concurrently with your support and
partnership I will do my best to ensure the women and men of
the State Department have the guidance and receive the
resources they need today to help our fellow citizens protect
the country's interests, promote our prosperity, and uphold our
values in 195 countries and nearly 200 international
organizations worldwide.
Much of the public attention focuses on our headquarters
here in the Capitol and the remarkable work of thousands of
talented Civil and Foreign Service professionals serving here.
I believe the department's greatest impact, though, occurs
well beyond the Beltway. Patriotic Americans and dedicated
local staff in our embassies and consulates, colleagues working
in 98 offices in 31 states across our country, they all serve
our nation where it matters most, as demonstrated by their
unstinting effort during the pandemic to bring home over
100,000 Americans and other residents, even while we were
enduring staffing shortages and draw downs ourselves.
If confirmed, I will work to reinforce our focus on the
field and that includes doing everything possible to support
and care for colleagues and family suffering from anomalous
health incidents even as we work to uncover the cause of those
incidents, and it also means managing sensibly threats and
risks so our people can engage, persuade, and represent the
nation in every environment overseas.
Diplomacy is a contact sport and who we dispatch can matter
as much as what they do or what they say, and as Secretary
Blinken recently underscored, our diversity as a nation in
backgrounds, gender, race, religion, and ethnicity is among our
greatest competitive advantages.
We sell ourselves short and undercut our service to all
Americans if we fail, if we continue to fail, to capitalize on
that strength, and I am committed to expanding efforts to
attract talented Americans from all walks of life to join the
department's team, to enable them to thrive as representatives
of the United States, and to support them throughout a career
so that our department truly reflects the richness and
diversity of America.
We face significant challenges as a nation and as the
oldest Cabinet department, and it will take sustained focus and
resources for the department to most effectively advance our
interests and help middle and working class Americans prosper
in the years ahead.
In my prior appointments, I benefited from close
coordination with members of this committee and the wider
Congress, and, if confirmed, I intend to work closely with you
on these compelling priorities.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear today and I
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bass follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. John R. Bass
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, distinguished members of the
committee: thank you for this opportunity to appear before you as the
President's nominee to be Under Secretary for Management. I want to
thank President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the opportunity to
again serve the nation, if confirmed.
I'm joined today by my wife Holly, a fellow diplomat who has
represented our Nation in Afghanistan and five other countries. I am
grateful for her love and support. My sister Kristin is with us today.
We are joined in spirit by an extended family that includes the one we
are blessed with by birth and marriage, and the family we have made,
through shared service and sacrifice overseas.
I begin this morning by honoring the memory of the Marines, Navy
Corpsman and soldier who died while protecting the rest of us working
to evacuate fellow Americans and at-risk Afghans from Kabul. Their
loved ones have been in our thoughts and prayers every day.
It has been an honor to serve three previous times as a
presidential appointee. I welcome this new opportunity, subject to the
advice and consent of the Senate, to give back to an institution that I
love--but one that I and many colleagues have not always liked.
I swore my first oath to support and defend the Constitution in
1988. Since then, the world, and the issues and challenges at the
center of American diplomacy, have changed a great deal. But how we
work at State, as representatives of our government and as diplomatic
practitioners, has not kept pace with the times.
The reasons for this are complex. They reflect the choices of
multiple administrations on both sides of the aisle. The result is an
institution that relies too heavily on its dedicated professionals to
bridge the gap between what State's infrastructure, technology and
practices enable--and what our responsibilities to the nation actually
require. As the President, Secretary Blinken, this committee and many
outside observers have observed--it is past time to remedy that.
If confirmed, I will do everything I can to prepare the State
Department to tackle the challenges we will face in the coming years.
Concurrently, with your support and partnership, I will do my best to
ensure the women and men of the Department have the guidance, and
receive the resources they need today--to help our fellow citizens,
protect the country's interests, promote our prosperity and uphold our
values in 195 countries and nearly 200 international organizations
worldwide.
Much public attention focuses on State's headquarters here in the
capital and the remarkable work of thousands of talented civil and
foreign service professionals. I believe the Department's greatest
impact, though, occurs well beyond the Beltway. Patriotic Americans and
dedicated local staff in our embassies and consulates; colleagues
working in 98 offices, in 31 states, across the country--they all serve
our nation. The Department's unstinting effort to bring over 100,000
Americans and other residents home during the pandemic, even while
reducing our own staff, is a dramatic recent example.
If confirmed, I will work to reinforce our focus on the field. That
includes doing everything possible to support and care for colleagues
and families suffering from anomalous health incidents, as we work to
uncover the cause of these incidents. It also means managing sensibly
threats and risk so our people can engage, persuade and represent the
nation in every environment overseas.
Diplomacy is a contact sport. Who we dispatch--to help Americans in
harm's way, to negotiate with governments and companies, to advance our
interests--can matter as much as what they do or say. As Secretary
Blinken recently underscored, our diversity as a nation--in
backgrounds, gender, race, religion and ethnicity--is among our
greatest competitive advantages. We sell ourselves short, and undercut
our service to all Americans, if we fail to capitalize on it. I am
committed to expanding efforts to attract talented Americans from all
walks of life to join the Department's team, enable them to thrive as
representatives of the United States and support them throughout their
careers, so that we truly reflect America.
We face significant challenges as a nation--and as the oldest
cabinet Department. It will take sustained focus and resources for the
State Department to most effectively advance our interests and help
middle and working-class Americans prosper in the years ahead. In my
prior appointments, I benefitted from close coordination with members
of this committee and the wider Congress. If confirmed, I intend to
work closely with you on these compelling priorities.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before you. I
welcome your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Ambassador Brzezinski?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARK BRZEZINSKI OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND
Mr. Brzezinski. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
appear before you today. It is an extraordinary honor to be
President Biden's nominee to become the next U.S. Ambassador to
Poland.
I am accompanied today by my brother, Ian Brzezinski, no
stranger to this committee, who served on the Republican staff
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for a number of
years.
Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank the
staff of U.S. Embassy Warsaw, U.S. Consulate Krakow, and
Consular Agency Poznan for generations of hard work. It is with
genuine admiration and respect that I have witnessed their
dedication since my first visit to Poland in 1990.
I last appeared before this committee in 2011. I am proud
of what I accomplished as U.S. Ambassador to Stockholm. The
embassy team advanced Sweden's partnership with NATO, including
key counterterrorism goals.
We cemented important partnerships on energy
diversification and brokered Volvo's first ever investment in
the United States that brought thousands of high-paying
manufacturing jobs to South Carolina.
With the Swedes, we embraced the memory of Raoul Wallenberg
and the importance of not being indifferent to the Jewish
community.
I know Poland well. I am a child of parents cast on
America's shores by World War II. My late father, Zbigniew
Brzezinski, was born in Warsaw. He lived his first 10 years of
life in Przemysl, now located on the border of Poland and
Ukraine.
By luck, my grandfather was assigned to be Consul General
in Montreal just before Nazi Germany invaded Poland in 1939.
Had his family been caught in Warsaw, they likely would have
suffered a similar fate of other Polish diplomats under the
Nazis--death.
My father did not speak fluent English until he was 15
years old. In our family, the words Niech zyje Polska--``Long
Live Poland''--and Jeszcze Polska nie zginela--``Still Poland
is not defeated'' meant something. Shared values and the
willingness to defend them.
My mother, the sculptor, Emilie Benes, who is watching
today, is a refugee from Czechoslovakia. The child of Czech
diplomats, she made it to Berkeley, California, in the middle
of World War II, her ship attacked by German U-boats on the way
from London to the United States. I am here before you today
thanks, truly, to the grace of God.
As a Fulbright Scholar, I was assigned between 1991 and
1993 to research and write about Poland's new Constitutional
Tribunal. My book, ``The Struggle for Constitutionalism in
Poland,'' tells the successful story of Poland's developing
constitutional and rule of law institutions after the collapse
of communism.
Respect for enduring constitutional arrangements became a
central test of the effective operation and growth of free
market democracy. It still is, and, if confirmed, I will
continue to promote our shared commitments to uphold
fundamental freedoms and the rule of law as essential to
democracy and central to the U.S.-Polish relationship.
In particular, I will continue to underscore to Polish
authorities the importance of an impartial judiciary,
independent media, and respect for the human rights of all,
including LGBTQI+ persons and members of other minorities.
The U.S. and Poland have a historic friendship. But we must
also agree to share responsibilities for humanity's future and
the democratic principles of the West.
If confirmed, first and foremost, I will commit myself to
the safety and security of everyone working for Mission Poland
and to the safety and security of U.S. citizens living,
working, and traveling in Poland.
I will also commit to continue and strengthen our security
cooperation with our stalwart ally, Poland, where the enduring
rotational presence of some 4,500 U.S. troops defends NATO's
Eastern flank. I will deepen and broaden the partnership
between Poland and the United States to spearhead economic
growth in the region, including through the Three Seas
Initiative.
If confirmed, I will work with Poland to support the
government and people of a peaceful and whole Ukraine as well
as the aspirations of the Belarusian people for a democratic
Belarus.
I will partner with Poland to promote investment in clean
energy, including renewable energy, hydrogen-based energy, and
help to bring zero-emission nuclear energy to Poland.
If confirmed, I will commit myself to deepening the U.S.
bilateral cooperation and advancing U.S. policy priorities in
Poland.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Brzezinski follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Mark Brzezinski
Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
It is an extraordinary honor to be President Biden's nominee to
become the next U.S. Ambassador to Poland.
Before I begin, I would like to take a moment to thank the staff of
U.S. Embassy Warsaw, U.S. Consulate Krakow, and Consular Agency Poznan
for generations of hard work. It is with genuine admiration and respect
that I have witnessed their dedication since my first visit to Poland
in 1990.
I last appeared before this committee in 2011. I am proud of what I
accomplished as U.S. Ambassador in Stockholm. The Embassy team advanced
Sweden's partnership with NATO, including key counterterrorism goals.
We cemented important partnerships on energy diversification and
brokered Volvo's first-ever investment in the United States that
brought thousands of high-paying manufacturing jobs to South Carolina.
With the Swedes, we embraced the memory of Raoul Wallenberg and ``the
importance of not being indifferent'' to the Jewish community.
I know Poland well. I am a child of parents cast on America's
shores by World War II. My late father, Zbigniew Brzezinski, was born
in Warsaw. He lived his first ten years in Przemysl, now located on the
border of Poland and Ukraine. By luck, my grandfather was assigned to
be Consul General in Montreal just before Nazi Germany invaded Poland
in 1939. Had his family been caught in Warsaw, they likely would have
suffered a similar fate of other Polish diplomats under the Nazis--
death.
My father did not speak fluent English until he was 15 years old.
In our family, the words ``Niech zyje Polska'' [``Long Live Poland'']
and ``Jeszcze Polska nie zginela'' [``still Poland is not defeated'']
meant something: Shared values and willingness to defend them.
My mother, the sculptor Emilie Benes, who is watching today, is a
refugee from Czechoslovakia. The child of Czech diplomats, she made it
to Berkeley, California, in the middle of World War II, her ship
attacked by German U-boats on the way from London to the United States.
I am here before you today thanks truly to the grace of God.
As a Fulbright Scholar, I was assigned between 1991 and 1993 to
research and write about Poland's new Constitutional Tribunal. My book
``The Struggle for Constitutionalism in Poland,'' tells the successful
story of Poland developing constitutional and rule of law institutions
after the collapse of Communism. Respect for enduring constitutional
arrangements became a central test of the effective operation and
growth of free market democracy. It still is, and if confirmed, I will
continue to promote our shared commitments to uphold fundamental
freedoms and the rule of law as essential to democracy and central to
the U.S.-Polish relationship. In particular, I will continue to
underscore to Polish authorities the importance of an impartial
judiciary, independent media, and respect for the human rights of all,
including LGBTQI+ persons and members of other minorities.
The U.S. and Poland have an historic friendship, but we must also
agree to share responsibilities for humanity's future and the
democratic principles of the West.
If confirmed, first and foremost, I will commit myself to the
safety and security of everyone working for Mission Poland and to the
safety and security of U.S. citizens living, working, and traveling in
Poland.
I will also commit to continue and strengthen our security
cooperation with our stalwart Ally Poland, where the enduring
rotational presence of some 4,500 U.S. troops defends NATO's Eastern
Flank. I will deepen and broaden the partnership between Poland and the
United States to spearhead economic growth in the region, including
through the Three Seas Initiative. If confirmed, I will work with
Poland to support the Government and people of a peaceful and whole
Ukraine, as well as the aspirations of the Belarusian people for a
democratic Belarus. I will partner with Poland to promote investment in
clean energy, including renewable energy, hydrogen-based energy, and
help to bring zero-emission nuclear energy to Poland.
If confirmed, I will commit myself to deepening U.S. bilateral
cooperation and advancing U.S. policy priorities in Poland.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Adler?
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL M. ADLER OF FLORIDA, NOMINATED TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTEN-TIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM
Mr. Adler. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
this distinguished committee, thank you for the privilege of
appearing before you today. I am deeply grateful to President
Biden for the confidence he has placed in me to become the
United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Belgium.
I would like to acknowledge my three children, their
spouses, my seven grandchildren. They have all given me
unwavering love and support in this endeavor to serve my
country.
My commitment to public service is driven by my love of
family, who motivate me to make our country and the world a
better place for them and for the future. Endless gratitude
goes to the love of my life, my wife, Judy, for almost 50
years.
Judy has been my partner and has always been devoted and
supportive of the numerous initiatives and causes that I have
been involved in and led. Judy made it possible for me to
pursue all my business and civic endeavors.
I would also like to recognize Judy's parents, Ellen and
Fred Selling, who were both Jewish immigrants and fled Germany
from Nazi persecution. After moving to the United States, Fred
joined the U.S. Army during World War II and served as a
translator. He helped to liberate concentration camps in
Germany.
I would also like to remember my parents, who taught me by
example the importance of public service, social justice, and
community service. Bunny and Sam were proud Americans.
My father, Sam, served as a pilot in the United States Army
Air Corps during World War II. He was stationed in the South
Pacific. My parents set the groundwork for my community
involvement.
With the values they instilled in me, I worked hard to
become a leader in important institutions in my community, such
as Mount Sinai Medical Center and Florida International
University, among other organizations.
This opportunity to serve my country in Europe is a
testament to America's democracy and it is a result of the
values my family has instilled in me and my efforts to make
them proud. My and Judy's parents serve as my inspiration and
they would be so proud to see my family embrace this incredible
opportunity.
In this role, I hope to inspire my children and my
grandchildren to dedicate their lives and make their community
and the world a better place.
First and foremost, if confirmed, I will work with Belgium
officials at all levels of government to advance American
interests, protect the safety and security of American
citizens, and promote American and democratic values. Freedom
of speech, freedom of press, and freedom of religion are values
that both our countries hold dear.
If confirmed, I will also look forward to working with
dedicated FSOs of the department, ensuring their safety and
security. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belgium
Government to address collective security concerns.
Working together, we can advance our shared law enforcement
and counterterrorism priorities at home and abroad,
strengthening the transatlantic bond with NATO and the EU and
pursue U.S. interests in NATO.
To that end, I will encourage Belgium to fulfill its Wales
Defense Pledge commitments to spend 2 percent of GDP on defense
by 2024.
If confirmed, I will work to advance our economic interests
in Belgium, where more than 900 American companies support
120,000 jobs. In 2020, our combined bilateral trade was
approximately $72.6 billion.
Belgium is the thirteenth largest U.S. exports and we are
Belgium's largest trading partner outside the EU. Belgium is
home to the Interuniversity Microelectronics Center, or IMEC,
which is other digital technologies.
Belgium is also a key global logistics hub. It plays a
leading role in vaccine warehousing and distribution to Europe
and the world. If confirmed, I will work with our Commerce
Department and our embassy economic experts to strengthen an
already robust and successful partnership.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work diligently to lead our
mission team and to work closely with all agencies to deepen
our historic alliance with the Belgian government and Belgian
people.
Let me conclude, again, noting how great an honor it would
be to serve in this capacity. Thank you for your time and
consideration. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Adler follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael M. Adler
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this distinguished
committee, thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today. I
am deeply grateful to President Biden for the confidence he has placed
in me to become the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Belgium.
I would like to acknowledge my three children, their spouses and my
seven grandchildren. They have all given me unwavering love and support
in this endeavor to serve my country. My commitment to public service
is driven by my love of family, who motivate me to make our country and
the world a better place for them and for future generations.
Endless gratitude goes to the love of my life, my wife, Judy Adler.
For almost 50 years, Judy has been my partner and has always been
devoted and supportive of the numerous initiatives and causes that I
have been involved in and led. Judy made it possible for me to pursue
all my business and civic aspirations.
I would also like to recognize Judy's parents, Ellen and Fred
Selling, who were both Jewish immigrants and fled Germany from Nazi
persecution. After moving to the United States, Fred joined the U.S.
Army during World War II and served as a translator. He helped to
liberate concentration camps in Germany.
I also would like to remember my parents, who taught me by example
the importance of public service, social justice, and community
service. Bunny and Sam were proud Americans. My father Sam served as a
pilot in the United States Army Air Corps during World War II; he was
stationed in the South Pacific. My parents set the groundwork for my
community involvement. With the values they instilled in me, I worked
hard to become a leader in important institutions in my community, such
as Mt. Sinai Medical Center and Florida International University, among
other organizations.
This opportunity to serve my county in Europe is a testament to
America's democracy, and it is a result of the values my family has
instilled in me and my efforts to make them proud. My and Judy's
parents serve as my inspiration, and they would be so proud to see my
family embrace this incredible opportunity. In this role, I hope to
inspire my children and my grandchildren to dedicate their lives to
making their community and the world a better place.
First and foremost, if confirmed, I will work with Belgian
officials at all levels of government to advance American interests,
protect the safety and security of American citizens, and promote
American and democratic values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the
press, and freedom of religion are values that both our countries hold
dear. If confirmed, I also look forward to working with the dedicated
FSOs of the Department and ensuring their safety and security.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Belgian Government to
address collective security concerns. Working together, we can advance
our shared law enforcement and counterterrorism priorities at home and
abroad, strengthen the Transatlantic bond with NATO and the EU, and
pursue U.S. interests in NATO. To that end, I will encourage Belgium to
fulfill its Wales Defense Investment Pledge commitments to spend two
percent of GDP on defense by 2024.
If confirmed, I will work to advance our economic interests in
Belgium, where more than 900 American companies support 120,000 jobs.
In 2020, our combined bilateral trade was approximately $72.6 billion.
Belgium is the 13th largest market for U.S. exports, and we are
Belgium's largest trading partner outside the EU. Belgium is home to
the Interuniversity Microelectronics Center, or IMEC, which is a
leading research and development center for cutting-edge semiconductor
and other digital technologies. Belgium is also a key global logistics
hub; it plays a leading role in vaccine warehousing and distribution to
Europe and the world. If confirmed, I will work with our Commerce
Department and our Embassy economic experts to strengthen an already
robust and successful partnership.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work diligently to lead our mission
team and to work closely with all agencies to deepen our historic
alliance with the Belgian Government and the Belgian people.
Let me conclude by again noting how great an honor it would be to
serve in this capacity. Thank you for your time and consideration. I
look forward to your questions.
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