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Exhibit 69: Efficient Capital Markets, the Crash, and the Fraud on the Market Theory (Dkt. 568-69, S.D. Fla.)

Summary

Exhibit 69 (Document 568-69) in Case 1:21-md-02989-CMA, entered on the FLSD docket June 8, 2023, an 18-page copy of a law review essay, Efficient Capital Markets, the Crash, and the Fraud on the Market Theory by Daniel R. Fischel, from 74 Cornell L. Rev. (1988-1989). The essay states that the fraud on the market theory, developed in class actions under section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 and Rule 10b-5, shifted the focus from the individual plaintiff to whether a challenged disclosure affected the market as a whole. It describes the theory's use in securities fraud litigation, analyzes the effect of the October 1987 stock market crash and the Supreme Court decision in Basic Inc. v. Levinson, and concludes that the crash provides no basis for rejecting the theory.

Summary drafted by a model from the document's text below and checked by script against that text before publication. It is a navigation aid, not a reading of what the document proves. Where AI is used

Date
2023-06-08

Cite this document

“Exhibit 69: Efficient Capital Markets, the Crash, and the Fraud on the Market Theory (Dkt. 568-69).” Original at archive.org, dated 2023-06-08. Archived at Pandemic Darlings, https://pandemicdarlings.com/source-documents/2023-06-08-basic-inc-v-levinson-4-where-the-court-endorsed-the-theory-by-a-vote/, SHA-256 e881192869a86388d792087291860e56a219b58a2901666d5fecf37fb4dccfc4.

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Case 1:21-md-02989-CMA Document 568-69 Entered on FLSD Docket 06/08/2023 Page 1 of
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                               Exhibit 69
Case 1:21-md-02989-CMA Document 559-36
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            EXHIBIT 34
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      EFFICIENT CAPITAL MARKETS, THE CRASH,
          AND THE FRAUD ON THE MARKET
                     THEORY

                                       Daniel R. Fischelt


          An individual asserting a common law fraud claim must prove
     reliance on the challenged misstatement. Proof focuses on the ef-
     fect of the challenged statement on the individual bringing the
     claim. The fraud on the market theory, developed in class action
     litigation under section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of
     1934,1 and its accompanying Rule lOb-5, 2 has shifted the focus from
     the individual plaintiff to whether a challenged disclosure affected
     the market as a whole.
          The fraud on the market theory has revolutionized securities
     fraud litigation. It has also been of particular interest to scholars
     because courts have expressly based their acceptance of the theory
     not on the legislative history of the securities laws but rather on the
                                                                3
     academic support for the efficient markets hypothesis. Many be-
     lieve, however, that the stock market crash of October 1987 has cast
     doubt on the concept of efficient capital markets. Thus it is useful to
     examine the relationship between the efficient markets hypothesis
     and the crash and the continuing validity of the fraud on the market
     theory after the crash. That is the purpose of this essay.
           I begin in Part I with a brief description of the use of the fraud
     on the market theory in securities fraud litigation and the develop-
     ment of the theory in the courts. In Part II, I analyze the effect of
      the October 1987 stock market crash on the concept of efficient cap-
     ital markets and the fraud on the market theory. Finally, in Part III,
     I analyze certain aspects of the recent Supreme Court decision in
     Basic Inc. v. Levinson 4 where the Court endorsed the theory by a vote
      of four to two with three Justices not participating.

         t  Lee and Brena Freeman Professor of Law, The University of Chicago; Professor
     of Law and Business, The University of Chicago Graduate School of Law and Business.
        1    15 U.S.C. § 78j(b) (1982).
         2    17 C.F.R. § 240.10b-5 (1987).
         3 See, e.g., In re LTV Sec. Litig., 88 F.R.D. 134, 144 (N.D. Tex. 1980) (citing stud-
     ies). For academic commentary on the fraud on the market theory, see Black, Fraudon
     the Market: A Criticismof Dispensingwith Reliance Requirements in Certain Open Market Transac-
     tions, 62 N.C.L. REv. 435 (1984); Fischel, Use of Modern Finance Theory in Securities Fraud
     Cases Involving Actively Traded Securities, 38 Bus. LAw. 1 (1982); Note, The Fraud-on-the-
     Market Theory, 95 HARV. L. REV. 1143 (1982).
         4 108 S. Ct. 978 (1988).

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     908                  CORNELL LA W REVIEW                               [Vol. 74:907

                                           I
                    THE FRAUD ON THE MARKET THEORY

      A.   The Use of the Theory in Securities Fraud Litigation
         Plaintiffs in securities fraud litigation initially advanced the
    fraud on the market theory in seeking to satisfy the reliance require-
    ment for purposes of class certification. The relationship between
    the theory and the reliance requirement is straightforward. Most
    investors do not read the documents or hear the speech alleged to
    contain disclosure defects. Interpreting the reliance requirement to
    mean that investors actually be familiar with the challenged state-
    ment makes it difficult for most investors to satisfy the requirement.
    Additionally, the need for detailed individual inquiry into which in-
    vestors relied on the challenged statement decreases the probability
    that any proposed class will satisfy the commonality requirement
    necessary for class certification.
         The fraud on the market theory avoids these problems by inter-
    preting the reliance requirement to mean reliance on the integrity of
    the market price rather than reliance on the challenged disclosure.
    By interpreting the requirement in this manner, lack of familiarity
    with the challenged disclosure becomes irrelevant. Instead the rele-
    vant issue becomes the effect of the challenged disclosure on the
    market price or, in the jargon of securities litigation, whether the
    challenged disclosure artificially inflated (deflated) the market price
    of the particular security. Inquiry into whether the market price was
    inflated (deflated) replaces individualized inquiry into the extent to
    which particular investors were aware of a challenged disclosure.
    Moreover, this new inquiry goes to the merits of the case and is not
    decided at the class certification stage. Thus, the development of
    the fraud on the market theory has effectively eliminated the reli-
    ance requirement as a barrier to class certification.
         The extent to which the fraud on the market theory represents
    a departure from the common law fraud model, however, should
    not be exaggerated. Even at common law, a plaintiff must show
    more than mere reliance on a misstatement; he must show objec-
    tively reasonable reliance. The fraud on the market theory can be
    interpreted as defining whether an individual's reliance was reason-
    able under the ultimate objective standard-whether investors as a
    whole were fooled.
         Apart from the proper interpretation of the reliance require-
    ment, the fraud on the market theory has other important implica-
    tions in securities fraud litigation. Market professionals obtain
    information about particular securities from multiple sources.
    These sources include disclosures by the firm, analyst reports, and
    stories in the trade and financial press. For this reason, the extent
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                 EFFICIENT CAPITAL MARKETS            909

     to which a challenged disclosure results in an artificial inflation of
     price-a fraud on the market-cannot be determined solely by ref-
     erence to the accuracy of the disclosure itself. Market participants
     may have learned the truth from other sources. Analogously, if fi-
     nancial results are questioned, it is not sufficient to determine
     whether the results were reported according to conventionally ac-
     cepted accounting principles. Investors may see through incorrect
     accounting or again figure out the truth from other sources of infor-
     mation. In this event, no injury occurs because market participants
     have not been fooled-there has been no fraud on the market.
           Thus, the fraud on the market theory has profound implications
     for securities fraud litigation far beyond reformulation of the reli-
     ance requirement. The fundamental question in securities fraud liti-
     gation is whether a challenged disclosure has caused investors to
     suffer an injury and if so, by how much. This question can be recast
     as whether a fraud on the market has occurred and if so, to what
     extent. Indeed, inquiry into materiality, causation, and damages, as
     well as reliance, is subsumed into the question of whether, and to
                                                          5
     what extent, a fraud on the market has occurred.
           The importance of the fraud on the market theory is best illus-
     trated by an example. Suppose that on February 1, 1983, an Ameri-
     can company, Waste, Inc., announces that it has entered into a
     contract with the government of Saudi Arabia for the provision of
     waste management services. The press release states that Saudi
     Arabia will pay Waste, Inc. $1 billion over a three year period. The
     contract also contains a provision allowing the Saudis to terminate
     for convenience; this provision is not disclosed in the press release.
     On December 1, 1983, the Saudis terminate the contract. On De-
     cember 2, Waste, Inc.'s stock price is $20 as compared with $30
     before the announcement of the contract on February 1. Plaintiffs
     file a class action lawsuit under the securities laws alleging that the
     failure to disclose the termination provision was materially mislead-
     ing and resulted in Waste, Inc.'s stock price being artificially inflated
     by $10, the difference between $30 and $20.
           The fraud on the market theory enables the plaintiffs to satisfy
     the reliance requirement without proving that investors read the
     press release. Instead, plaintiffs need only allege that they relied on
     the integrity of the market price which was artificially inflated by the
     materially misleading press release. But, as discussed above, be-
     cause the theory shifts emphasis to the effect of the challenged dis-
     closure on the market as a whole, rather than on particular plaintiffs,


       5   This point is discussed at length in Fischel, supra note 3.
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    the impact of the theory extends far beyond the reliance
    requirement.
         Plaintiffs in this hypothetical lawsuit contend that investors
    were fooled by the absence of explicit disclosure of the termination
    provision in the press release. Whether investors were in fact fooled
    by the alleged omission-whether the omission was material-can
    be tested directly, however, by analyzing relevant stock price move-
    ments and other information available to investors. If on March 1 a
    second press release disclosed the termination provision and Waste,
    Inc.'s stock price fell (did not fall) by a statistically significant
                                                                          6
    amount, then the omission was probably (probably not) material.
    Analysis of other sources of information also sheds light on the ma-
    teriality issue. The more (less) widespread the understanding in
    analysts reports and the financial press that the Saudis had the right
    to terminate, the less (more) likely the alleged omission was
    material.
         Analysis of stock price movements also makes it possible to test
    whether the decline in Waste, Inc.'s stock price was caused by the
    disclosure of the termination provision allegedly withheld in the
    original process release, or whether other factors were responsible
    for the decline. Any stock price movement attributable to disclosure
    of the termination provision can be calculated as damages 7 provided
    the information could have been disclosed in the original press re-
    lease and the other requirements of the securities laws are satisfied.8
    Conversely, stock price movements attributable to other factors
    should be excluded from damages.

       B.    The Relationship Between the Fraud on the Market Theory
             and Efficient Capital Markets
        The efficient capital markets hypothesis posits that stock prices
    quickly reflect information without bias. The three forms of the hy-

         6 Note that the price reaction to disclosure of termination of the contract, even if
    statistically significant, does not establish the materiality of the failure to disclose the
    termination provision. The reason is that the certainty of cancellation is a different piece
    of information than the possibility of termination. Even if the market as a whole was
    fully aware of the possibility of termination, disclosure of actual termination could cause
    Waste, Inc.'s stock price to decline.
         7 Although it is customary to calculate damages in securities fraud cases in this
    manner, an argument could be made that damages should focus on disgorgement of the
    gains obtained by those perpetrating the fraud rather than on losses suffered by certain
    investors. For a discussion of the choice between disgorgement versus loss-based meas-
    ures of damages, see Easterbrook & Fischel, Optimal Penaltiesfor Securities Offenses, 52 U.
    CHi. L. REV. 611 (1985).
        8 For example, plaintiffs will have to satisfy the scienter requirement-the require-
    ment that the alleged omission be made with an intent to defraud or with extreme reck-
    lessness tantamount to an intent to defraud. See Ernst & Ernst v. Hochfelder, 425 U.S.
    185 (1976).
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     1989]       EFFICIENT      18
                                17
                           CAPITAL MARKETS

     pothesis differ on what type of information is reflected in prices: the
     weak form of the hypothesis holds that past price movements are
     incorporated in prices; the semi-strong form suggests that publicly-
     available information is reflected in prices; and the strong form
     posits that all information from whatever source is fully incorpo-
     rated in prices. The empirical evidence to date (with some excep-
     tions) appears to establish the validity of the weak and semi-strong
     versions but not the strong form of the efficient capital markets
     hypothesis. 9
           The link between the concept of efficient capital markets and
     the fraud on the market theory is clear. The central premise of the
     fraud on the market theory is that prices of actively-traded securities
     reflect publicly-available information. This premise is roughly
     equivalent to the semi-strong version of the efficient capital markets
     hypothesis. Not surprisingly, courts adopting the fraud on the mar-
     ket theory have alluded to the empirical studies establishing the va-
     lidity of the semi-strong version of the efficient capital markets
     hypothesis for support. 10
           To illustrate why the fraud on the market theory depends on
     prices reflecting publicly-available information, consider a face-to-
     face transaction where Smith offers to sell a piece of land in another
     state to Jones for $1000. The potential purchaser, Jones, has no
     reason to rely on the integrity of the $1000 price offered by Smith.
     That price may or may not reflect information concerning the value
     of the land. It is perfectly possible, for example, that market profes-
     sionals believe the land is worth only $500 but the judgment of
     these professionals will not be reflected in Smith's offer to Jones.
           Now, consider the difference between the above example and a
     transaction involving actively-traded securities. Market prices of ac-
     tively-traded securities are much more likely to reflect relevant in-
     formation about those securities because of the continuous buying
     and selling decisions of investors. Thus if a consensus among mar-
     ket professionals exists that a particular type of land owned by a
     publicly-traded real estate company is worth a certain amount, this
     consensus will be reflected in the company's stock price. Because
     market prices of actively-traded securities do reflect publicly-avail-
     able information, it is rational for many investors to accept the mar-
     ket price as given. For the same reason, investors are harmed if they
     purchase securities at prices which reflect false information as a re-
     sult of disclosure defects.

        9 For a useful summary of the theory and evidence, see Gilson & Kraakman, The
     Mechanisms of Market Efficiency, 70 VA. L. REV. 549 (1984) (citing studies).
       10 See, e.g., In re LTV Sec. Litig., 88 F.R.D. 134, 144 (N.D. Tex. 1980) (citing
     studies).
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          The critical difference between face-to-face transactions and
     transactions involving actively-traded securities, in sum, is the pres-
     ence or absence of reliable market prices reflecting information pos-
     sessed by diverse sets of traders. Where such market prices exist, as
     in the case of actively-traded securities, investors are protected by
     purchasing (or selling) at the market price. Where such prices do
     not exist, as in the case of face-to-face transactions, it is not reason-
     able to rely on the offer price as incorporating relevant information
     about the value of the underlying asset. While the difference be-
     tween these two polar cases is fairly clear, there will be many situa-
     tions that fall somewhere in the middle. No clear answer exists to
     the question of how much and how quickly information has to be
     incorporated into prices for the fraud on the market theory to apply.
          The most that can be said is that the more rapidly prices reflect
     publicly-available information, the more sensible it is to apply the
     theory. Factors which will be relevant in analyzing how rapidly
     prices reflect information include whether the security is listed on a
     national exchange, whether it is actively traded, and whether it is
     followed by analysts and other market professionals. In addition,
     the speed of price adjustment to new information can be tested di-
     rectly by use of widely-accepted statistical techniques.'" Neverthe-
     less, there will inevitably be some marginal cases where the
     applicability of the fraud on the market theory is unclear.

                                                 II
             THE FRAUD ON THE MARKET THEORY AFTER THE CRASH

           A dramatic unanticipated event always causes some reexamina-
     tion of generally accepted wisdom; the crash is no exception. Thus,
     it is worthwhile to examine the effect of the crash on the fraud on
     the market theory. Before doing so, however, it is necessary to ana-
     lyze the concept of efficient capital markets more carefully.

       A. The Meaning of an Efficient Capital Market
          Much of the discussion of efficient capital markets suffers from
     ambiguity concerning what characteristics capital markets must sat-
     isfy to be considered "efficient." At least two definitions of "effi-
     cient" capital markets exist. The first, as discussed in Part I, focuses
     on the speed with which market prices reflect publicly-available in-

      11 For illustrative studies using statistical techniques to measure the speed of price
    adjustment, see Dann, Mayers & Raab, Jr., Trading Rules, Large Blocks and the Speed of Price
    Adjustment, 4J. FIN. ECON. 3 (1977);Jennings & Stark, Information Content and the Speed of
    Stock Price Adjustment, 23 J. AccT. RES. 336 (1985); Patell & Wolfson, The Intraday Speed of
    Adjustment of Stock Prices to Earnings and Dividend Announcements, 13 J. FIN. ECON. 223
    (1984).

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                                18 MARKETS
                                17                    913

     formation and whether the price reaction to new information is
     without bias. Under this definition, a market is efficient if it is im-
     possible to devise a trading rule that systematically outperforms the
     market (net of transaction costs) absent possession of inside infor-
     mation. In this essay, I refer to this definition as "trading-rule effi-
     ciency." There is general consensus that capital markets that list
                                                            12
     actively-traded securities are trading-rule efficient.
           The second definition of efficient capital markets focuses on the
     extent to which security prices reflect the present value of the net
     cash flows generated by a firm's assets. I refer to this definition of
     efficiency as "value efficiency."
          John Maynard Keynes originated the view that stock markets
     are not value efficient because factors other than judgments con-
                                                                           13
     cerning the value of underlying assets influence security prices.
     Keynes analogized the stock market to a beauty contest where trad-
     ers, like those trying to predict the winner of a beauty contest, base
     their decisions not only on what they think, but also on what they
     believe others are thinking. Just as someone trying to predict the
     winner of a beauty contest will consider his judgment of relative
     beauty as well as his belief concerning how others will assess relative
     beauty, Keynes argued, so too will traders consider their judgment
     about the value of the asset and their beliefs about how others will
     value the asset. This model of security prices as driven by the ex-
                                                                          14
     pectations of other traders has gained adherents in recent years.
           Adherents of the expectations model face several logical diffi-
     culties. First, why should the expectations of other traders be based
     on anything other than their judgments concerning the present
     value of future net cash flows? Second, why shouldn't it be assumed
     that beliefs of traders who base their judgments on other factors are
     random, thus cancelling each other out? As a response to these co-
     nundrums, some economists have posited the existence of a class of
     uninformed and unsophisticated traders who are influenced by fads,
     mob psychology, and similar factors. 15 These uninformed or noise
     traders who are motivated by factors other than the present value of

        12   Some studies suggest that certain anomalous situations exist where it may be
     possible to devise a trading rule and outperform the market. Examples of these anoma-
     lies include the small firm effect, the low price earnings ratio effect, and the January
     effect. Many of these anomalies seem to disappear, however, when risk and transactions
     costs are taken into account. For a summary of the evidence, see T. COPELAND & J.
     WESTON, FINANCIAL THEORY AND CORPORATE POLICY 221-48 (1983).
        13   See J. KEYNES, THE GENERAL THEORY OF EMPLOYMENT, INTEREST AND MONEY
     (1936).
        14   For a summary of the literature in this area see C. CAMERER, BUBBLES AND FADS
     IN ASSET PRICES: A REVIEW OF THEORY AND EVIDENCE (University of Pennsylvania Work-
     ing Paper No. 87-09-03 1987).
       15   Id.
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     future net cash flows create the possibility of speculative bubbles
     and other departures from pricing based on the underlying value of
     assets. Additionally, because of these noise traders, prices can
     change dramatically with a change in expectations-even with no
     change in the value of the underlying assets. For these reasons, the
     argument runs, noise traders prevent financial markets from being
     value efficient.
           Unfortunately, no direct method exists for testing how closely
     prices reflect value because the "value" of an asset cannot be mea-
     sured apart from its price. As a result, researchers have relied on
     indirect tests such as attempting to determine whether the variabil-
     ity of prices is greater than the variability of dividends over time. If
     prices are more variable than dividends, it might be argued that
     changes in prices cannot be explained by changes in underlying val-
     ues and thus must be caused by noise traders. Thus far the results
     and the interpretation of these studies have been extremely
     controversial. 16
           For the sake of argument, assume that noise traders affect
     prices. The implications of this assumption for the concept of effi-
     cient capital markets, however, and value efficiency in particular, are
     still unclear. Value efficiency means that prices are typically the best
     indicators of underlying values (at least absent inside information).
     No evidence demonstrates that a better model exists for ascertain-
     ing the value of a publicly-traded firm's assets than looking at the
     prices of its securities.
           The existence of noise traders who affect price does not imply
     that such a model exists. Noise traders cause prices to reflect factors
     such as mob psychology as well as underlying values. But so long as
     market participants cannot determine how much noise is contained
     in prices, knowing that prices reflect the expectations of noise trad-
     ers will not lead to any superior method for ascertaining the under-
     lying value of assets. In other words, the existence of noise traders
     increases volatility but does not create any detectable upward or
     downward bias in pricing. Prices are still the best indicators of value
     even assuming that they are noisier signals because of psychologi-
     cally motivated traders.
           The existence of noise traders implies nothing about the valid-
     ity of trading-rule efficiency. Unless market participants can deter-
     mine how much noise is contained in price, and can predict how the

        16 Compare Shiller, Do Stock Prices Move Too Much to beJustified by Subsequent Changes in
     Dividends?, 71 AM. ECON. REV. 421 (1981) with Kleidon, Bias in Small Sample Tests of Stock
     Price Rationality, 59J. Bus. 237 (1986); Kleidon, Variance Bounds Tests and Stock Price Valua-
     tion Models, 94 J. POL. EcON. 953 (1986) and Marsh & Merton, Dividend Variability and
     Variance Bounds Tests for Rationality of Stock Market Prices, 76 AM. ECON. REV. 483 (1986).
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                 EFFICIENT CAPITAL MARKETS             915

     expectations of noise traders will change in the future, the existence
     of noise traders does not create a profitable trading rule. It is one
     thing to believe in speculative bubbles after prices have fallen; it is
     quite another to recognize one at the time.
          In sum, the current debate over the relationship between noise
     traders and the concept of efficient capital markets is really a variant
     of the familiar Nirvana fallacy of comparing the imperfect to the
     ideal and concluding that the ideal dominates. The relevant ques-
     tion in determining whether capital markets are value efficient is not
     whether noise traders exist but rather whether there is a better
     proxy than market prices for the underlying value of a publicly-
     traded firm's assets. Or, to put the point differently, it takes a theory
     to beat a theory and thus far none exists.
          One final caveat. I do not mean to suggest that prices are always
     the best predictor of underlying values or that there is never any
     role for other methods of valuation such as discounted cash flow
     analysis. Analysts and other market professionals constantly search
     for mispriced securities where prices do not reflect information con-
     cerning value. It is even possible that the premium paid in some
     takeovers or going private transactions occurs because prices do not
     reflect underlying values and this is discovered by resort to other
     valuation techniques.' 7 That these valuation techniques are profita-
     bly used, however, is in no way inconsistent with the critical role of
     market prices as a proxy for underlying values. Indeed, the constant
     search by market professionals for mispriced securities is the mecha-
     nism whereby prices reflect information about underlying values.
     And, to emphasize again, the critical question is not whether market
     prices are always a perfect proxy for the underlying value of assets
     but whether a better proxy exists on a consistent basis. Thus far the
     answer to this critical question is no.

        B.    The Crash and Efficient Capital Markets
          On October 19, 1987, the DowJones Industrial Average fell by
     508 points or 22 percent. For the slightly longer period between
     the close of trading on October 13, 1987, and the close on October
     19, 1987, the Dow fell 769 points or 31 percent. To date, no con-
     vincing explanations of this dramatic decline exist. The dramatic
     nature of the decline, coupled with the absence of any convincing
     explanation for it, has led many to suggest that the crash calls into
     question the continuing validity of the efficient capital markets
     hypothesis.

       17    The evidence demonstrates, however, that undervaluation is not a convincing
     explanation for most corporate control transactions. See Bradley, Desai & Kim, The Ra-
     tionale Behind Interfirm Tender Offers: Information or Synergy, 11 J. FIN. ECON. 185 (1983).
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           It is not obvious, however, why this should be true. Consider
     the first type of efficiency, trading rule efficiency. Nobody has ar-
     gued that the crash created a profitable trading rule that did not
     exist before. Both before and after the crash, prices appeared to
     incorporate publicly-available information, making it highly unlikely
     that a profitable trading rule would exist.
           Now consider value efficiency. Admittedly, the absence of any
     new information concerning the value of assets in the economy that
     can plausibly explain the stock market crash is frustrating.1 8 On the
     other hand, economists are still arguing about why the stock market
     crashed in 1929, so it is hardly surprising that no obvious explana-
     tion exists for the crash of 1987. Moreover, the mystery of what
     caused the 1987 crash poses the same problem for those who hold
     the expectation-driven Keynesian view of the stock market. Just as
     there does not appear to be any new information concerning the
     value of assets that can plausibly explain the stock price decline, nor
     does there appear to be any new information concerning the psy-
     chology or expectations of other traders. Finally, and most impor-
     tantly, the crash does not imply that any better model exists for
     determining security prices than the present value of future cash
     flows generated by a firm's assets. For this reason, the crash, prop-
     erly interpreted, has no implications for value efficiency, or, more
     generally, for the concept of efficient capital markets.
          Several other points about the crash should also be made.
     First, as documented by Richard Roll,1 9 the worldwide nature of the
     crash is inconsistent with various popular explanations which attri-
     bute the crash to program trading, futures markets, portfolio insur-
     ance, and similar institutional arrangements that exist only in a few
     markets. Second, the fact that prices fluctuated around the post-
     crash level for an extended period of time suggests that the crash
     was not an overreaction but a movement to a new equilibrium level.
     This is desirable whether the crash was caused by a change in funda-
     mentals or a bursting of a speculative bubble. Thus, regulatory pol-
     icies designed to prevent prices from falling in a similar manner in
     the future appear to be misguided. Indeed, under the speculative
     bubble theory, the problem is the gradual price rise during 198720

        18 For an argument that the crash is consistent with the traditional understanding
     of efficient capital markets even if the cause of the crash cannot be identified, see Fama,
     Perspectives on October 1987, or, What Did We Learn From the Crash, in BLACK MONDAY AND
     THE FUTURE OF FINANCIAL MARKETS 71 (R. Kamphuis, R. Kormendie and J.W. Watson
     eds. 1989).
        19 See Roll, The InternationalCrash of October 1987, in BLACK MONDAY AND THE FUTURE
     OF FINANCIAL MARKETS 35 (R. Kamphuis, R. Kormendie and J.W. Watson eds. 1989).
        20 On August 25, 1987, the Dow Jones Industrial Average reached a record high
     close of 2,722, having risen by more than 40% during the year.

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                 EFFICIENTCAPITAL

     before the crash, not the crash itself. I am unaware of any regula-
     tory proposals, however, that have as their goal the elimination of
     gradual price rises in the future.

       C.     The Crash and the Fraud on the Market Theory
           The above discussion of market efficiency and the crash shows
     that the crash does not provide a basis for rejecting the fraud on the
     market theory. That American capital markets where publicly-
     traded securities are listed are trading-rule efficient is a proposition
     that was generally accepted before the crash and has not been ques-
     tioned since. This means that before and after the crash, publicly-
     available information, including false information, is incorporated in
     stock prices with the corollary that investors who purchase (sell) at
     artificially inflated (deflated) prices are injured. This is true whether
     or not prices reflect noise created by the expectations of other
     traders.
           The implications of the theory for materiality, causation, and
     damages are also unaffected by the crash. The reason is that the
     effect of an alleged disclosure defect on price can be analyzed with-
     out having to resolve the extent to which noise traders affect price.
     For example, one could confidently conclude that the stock price
     decline on October 18, 1987 of any particular security was in all
     probability not caused by the revelation of a fraud, but rather by the
     collapse of the market as a whole, without having to resolve whether
     the crash was caused by new information concerning fundamentals
     or the bursting of a speculative bubble. The same would be true in
     cases involving other alleged speculative bubbles. Thus it would be
     relevant in a hypothetical securities suit against a hula-hoop com-
     pany, which first sold at significant multiples of earnings and then
     went bankrupt, that other hula-hoop companies also cratered when
     the public lost its taste for the companies' product. In short, by ana-
     lyzing the timing of stock price movements both in response to par-
     ticular pieces of information and in comparison with those of other
     firms, it is possible to identify factors influencing stock price move-
     ments other than alleged disclosure defects even if the factors them-
     selves are not understood completely.

                                                 III
                                      BASIC INC. v. LEVINSON

            In Basic Inc. v. Levinson,2 1 a plurality of the United States
     Supreme Court in an opinion written by Justice Blackmun held that
     courts should apply a rebuttable presumption that investors in pub-

      21     108 S. Ct. 978 (1988).
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     lic securities markets rely on the integrity of the market price. 2 2 Jus-
     tice White, joined by Justice O'Connor, dissented; 23 three Justices
     did not participate. 24 Thus, a majority of the Court has not yet
     passed on the validity of the fraud on the market theory creating the
     possibility that the Court might consider the issue again in the near
     future. For this reason, it is particularly appropriate to examine the
     arguments of the two dissenting Justices who criticized application
     of the theory in securities cases. The dissent's three principal argu-
     ments are discussed below.

       A.    The Claim that the Fraud on the Market Theory is an
             Investor Insurance Scheme
           The plurality opinion emphasized that courts should apply a re-
     buttable, not conclusive, presumption that investors relied on the
     integrity of the market price: "Any showing that severs the link be-
     tween the alleged misrepresentation and either the price received
     (or paid) by the plaintiff, or his decision to trade at a fair market
     price, will be sufficient to rebut the'presumption of reliance." 2 5 The
     plurality discussed situations where the market price was not artifi-
     cially inflated because the truth was available from other sources,
     and situations where investors would have traded anyway regardless
     of price as examples where the link would be severed and the pre-
                                       26
     sumption of reliance rebutted.
           The two dissenting Justices agreed with the plurality that the
     presumption of reliance should be rebuttable, but argued that "such
     rebuttal is virtually impossible in all but the most extraordinary
     case." 2 7 Since the presumption will for all practical purposes be
     non-rebuttable, the dissent concluded that the plurality's endorse-
     ment of the fraud on the market theory would operate as "an inves-
                                28
     tor insurance scheme."
           The dissent correctly doubted the probability of rebutting the
     presumption of reliance. Consider the two situations where the plu-
     rality stated the presumption would be rebutted. In the first situa-
     tion where the market price is not artificially inflated because the
     truth becomes known from other sources, it is inaccurate to suggest
     that the presumption of reliance is rebutted. In fact, the example
     has nothing to do with reliance. Investors do not rely any less on
     the market price because that price has not been artificially inflated.

      22    Id. at 991.
      23    Id. at 993 (White, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
      24    Id.
      25    Id. at 992.
      26    Id.
      27    Id. at 996 n.7 (White, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
      28    Id. at 996.
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     It would be more accurate to characterize this situation as one
     where no fraud on the market occurred.
           The second example used by the plurality-investors believe
     the market price is artificially inflated but transact anyway-is con-
     ceivable but extremely unlikely. Purchasing (selling) securities at ar-
     tificially inflated (deflated) prices means that the investment has a
     negative expected return. The number of situations where investors
     expect to lose money but transact anyway notwithstanding the
                                                                            29
     plethora of alternative investments is surely going to be trivial.
     Thus the presumption of reliance, as the dissent claimed, is for all
     practical purposes non-rebuttable.
           Nevertheless, it does not follow that an effectively non-rebutta-
     ble presumption of reliance creates investor insurance. Investors'
     ability to claim that they relied on the integrity of the market price
     helps to obtain class certification but in no way establishes the mer-
     its of the underlying claim. Plaintiffs must still establish that the al-
     leged disclosure defect artificially inflated the market price and, if
     so, by how much. Given the multiple alternative sources of informa-
     tion and the sophistication of market professionals, this task will fre-
     quently be difficult even if plaintiffs can establish that less than a
     model disclosure was made. Thus, the fraud on the market theory
     in no way creates an investor insurance scheme when all of the the-
     ory's implications are considered.

        B.   The Claim that the Fraud on the Market Theory is
             Logically Inconsistent
          The dissent further argued that the fraud on the market the-
     ory's reliance on the integrity of the market price as a reflection of
     value is logically flawed. The difficulty with this concept, according
     to the dissent, is that "it implicitly suggests that stocks have some
     'true value' that is measurable by a standard other than their market
     price." 30 Moreover, the dissent argued that even if securities have
     some "value" apart from market price, investors do not always as-
     sume that a stock's price is a reflection of this value. Rather, the
     dissent stressed, investors frequently base their investment decision
     on a belief that stock prices do not reflect value perfectly. 3 ' Other-

        29 For purposes of this point, it is useful to distinguish between purchases at in-
     flated prices and sales at depressed prices. It is for all practical purposes inconceivable
     that an investor would knowingly pay too much for a security given the infinite number
     of alternative investments. In the sale situation, by contrast, it is conceivable that an
     investor with limited access to capital markets might be forced to sell at too low a price
     for liquidity reasons.
        30   108 S. Ct. at 996 (White, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
        31   Id.
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     920                         CORNELL LA W REVIEW

     wise, in many cases particular stocks would not have been purchased
     or sold.
           These points are correct but have nothing to do with the fraud
     on the market theory. The theory does not posit that there is some
     "true value" of an asset other than its price. On the contrary, the,
     theory assumes that market price is the best indicia of value which
     makes it all the more important that this price not be distorted by
     fraudulent information. For this reason, the theory is far superior to
     other valuation methods sometimes used by courts in corporate and
                                                                           32
     securities litigation that ignore the critical role of market prices.
           Similarly, the theory does not depend on the assumption that
     all investors accept the market price as a perfect predictor of value
     or, more accurately, future prices. Some investors search for mis-
     priced securities. But any such search necessarily involves a com-
     parison between current prices and expected future prices. For this
     reason, these investors, like passive investors, rely on the integrity
     of the market price as not distorted by fraud. Indeed, one of the
     main economic justifications for antifraud rules is that such rules
     minimize wasteful search.3 3 Thus there is no tension between the
     existence of investors who do not accept the market price as a per-
     fect predictor of future prices and the fraud on the market theory.
        C.    The Claim that the Fraud on the Market Theory is Judicial
              Legislation Inconsistent with Congressional Intent
          Finally, the dissent argued that the fraud on the market theory
     represents an attempt "to reconfigure the securities laws, based on
     recent economic theories," 34 particularly the efficient capital mar-
     kets hypothesis. Moreover, the dissent stressed that the plurality's
     willingness "to embrace novel constructions of a statute based on
     contemporary microeconomic theory" 3 5 was particularly unfortu-
     nate because the fraud on the market theory "is at odds with the
     federal policy favoring disclosure" 3 6 embodied in the mandatory
     disclosure system. Thus, the dissent concluded, the fraud on the
     market theory should be adopted, if at all, by Congress and not the
     federal courts.
          This claim is misguided as well. Congress did not provide any
     express private right of action under either section 10(b) or Rule

       32 For a fuller discussion of this point, see, e.g., Fischel, The BusinessJudgment Rule
     and the Trans-Union Case, 40 Bus. LAw. 1437 (1985); Fischel, The Appraisal Remedy in Corpo-
     rate Law, 1983 AM. BAR. FOUND. REs. J. 875 (1983).
       33 See Easterbrook & Fischel, Mandatory Disclosure and the Protectionof Investors, 70 VA.
     L. REV. 669 (1984).
       34    108 S. Ct. 995 (White, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part).
       35 Id. at 994.
       36 Id. at 997.
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      lOb-5; courts have implied one. Thus, courts must decide what the
     contours of this private right of action will be. Because Rule lOb-5
     is an antifraud provision, courts have looked to the common law of
     fraud for guidance. As discussed above, the fraud on the market
     theory can be understood as an embodiment of the common law
     requirement of reasonable reliance where reasonableness is defined
     by the ultimate objective standard-whether the market as a whole
     was fooled. All courts of appeals that have faced the question have
     adopted some version of the fraud on the market theory. 3 7 Thus, it
     is inaccurate to characterize the theory as a radical change in the
     securities laws. The theory is judicial legislation only in the sense
     that all interpretation of Rule 1Ob-5 is judicial legislation.
           Nor is it accurate to suggest that federal courts should refuse to
     embrace the theory because it is based on untested economic princi-
     ples and assumptions. First, there is nothing unusual about eco-
     nomic theories influencing legal doctrines. For example, the legal
     understanding of the range of anticompetitive practices under the
     antitrust laws is very much influenced by economic principles. In-
     deed, it is hard to understand how antitrust law could be given any
     content without reliance on economic theories. Moreover, the eco-
     nomic premises underlying the fraud on the market theory are not
     novel or untested. The opposite is true. As discussed above, there
     is widespread consensus that the prices of actively-traded securities
     quickly reflect publicly-available information. Whatever debate ex-
     ists concerning the concept of efficient markets does not undermine
     the logic of the theory.
           Finally, the theory is not inconsistent with the federal policy
     favoring disclosure embodied in the mandatory disclosure system.
     The justification for the mandatory disclosure system is that firms
     are the lowest cost producers of information about themselves and
     may have inadequate incentives to disclose relevant information vol-
     untarily.3 8 The fraud on the market theory does not weaken firms'
     incentive to disclose accurate information to investors. Rather, the
     theory penalizes fraudulent disclosures to the marketplace regard-
     less of investors' familiarity with the particular challenged disclo-
     sure. Moreover, the theory does not weaken investors' incentives to
     search for mispriced securities for reasons other than detecting
     fraud. Finally, to the extent that the theory eliminates the need to
     become informed to be eligible for recovery if fraud is demon-
     strated, this is desirable. No reason exists why investors should be
     given incentives to invest resources to become informed solely for

       37   Id. at 991 n.25 (collecting cases).
       38   For a discussion of the costs and benefits of the mandatory disclosure system see
     Easterbrook & Fischel, supra note 33.
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                    CORNELL LAW REVIEW         [Vol. 74:907
     the purpose of being able to sue for securities fraud. On the con-
     trary, the elimination of such incentives with the resulting avoidance
     of expenditures is one of the benefits of the fraud on the market
     theory.

                                   CONCLUSION

           The fraud on the market theory, explicitly premised on the con-
     cept of efficient capital markets, has revolutionized securities fraud
     litigation. The crash, properly understood, provides no basis for re-
    jeciing the fraud on the market theory.




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