Two men are 49% of the PPP cast's $5.27 million in political giving

Sources. Federal: FEC itemized receipts, pulled from the OpenFEC schedule_a endpoint, 2016–2026, June 2026, and, for the 11 people who also have records on the archive’s scan of its 1,000 most-mentioned names, the OpenFEC records and FEC bulk contribution and committee files gathered in September 2026: 1,570 records, $5,268,153.25 once duplicates are removed (below). State: Florida Division of Elections campaign-finance records: 2 records, $6,000, both Bernie Navarro ($5,000 to the Florida Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, October 2021; $1,000 to Florida Always First, August 2023). They are not added to any total on this page, so every total here is federal and Navarro’s matches the archive’s other FEC page. Right for America. FEC committee C00867036, an independent-expenditure-only committee (super PAC): Scammell's three contributions are on its amended 2024 July quarterly report ($250,000 each on June 26 and 27) and amended post-general report ($500,000 on November 13), Schedule A (FEC receipts). Its presidential spending is on Schedule E (FEC independent expenditures), both retrieved through the OpenFEC API on September 24, 2026. The ranking sums each contributor reported as an individual for the 2024 cycle: nine gave more than $1 million, and two others also gave $1 million. Identity. The 25 people here who also appear on the archive’s scan of its 1,000 most-mentioned names are matched by one identity rule on both pages: a record counts only when the name matches, the record’s city and state is a place where at least one record under the name reports an employer or occupation that the archive’s profiles and source documents give for that person, and the record itself names that employer or occupation or none (blank, retired or self-employed); records at other addresses do not count. Each match was confirmed by hand against the archive’s profiles, and both pages print the same gifts and totals for them. Jovita Carranza’s records in these files end on February 5, 2026; the June 2026 pull had listed gifts through March 30, 2026, so later gifts may be missing. For the other people here, the records come from the June 2026 pull, which isolated each person by self-reported employer and city and matched common-name executives through the FEC contributor_employer field, confirmed against headquarters city (Turner→Birmingham, Demchak→Pittsburgh, Simmons→Salt Lake…). For them, a record at the same address that names no employer can be missing, and the FEC’s bulk files hold further records under several of their names, at the same addresses and with the same employers, that the June pull did not return; those records are not yet added. Isabella Guzman’s 16 records, at La Crescenta and Sierra Madre, California, include records giving her employer as the U.S. SBA, so she is counted once, among the 47, and not in the no-record list. Double-counting. Each gift is counted once. The FEC records behind this page list some gifts two or three times; 356 of its 1,926 records, $1,329,802.38, are removed. Joint fundraising: the joint committee reports the donor’s check as its receipt, and each campaign or party committee that shares the money reports its slice as a memo entry (usually FEC transaction type 15J). These 257 slices, $1,318,636.60, are removed; the joint committee’s receipt stays. Conduits: ActBlue or WinRed and the campaign it forwards to can both list one gift. These 70 conduit copies, $10,165.78, are removed where the campaign’s record of the same gift and amount is on this page, on the same date or, in the bulk files, up to seven days later. Memo corrections: 29 memo-coded redesignations and reattributions that cancel each other or repeat a receipt already counted are removed ($1,000 net). Toby Scammell’s total falls from $1,639,973.45 to $1,355,138.10 and Dan Gilbert’s from $1,306,300 to $1,231,000. A slice stays when the joint committee’s receipt is not among the donor’s records here. A memo stays when it is the only record of a gift, such as a contribution made through the donor’s LLC or partnership and attributed to the donor. Transaction types and memo codes come from the FEC’s bulk files of individual and committee transactions, as of September 28, 2026, and from the OpenFEC API. 76 kept records, $4,090.00, mostly small ActBlue and WinRed entries, have no match in those files. Buckets. Corporate & trade PACs (bank PACs) kept as a separate nonpartisan bucket; partisan super/leadership PACs lean-coded by name. State-level. Federal FEC data is supplemented with hand-checked state records for FL/AZ/TX principals: Bernie Navarro shows +$6,000 in Florida state gifts (both Republican; not in the totals); Adame, Reis, Hockridge and the AZ Blueacorn principals show no Arizona state record; Texas: about 10% of the TEC bulk contribution data has been scanned so far (no Eric Donnelly match); the state scan is incomplete. Refunds. 13 of the 1,570 records are negative: refunds and corrections, as reported on schedule_a. Gross giving is $5,281,224.71; $13,071.46 came back; the $5,268,153.25 shown throughout is net. Blind spots. Federal itemization starts once a donor passes $200 to one committee in a cycle; after that every transaction to that committee is disclosed, which is why 346 gifts under $200 appear here, down to $5. What stays invisible is money to committees a donor never crossed $200 with, plus state and local giving outside the partial scan above. “No record” = no federal itemized record. In the archive. Dan Gilbert · all people & company profiles · all interactives.